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Grin & Bear It

Grin & Bear It is The Ruts' 1980 second album and features a compilation of singles, B-sides and live performances recorded for French TV show ‘Chorus’.The cover artwork was by Oliver Howard.

"In a Rut" and "H Eyes" were from the Ruts' first single which was recorded at Fairdeal 8-track studio in Hayes in May 1978. Originally, this was to be released as an EP with a considerably slower version of "Society" on Misty in Roots' own label People Unite.

"Staring at the Rude Boys" and its B-side, "Love in Vain", were produced and engineered (for Dukeslodge Enterprises) at Air and Townhouse Studios, February 1980. Brass was added later.

"Demolition Dancing" and "Secret Soldiers" are taken from the John Peel radio session recorded in February 1980. "S.U.S.", "Babylon’s Burning" and "Society" were recorded live in January 1980 and mixed live onto 2-track with no overdubs.

The track "S.U.S." was an attack on a 1970s UK law under which the police were able to stop people on the street and arrest them ‘on suspicion’ of causing (or being about to commit) a crime. This came to be known as the "Sus law", and was widely regarded in some areas as being used as a justification by the police for the harassment of the young and racial minorities. The law was eventually repealed.

The cassette version of this album claims that the live material was recorded "live for Chorus in Paris 7 January 1980".

"Staring at the Rude Boys" was covered by U.S. hardcore band Dag Nasty in 1987 and by English hardcore punk band Gallows in 2007.

Personnel
with:
 * The Ruts
 * Malcolm Owen - vocals
 * Paul Fox - guitar
 * John "Segs" Jennings - bass
 * Dave Ruffy - drums; bass on "Lobotomy" and "Rich Bitch"
 * Gary Barnacle - saxophone on "West One (Shine On Me)" and "Love in Vain"
 * Bill Barnacle - trumpet on "Love in Vain"
 * Bill Barnacle's Horns - brass on "Love in Vain"
 * Paul Mattock - drums on "Lobotomy" and "Rich Bitch"

title: Grin & Bear It


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Welsh people

The Welsh (Cymry) are an ethnic group native to Wales. Wales is one of the four countries of the United Kingdom. The majority of people living in Wales are British citizens.

In Wales, the Welsh language (Cymraeg) is protected by law. Welsh remains the predominant language in many parts of Wales, particularly in North Wales and parts of West Wales, though English is the predominant language in South Wales. The Welsh language is also taught in schools in Wales; and, even in regions of Wales in which Welsh people predominantly speak English on a daily basis, the Welsh language is spoken at home among family or in informal settings, with Welsh speakers often engaging in code-switching and translanguaging. In the English-speaking areas of Wales, many Welsh people are bilingually fluent or semi-fluent in the Welsh language or, to varying degrees, capable of speaking or understanding the language at limited or conversational proficiency levels. The Welsh language is descended from Brythonic, spoken across Britain since before the Roman invasion.

In 2016, an analysis of the geography of Welsh surnames commissioned by the Welsh Government found that 718,000 people (nearly 35% of the Welsh population) have a family name of Welsh origin, compared with 5.3% in the rest of the United Kingdom, 4.7% in New Zealand, 4.1% in Australia, and 3.8% in the United States, with an estimated 16.3 million people in the countries studied having at least partial Welsh ancestry. Over 300,000 Welsh people live in London.

Terminology
The names "Wales" and "Welsh" are modern descendants of the Anglo-Saxon word , a descendant of the Proto-Germanic word walhaz, which was derived from the name of the Gaulish people known to the Romans as Volcae and which came to refer indiscriminately to inhabitants of the Roman Empire. The Old English-speaking Anglo-Saxons came to use the term to refer to the Britons in particular. As the Britons' territories shrank, the term came ultimately to be applied to a smaller group of people, and the plural form of Wealh, Wēalas, evolved into the name for the territory that best maintained cultural continuity with pre-Anglo-Saxon Britain: Wales. The modern names for various Romance-speaking people in Continental Europe (e.g. Wallonia, Wallachia, Valais, Vlachs, and Włochy, the Polish name for Italy) have a similar etymology.

The modern Welsh name for themselves is Cymry (plural) (singular: Cymro [m] and Cymraes [f]), and Cymru is the Welsh name for Wales. These words (both of which are pronounced ) are descended from the Brythonic word kombrogi, meaning "fellow-countrymen". Thus, they carry a sense of "land of fellow-countrymen", "our country", and notions of fraternity. The use of the word Cymry as a self-designation derives from the post-Roman Era relationship of the Welsh with the Brythonic-speaking peoples of northern England and southern Scotland, the peoples of "Yr Hen Ogledd" (The Old North). The word came into use as a self-description probably before the 7th century. It is attested in a praise poem to Cadwallon ap Cadfan (Moliant Cadwallon, by Afan Ferddig) c. 633.

In Welsh literature, the word Cymry was used throughout the Middle Ages to describe the Welsh, though the older, more generic term Brythoniaid continued to be used to describe any of the Britonnic peoples, including the Welsh, and was the more common literary term until c. 1100. Thereafter Cymry prevailed as a reference to the Welsh. Until c. 1560 the word was spelt Kymry or Cymry, regardless of whether it referred to the people or their homeland.

History
During their time in Britain, the ancient Romans encountered tribes in present-day Wales that they called the Ordovices, the Demetae, the Silures and the Deceangli. The people of what is now Wales were not distinguished from the rest of the peoples of southern Britain; all were called Britons and spoke Common Brittonic, a Celtic language. This language, and Celtic culture more generally, seems to have arrived in Britain during the Iron Age, though some archaeologists argue that there is no evidence for large-scale Iron Age migrations into Great Britain, in which case the Celticisation of Britain would have occurred through cultural diffusion.

Most people in Wales today regard themselves as modern Celts, claiming a heritage back to the Iron Age tribes. When the Roman legions departed Britain around 400, a Romano-British culture remained in the areas the Romans had settled, and the pre-Roman cultures in others. The people in what is now Wales continued to speak Common Brittonic with significant influence from Latin, as did people in other areas of western and northern Britain; this language eventually evolved into Old Welsh. The surviving poem Y Gododdin is in early Welsh and refers to the British kingdom of Gododdin with a capital at Din Eidyn (Edinburgh) and extending from the area of Stirling to the Tyne. Offa's Dyke was erected in the mid-8th century, forming a barrier between Wales and Mercia.

The process whereby the indigenous population of Wales came to think of themselves as "Welsh" (a name applied to them by Anglo-Saxon settlers) is not clear. There is plenty of evidence of the use of the term Brythoniaid (Britons); meanwhile, the earliest use of the word Kymry (referring not to the people but to the land—and possibly to northern Britain in addition to Wales) is found in a poem c. 633. The name of the region in northern England now known as Cumbria is derived from the same root. Only gradually did Cymru (the land) and Cymry (the people) come to supplant Brython. Although the Welsh language was certainly used at the time, Gwyn A. Williams argues that even at the time of the erection of Offa's Dyke, the people to its west saw themselves as Roman, citing the number of Latin inscriptions still being made into the 8th century. However, it is unclear whether such inscriptions reveal a general or normative use of Latin as a marker of identity or its selective use by the early Christian Church.

There was immigration to Wales after the Norman Conquest, and several Normans encouraged immigration to their new lands; the Landsker Line dividing the Pembrokeshire "Englishry" and "Welshry" is still detectable today. The terms Englishry and Welshry are used similarly about Gower.

Genetic studies
Recent research on ancient DNA has concluded that much of Britain's Neolithic population was replaced by Beaker people in the Bronze Age. The British groups encountered by the Romans were thus largely descended from these Beaker populations.

The post-Roman period saw a significant alteration in the genetic makeup of southern Britain due to the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons; however, historical evidence suggests that Wales was little affected by these migrations. A study published in 2016 compared samples from modern Britain and Ireland with DNA found in skeletons from Iron Age, Roman and Anglo-Saxon era Yorkshire. The study found that most of the Iron Age and Roman era Britons showed strong similarities with both each other and modern-day Welsh populations, while modern southern and eastern English groups were closer to a later Anglo-Saxon burial.

Another study, using Iron Age and Anglo-Saxon samples from Cambridgeshire, concluded that modern Welsh people carry a 30% genetic contribution from Anglo-Saxon settlers in the post-Roman period; however, this could have been brought about due to later migration from England into Wales.

A third study, published in 2020 and based on Viking era data from across Europe, suggested that the Welsh trace, on average, 58% of their ancestry to the Brittonic people, up to 22% from a Danish-like source interpreted as largely representing the Anglo-Saxons, 3% from Norwegian Vikings, and 13% from further south in Europe such as Italy, to a lesser extent, Spain and can possibly be related to French immigration during the Norman period.

A 2015 genetic survey of modern British population groups found a distinct genetic difference between those from northern and southern Wales, which was interpreted as the legacy of Little England beyond Wales.

A study of a diverse sample of 2,039 individuals from the United Kingdom allowed the creation of a genetic map and the suggestion that there was a substantial migration of peoples from Europe prior to Roman times forming a strong ancestral component across England, Scotland, and Northern Ireland, but which had little impact in Wales. Wales forms a distinct genetic group, followed by a further division between north and south Wales, although there was evidence of a genetic difference between north and south Pembrokeshire as separated by the Landsker line. Speaking of these results, Professor Peter Donnelly, of the University of Oxford, said that the Welsh carry DNA which could be the most ancient in UK and that people from Wales are genetically relatively distinct.

Modern times
The population of Wales doubled from 587,000 in 1801 to 1,163,000 in 1851 and had reached 2,421,000 by 1911. Most of the increase came in the coal mining districts; especially Glamorganshire, which grew from 71,000 in 1801 to 232,000 in 1851 and 1,122,000 in 1911. Part of this increase can be attributed to the demographic transition seen in most industrialising countries during the Industrial Revolution, as death rates dropped and birth rates remained steady. However, there was also a large-scale migration into Wales during the Industrial Revolution. The English were the most numerous group, but there were also considerable numbers of Irish; and smaller numbers of other ethnic groups, including Italians migrated to South Wales. Wales received other immigration from various parts of the British Commonwealth of Nations in the 20th century, and African-Caribbean and Asian communities immigrated particularly to urban Wales.

2001 census
In 2001, it is uncertain how many people in Wales considered themselves to be of Welsh ethnicity; the 2001 UK census did not offer 'Welsh' as an option; respondents had to use a box marked "Other". Ninety-six per cent of the population of Wales thus described themselves as being White British. Controversy surrounding the method of determining ethnicity began as early as 2000, when it was revealed that respondents in Scotland and Northern Ireland would be able to tick a box describing themselves as of Scottish or of Irish ethnicity, an option not available for Welsh or English respondents. Prior to the census, Plaid Cymru backed a petition calling for the inclusion of a Welsh tick-box and for the National Assembly to have primary law-making powers and its own National Statistics Office.

In the absence of a Welsh tick-box, the only tick-boxes available were 'white-British,' 'Irish', or 'other'. The Scottish parliament insisted that a Scottish ethnicity tick-box be included in the census in Scotland, and with this inclusion as many as 88.11% claimed Scottish ethnicity. Critics argued that a higher proportion of respondents would have described themselves as of Welsh ethnicity had a Welsh tick-box been made available. Additional criticism was levelled at the timing of the census, which was taken in the middle of the 2001 United Kingdom foot-and-mouth crisis. Organisers said that this had not affected the results. The foot-and-mouth crisis delayed the 2001 United Kingdom general election; the first time since the Second World War that any event had postponed an election.

In the census, 14% of the population took the 'extra step' to write in that they were of Welsh ethnicity. The highest percentage of those identifying as of Welsh ethnicity was recorded in Gwynedd (at 27%), followed by Carmarthenshire (23%), Ceredigion (22%) and the Isle of Anglesey (19%). Among respondents between 16 and 74 years of age, those claiming Welsh ethnicity were predominantly in professional and managerial occupations.

2011 census
In advance of the 2011 UK Census, the Office for National Statistics (ONS) launched a census consultation exercise. They received replies from 28 different Welsh organisations and a large proportion of these referred to Welsh ethnicity, language or identity.

For the first time ever in British census history the 2011 Census gave the opportunity for people to describe their identity as Welsh or English. A 'dress rehearsal' of the Census was carried out on the Welsh island of Anglesey because of its rural nature and its high numbers of Welsh speakers. The Census, taken on 27 March 2011, asked a number of questions relating to nationality and national identity, including What is your country of birth? and How would you describe your national identity? (for the first time 'Welsh' and 'English' were included as options), What is your ethnic group? ('White Welsh/English/Scottish/Northern Irish/British' was an option) and Can you understand, speak, read or write Welsh?.

As of the 2011 census in Wales, 66 per cent (2.0 million) of residents reported a Welsh national identity (either on its own or combined with other identities). Of these, 218,000 responded that they had Welsh and British national identity. Just under 17 per cent (519,000) of people in Wales considered themselves to have a British national identity only. Most residents of Wales (96 per cent, 2.9 million) reported at least one national identity of English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish, or British.

Surveys
A survey published in 2001, by the Centre for Research into Elections and Social Trends at Oxford University (sample size 1161), found that 14.6 per cent of respondents described themselves as British, not Welsh; 8.3 per cent saw themselves as more British than Welsh; 39.0 per cent described themselves as equally Welsh and British; 20.2 per cent saw themselves as more Welsh than British; and 17.9 per cent described themselves as Welsh, not British.

Religion
Forms of Christianity have dominated religious life in what is now Wales for more than 1,400 years. Most Welsh people of faith are affiliated with the Church in Wales or other Christian denominations such as the Presbyterian Church of Wales, Catholicism, and Russian Orthodox Christianity. Wales has a long tradition of nonconformism and Methodism. Some Welsh people are affiliated with either Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism, Islam or Sikhism. In the 2001, around 7,000 classified themselves as following "other religions", including a reconstructed form of Druidism, which was the pre-Christian religion of Wales (not to be confused with the Druids of the Gorsedd at the National Eisteddfod of Wales). Approximately one third of the population, some 980,000 people, profess no religious faith whatsoever.

The census showed that slightly fewer than 10% of the Welsh population are regular church or chapel goers (a slightly smaller proportion than in England or Scotland), although about 58% of the population see themselves as Christian in some form. Judaism has quite a long history in Wales, with a Jewish community recorded in Swansea from around 1730. In August 1911, during a period of public order and industrial disputes, Jewish shops across the South Wales coalfield were damaged by mobs. Since that time the Jewish population of that area, which reached a peak of 4,000–5,000 in 1913, has declined; only Cardiff has retained a sizeable Jewish population, of about 2000 in the 2001 Census. The largest non-Christian faith in Wales is Islam, with about 22,000 members in 2001 served by about 40 mosques, following the first mosque established in Cardiff. A college for training clerics has been established at Llanybydder in West Wales. Islam arrived in Wales in the mid 19th century, and it is thought that Cardiff's Yemeni community is Britain's oldest Muslim community, established when the city was one of the world's largest coal exporting ports. Hinduism and Buddhism each have about 5,000 adherents in Wales, with the rural county of Ceredigion being the centre of Welsh Buddhism. Govinda's temple and restaurant, run by the Hare Krishnas in Swansea, is a focal point for many Welsh Hindus. There are about 2,000 Sikhs in Wales, with the first purpose-built gurdwara opened in the Riverside area of Cardiff in 1989.

The Sabbatarian temperance movement was also historically strong among the Welsh; the sale of alcohol was prohibited on Sundays in Wales by the Sunday Closing (Wales) Act 1881 – the first legislation specifically issued for Wales since the Middle Ages. From the early 1960s, local council areas were permitted to hold referendums every seven years to determine whether they should be "wet" or "dry" on Sundays: most of the industrialised areas in the east and south went "wet" immediately, and by the 1980s the last district, Dwyfor in the northwest, went wet; since then there have been no more Sunday-closing referendums.

Despite Christianity dominating Wales, more ancient traditions persisted. In 1874 it was reported as common for an officiant to walk in front of the coffin with a horse's skull, which may be a tradition linked with the Mari Lwyd tradition.

Language
The Welsh language is in the Insular Celtic family; historically spoken throughout Wales, with its predecessor Common Brittonic once spoken throughout most of the island of Great Britain. Prior to the 20th century, large numbers of Welsh people spoke only Welsh, with little or no fluent knowledge of English. Welsh remains the predominant language in parts of Wales, particularly in North Wales and parts of West Wales.

According to the 2001 census the number of Welsh speakers in Wales increased for the first time in 100 years, with 20.5% of a population of over 2.9 million claiming fluency in Welsh. In addition, 28% of the population of Wales claimed to understand Welsh. The census revealed that the increase was most significant in urban areas, such as Cardiff with an increase from 6.6% in 1991 to 10.9% in 2001, and Rhondda Cynon Taf with an increase from 9% in 1991 to 12.3% in 2001. However, the proportion of Welsh speakers declined in Gwynedd from 72.1% in 1991 to 68.7% in 2001, to 65.4% in 2011 and 64.4% in 2021. Similarly, in Ceredigion the percentage fell from 59.1% in 1991 to 51.8% in 2001, to 47.3% in 2011 and to 45.3% in 2021. Ceredigion saw a 19.5% influx of new residents between 1991 and 2001.

The decline in Welsh speakers in much of rural Wales is attributable to non-Welsh-speaking residents moving to North Wales, driving up property prices above what locals may afford, according to former Gwynedd county councillor Seimon Glyn of Plaid Cymru, whose controversial comments in 2001 focused attention on the issue. As many as a third of all properties in Gwynedd are bought by people from outside Wales. The issue of locals being priced out of the local housing market is common to many rural communities throughout Britain, but in Wales the added dimension of language complicates the issue, as many new residents do not learn the Welsh language.

A Plaid Cymru taskforce headed by Dafydd Wigley recommended land should be allocated for affordable local housing, called for grants for locals to buy houses, and recommended that council tax on holiday homes should double.

However, the same census shows that 25% of residents were born outside Wales. The number of Welsh speakers in other places in Britain is uncertain, but there are significant numbers in the main cities, and there are speakers along the Welsh-English border.

Even among Welsh speakers, very few people speak only Welsh, with nearly all being bilingual in English. However, a large number of Welsh speakers are more comfortable expressing themselves in Welsh than in English. Some prefer to speak English in South Wales or the urbanised areas and Welsh in the North or in rural areas. A speaker's choice of language can vary according to the subject domain (known in linguistics as code-switching).

Due to an increase in Welsh-language nursery education, recent census data reveals a reversal of decades of linguistic decline: there are now more Welsh speakers under five years of age than over 60. For many young people in Wales, the acquisition of Welsh is a gateway to better careers, according to research from the Welsh Language Board and Careers Wales. The Welsh Government identified media as one of six areas likely to experience greater demand for Welsh speakers: the sector is Wales's third-largest revenue earner.

Although Welsh is a minority language, and thus threatened by the dominance of English, support for the language grew during the second half of the 20th century, along with the rise of Welsh nationalism in the form of groups such as the political party Plaid Cymru and Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg (Welsh Language Society). The language is used in the bilingual Welsh Parliament (Senedd) and entered on its records, with English translation. The high cost of translation from English to Welsh has proved controversial. In the past the rules of the British Parliament forbade the use of Welsh in any proceedings. Only English was allowed as the only language all members were assumed to speak. In 2017, the UK government agreed to support the use of Welsh in the Welsh Grand Committee, although not in parliamentary debate in the house outside of this committee. In 2018 Welsh was used in the grand committee for the first time.

Welsh as a first language is largely concentrated in the less urban north and west of Wales, principally Gwynedd, inland Conwy and Denbighshire, northern and south-western Powys, the Isle of Anglesey, Carmarthenshire, North Pembrokeshire, Ceredigion, and parts of western Glamorgan, although first-language and other fluent speakers can be found throughout Wales. However, Cardiff is now home to an urban Welsh-speaking population (both from other parts of Wales and from the growing Welsh-medium schools of Cardiff itself) due to the centralisation and concentration of national resources and organisations in the capital.

For some, speaking Welsh is an important part of their Welsh identity. Parts of the culture are strongly connected to the language — notably the Eisteddfod tradition, poetry and aspects of folk music and dance. Wales also has a strong tradition of poetry in the English language.

Patagonian Welsh (Cymraeg y Wladfa) is a dialect of the Welsh language which is spoken in Y Wladfa in the Argentine region, Patagonia.

National symbols

 * The Flag of Wales (Baner Cymru) incorporates the red dragon (Y Ddraig Goch), a popular symbol of Wales and the Welsh people, along with the Tudor colours of green and white. It was used by Henry VII at the Battle of Bosworth Field in 1485, after which it was carried in state to St. Paul's Cathedral. The red dragon was then included in the Tudor royal arms to signify their Welsh descent. It was officially recognised as the Welsh national flag in 1959. Since the British Union Flag does not have any Welsh representation, the Flag of Wales has become very popular.
 * The Flag of Saint David is sometimes used as an alternative to the national flag, and is flown on Saint David's Day.
 * The dragon, part of the national flag design, is also a popular Welsh symbol. The oldest recorded use of the dragon to symbolise Wales is from the Historia Brittonum, written around 820, but it is popularly supposed to have been the battle standard of King Arthur and other ancient Celtic leaders. Following the annexation of Wales by England, the dragon was used as a supporter in the English monarch's coat of arms.
 * Both the daffodil and the leek are symbols of Wales. The origin of the leek can be traced back to the 16th century and the daffodil, encouraged by David Lloyd George, became popular in the 19th century. This may be due to confusion of the Welsh for leek, cenhinen, and that for daffodil, cenhinen Bedr or St. Peter's leek. Both are worn as symbols by the Welsh on Saint David's Day, 1 March.
 * The Prince of Wales' feathers, the heraldic badge of the Prince of Wales, is sometimes adapted by Welsh bodies for use in Wales. The symbolism is explained on the article for Edward, the Black Prince, who was the first Prince of Wales to bear the emblem. The Welsh Rugby Union uses such a design for its own badge.

Welsh emigration
There has been migration from Wales to the rest of Britain throughout its history. During the Industrial Revolution thousands of Welsh people migrated, for example, to Liverpool and Ashton-in-Makerfield. As a result, some people from England, Scotland and Ireland have Welsh surnames.

Welsh settlers moved to other parts of Europe, concentrated in certain areas. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a small wave of contract miners from Wales arrived in Northern France; the centres of Welsh-French population are in coal mining towns, and particularly the French department of Pas-de-Calais along with miners from many other countries. They tended to cluster in communities around their churches.

Settlers from Wales (and later Patagonian Welsh) arrived in Newfoundland in the early 19th century, and founded towns in Labrador's coast region; in 1819, the ship Albion left Cardigan for New Brunswick, carrying Welsh settlers to Canada; on board were 27 Cardiganian families, many of whom were farmers. In 1852, Thomas Benbow Phillips of Tregaron established a settlement of about 100 Welsh people in the state of Rio Grande do Sul in Brazil.

Internationally Welsh people have emigrated, in relatively small numbers (in proportion to population, Irish emigration to the US may have been 26 times greater than Welsh emigration), to many countries, including the US (in particular, Pennsylvania), Canada and Y Wladfa in Patagonia, Argentina. Jackson County, Ohio was sometimes referred to as "Little Wales", and one of several communities where Welsh was widely spoken. There was a Welsh language press but by the late 1940s, the last Welsh language newspaper, y Drych began to publish in English. Malad City in Idaho, which began as a Welsh Mormon settlement, lays claim to a greater proportion of inhabitants of Welsh descent than anywhere outside Wales itself. Malad's local High School is known as the "Malad Dragons", and flies the Welsh Flag as its school colours. Welsh people have also settled in New Zealand and Australia.

Around 1.75 million Americans report themselves to have Welsh ancestry, as did 458,705 Canadians in Canada's 2011 census. This compares with 2.9 million people living in Wales (as of the 2001 census).

There is no known evidence which would objectively support the legend that the Mandan, a Native American tribe of the central United States, are Welsh emigrants who reached North America under Prince Madog in 1170.

The Ukrainian city of Donetsk was founded in 1869 by a Welsh businessman, John Hughes (an engineer from Merthyr Tydfil) who constructed a steel plant and several coal mines in the region; the town was thus named Yuzovka (Юзовка) in recognition of his role in its founding ("Yuz" being a Russian or Ukrainian approximation of Hughes).

Former Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard was born in Barry, Wales. After she suffered from bronchopneumonia as a child, her parents were advised that it would aid her recovery to live in a warmer climate. This led the family to migrate to Australia in 1966, settling in Adelaide.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Welsh people


text:
User:Jumber

A new user.

title: User:Jumber


text:
The Sims: House Party

The Sims: House Party is a 2001 expansion pack for The Sims developed by Maxis and published by Electronic Arts. The expansion introduces the gameplay features and facilities for players to hold parties and gatherings in their Sims' homes. Upon release, House Party met an average reception from reviewers, with praise directed at the new objects and mechanics that aided social interaction and variety of visual styles, and criticism at the limited scope and lack of changes to core gameplay. Many of the objects and gameplay mechanics in House Party would be reintroduced in The Sims 2: Nightlife.

Gameplay

House Party introduces the option for players to hold parties. Parties are started by using the phone to throw a party, in which a random group of sims will visit the lot. Players can also hold parties by inviting a large group of sims over to the property. The mood of guests will influence the arrival of special sims, including characters that crash the party, or a mime that lowers the mood of guests at a party where the sims have a low mood. The expansion introduces several communal objects that allow multiple sims to socialize at once, including a punch bowl and campfire, as well as entertainment objects including a mechanical bull and dance floor. Other features include services that allow players to purchase pre-prepared meals and catering tables, and hire catering services over the phone. House Party also adds new decor, music tracks, costumes, and floors and wallpapers in the build mode with a country, tiki culture and disco motif.

Sales
House Party was a commercial success. In the United states, House Party was the fifth best selling computer software title of 2001, and the seventeenth best selling title of 2002. House Party peaked as the highest selling computer software title of the month in Australia, and the second highest-selling computer software title of the month in the US and UK.

Reviews
House Party received an average reception, according to review aggregator Metacritic. Critics generally praised the inclusion of the new party gameplay mechanics and objects, with several praising the focus of gameplay additions on the social aspect of gameplay. John Dewhurst of PC PowerPlay highlighted the "entertaining" conceit of the expansion and found it to complement the base game. Computer Gaming World found the new items to be "well-designed" and highly useful for meeting the social needs of sims. Marc Saltzman of PC Gamer commended the "architectural styles and multitude of objects" for their detail and variety, and noted the addition of new music to the game added more genres of music than the original game.

However, several reviewers critiqued the limited scope of gameplay and content additions in House Party, with some questioning whether it justified commercial release. Many critics noted the expansion did not change the basic structure of the game or add significant gameplay additions. Vincent Lopez of IGN described the expansion as a "filler" that failed to take the gameplay to new places, writing that the concept was "never fully utilized" due to its failure to introduce new locations or spaces for sims to party. Michael Lafferty of GameZone noted that parties were constrained by the "time and financial management" limitations of the broader gameplay. Several reviewers also observed that the depiction of parties in House Parties was largely sanitised, including the omission of alcohol from the mechanics.

title: The Sims: House Party


text:
Genie Gets Her Wish

Genie Gets Her Wish is the first VHS/DVD by Christina Aguilera. It was released on December 14, 1999, through RCA Records. It features performances of her #1 single, "Genie in a Bottle", studio footage, live concert performances, and exclusive peeks backstage. It was certified Platinum by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA). It peaked at number 1 in Sweden. Originally released on VHS, it was later re-released on DVD the following year.

Background
Aguilera told the MTV Radio Network about the DVD: "It will be interesting to see all the kinds of sides of me. Cause you do get to see me onstage, you know, 'Christina Aguilera onstage.' "But then, what happens whenever the cameras (are) off?" she continued. "She goes home, takes off her makeup, and gets ready for bed? You know, (what happens) after all these fans are done (with the show) and after she's done meeting them and signing autographs? What's she like? I'm a really different person aside from I seem to be publicly," she concluded. "I'm very, very introverted. "

Content
Genie Gets Her Wish is a video album and a documentary. It features clips from Aguilera's life between 1998 and 1999, while recording and promoting her eponymous debut album, as well as music videos. During the documentary portions, Aguilera is shown rehearsing her performances and recording in studio sessions, while songs from the album play over the clips. She is also shown during performances, as well as CD signings. Throughout the video, Aguilera speaks about her career, life, and her influences. The music portions show clips from Aguilera's music videos for "Genie in a Bottle", "So Emotional", and "The Christmas Song (Chestnuts Roasting on an Open Fire)". The music video featured for "When You Put Your Hands on Me" shows Aguilera rehearsing a live performance for the song, as well as clips during the album cover shoot.

Release
Genie Gets Her Wish was released on VHS in its original release on December 14, 1999. It was re-released on DVD on February 8, 2000. The DVD was later released in Germany on November 9, 2012, through Sony Music.

Track list

 * 1) "Genie in a Bottle"
 * 2) "So Emotional"
 * 3) "Come On Over (All I Want Is You)"
 * 4) "What a Girl Wants"
 * 5) "I Turn to You"
 * 6) "At Last"
 * 7) "When You Put Your Hands On Me"
 * 8) "The Christmas Song" ("Chestnuts Roasting On An Open Fire")

title: Genie Gets Her Wish


text:
Wikipedia:Wikifun/Round 9/Answers/Question 13

Maple leaf. It's red for the nation (Canada), and the Toronto Maple Leafs have a Blue Maple Leaf as their symbol. Alphax τεχ 12:33, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Correct! One point to Alphax. -- AllyUnion (talk) 17:18, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)


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Irish Land Commission

The Irish Land Commission was created by the British crown in 1843 to "inquire into the occupation of the land in Ireland. The office of the commission was in Dublin Castle, and the records were, on its conclusion, deposited in the records tower there, from whence they were transferred in 1898 to the Public Record Office". It took on the role of a rent fixing commission in 1881 under the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1881 (also known as the second Irish Land Act). For a century it was the body responsible for re-distributing farmland in most of Ireland. It was formally abolished in 1999.

UK Land Acts
Under the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Act 1885 (the Ashbourne Act), the Commission developed into a tenant-purchasing commission and assisted in the agreed transfer of freehold farmland from landlord to tenant. This was a response to the turbulent Land War that had started in 1879. It was rapidly enacted by the government of Prime Minister The Marquess of Salisbury, was funded initially with £5,000,000, and was designed to avert support for the Irish Parliamentary Party, given the larger number of voters allowed by the Representation of the People Act 1884, before the IPP entered an alliance with William Ewart Gladstone in 1886.

The Commission eventually transferred 13.5 million acres (55,000 km2) by 1920. Following the Land Conference of December 1902 arranged by the Chief Secretary for Ireland George Wyndham, the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act 1903 was steered through Parliament by William O'Brien, which provided government finance to buy out freeholds, with the former tenant farmers paying back the capital over 68 years. This was managed by the Land Commission, along with ancillary work such as compiling statistics. Valuations were reckoned on a years purchase (Y.P.) basis, the price being a multiple of (perhaps 16 times) the annual rent, instead of the discounted cash flow method used today. The commission had to supervise the haggling process and find the fairest multiple for every transfer. The loans issued by the government were resold in the capital markets as Land Bonds.

By 1908 the emerging problem was whether the new owners would be economically viable on their small farms. Michael McDonnell commented, "The breaking up of the grazing lands, which in many instances the landlords are keeping back from the market, has not met with much success under the Act, and it is difficult to see how compulsion is to be avoided if the country is to be saved from the economically disastrous position of having established in it a number of occupying owners on tenancies which are not large enough to secure to them a living wage."

It was realised by now that existing rural poverty arose from small farm sizes, yet the procedures and limits of the Acts also tended to keep farm sizes down. The aim had been to create "peasant proprietors" owning what were usually small farms. By definition, the activists in the 1880s Land War period had been poorer and more desperate, and few came from larger prosperous farms. This remained a matter of policy debate for the rest of the commission's existence; generally, it continued to create new small units by breaking up larger units that had more commercial potential. Larger commercial farmers were characterised as "landlords" or "grazers" simply because they had more land than the average.

The Irish Land Act 1909, fostered by the Liberal Chief Secretary for Ireland, Augustine Birrell, allowed for tenanted land purchase where the owner was unwilling to sell, to be bought by the commission by compulsory purchase.

In 1915, Chief Secretary Birrell confirmed in Parliament that all Irish land transfers from 1885 to the end of 1914 had cost the British Government £91,768,450, and the tenants had invested a further £1,584,516.

1920: Dáil decree
During the Irish War of Independence in the early 1920s, some farms were seized, and in June 1920 the Dáil debated a motion proposed by Arthur Griffith as Minister for Home Affairs, and approved a decree stating that all claims to land should not be adjudicated on until after the end of the war.

1922–23: abolition and re-establishment
The Irish Free State (Consequential Provisions) Act 1922 abolished many all-island offices, including the Land Commissioners, effective from the creation of the Irish Free State on 6 December 1922, with Northern Ireland remaining within the United Kingdom. The Land Commission files for Northern Ireland were separated, allowing for the Land Commission to be re-established in and for the Free State in 1923 as if it had never been abolished.

Northern Ireland
The Land Acts were varied in Northern Ireland in 1925, and the activities of the Land Commission were finally abolished in 1935. Some remaining tenants who had chosen not to exercise their right to buy their farms formed the Unbought Tenants' Association.

Irish Land Acts
The commission was reconstituted in the Irish Free State by the Land Law (Commission) Act 1923, backdated to the state's creation. The Act also dissolved the Congested Districts Board (the CDB). Provision was made for compulsory purchase of land owned by a non-Irish citizen. Untenanted land could now be compulsorily purchased and divided out to local families; this was applied unevenly across the State, with some large estates surviving if the owners could show that their land was being actively farmed.

From 1923, the amounts outstanding were paid to the British government as land annuities, accruing in a Land Purchase Fund. This was fixed at £250,000 annually in 1925. In December 1925 W. T. Cosgrave lamented that there were already: "250,000 occupiers of uneconomic holdings, the holdings of such a valuation as did not permit of a decent livelihood for the owners". Despite this, his government continued to subdivide larger landholdings, primarily to gain electoral support.

The Land Act 1933, passed on a vote of 70–39, allowed the Minister for Finance to divert the annuities for local government projects. This was a factor in the Anglo-Irish Trade War from 1933 to 1938, and was mutually resolved by a one-off payment of £10m to Britain in 1938. From 1932 the government argued strongly that Irish farmers should no longer be obliged for historic reasons to pay Britain for Irish land, but when Britain had passed out of the payment system it still required farmers to continue to pay their annuities to it as before.

The commission, whilst often regarded as the champion of land ownership for those who used it, and social justice, was not without controversy. In particular its subdivision of land into uneconomic units has had a lasting effect, as well as the destruction of fine landlords' residences such as Monellan Castle and Shanbally Castle with Government approval. As farming became more mechanized from the 1930s, foreign investment in commercial farms was discouraged, reducing overall farm output. Often the buyers found it hard to earn enough to live a good life, as found in the poems of Patrick Kavanagh. The Dáil reports from the 1920s to the 1960s frequently include questions about the division of former estates, and the acquisition of land with public finance on favourable terms for constituents via the Land Commission was understood as a way for politicians to gain electoral support.

Policy changes and dissolution
From 1940, a minority in Fianna Fáil and coalition cabinets consistently argued for larger farms to be encouraged, instead of sponsoring new small farmers that often had too little capital, skills or enthusiasm. This was successfully opposed for social and political reasons by Éamon de Valera, and in coalition governments by Joseph Blowick, the leader of Clann na Talmhan.

Under the 1923 Act, busier farmers had to rent extra land under an 11-month or seasonal conacre system, as longer arrangements could cause an owner to lose his farm by compulsory purchase by the Land Commission. While there were now some 300,000 Irish landowners compared to several thousand in the late nineteenth-century, the basic term for the use of land had reverted to the norm of the 1860s, with no rights to renew a lease and no incentive to improve rented land. By 1980, some 860000 acre in the state were rented annually under conacre, suggesting a new imbalance between mere ownership and the more active farmers. The cost of agricultural machinery requires larger farm sizes to generate economies of scale.

The Lands Act 1965 was passed to restrict new foreign investment in agriculture, some of which was speculatively based upon the Ireland's planned entry into the European Economic Community, which occurred in 1973. The EEC's Four Freedoms allowed for investment within the EEC by any citizen of an EEC member state. This naturally undermined the ethos of the Land Commission, which had processed a further 807000 acre since 1923. By the early 1970s, half of open market land purchases were by non-farmers, and half of those were to buy small sites, typically for building bungalows.

By the 1980s, just before its reform, the Land Commission was a body responsible to the Department of Agriculture. In 1983, the Commission ceased acquiring land; this signified the start of the end of the commission's reform of Irish land ownership, though freehold transfers of farmland still had to be signed off by the Commission into the 1990s. The Lands Section of the Department of Agriculture was seen as an overgrown entity, employing 750 people in 1983; its budget of IR£15m included IR£8m for administration costs and only IR£7m for actual land purchase or division. Further purchases were suspended that year by Paul Connaughton, Minister of State at the Department of Agriculture. Civil servants working for the Land Commission were reassigned to work on related matters. The Irish Land Commission (Dissolution) Act 1992 gave the Minister for Agriculture the power to formally dissolve the commission. In proposing this legislation, Minister Michael O'Kennedy explained the bill's provisions: "The Bill is designed to give statutory effect to the position which has obtained since 1983. In short, the Bill provides for the dissolution of the Land Commission; the revocation of the power of the State to take over land, except by exchange, for land settlement purposes; the transfer to the President of the High Court of the jurisdictions vested in the Office of the judicial commissioner and in the appeal tribunal; the transfer to the Minister for Agriculture and Food of certain functions of the commission and the four lay commissioners, mainly to allow for the disposal of land on hand and for the continuation of controls in the purchase of land by non-qualified persons; the transfer to the Minister of all land and other property vested in the commission, with the exception of fishing rights and fisheries which will be transferred to the Central Fisheries Board; and the payment of compensation to the lay commissioners." The act came into force in 1999. Most of the remaining liabilities and assets were transferred to the Minister for Agriculture and Food. Many relevant historical records are held by the National Archives of Ireland.

title: Irish Land Commission


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Justin Tussing

Justin Tussing is an American writer. Tussing was a graduate of the University of Iowa's Writer's Workshop, where he held a Teaching/Writing Fellowship. He later became a Fellow at the Fine Arts Work Center in Provincetown, Massachusetts. His first published stories were "The Artificial Cloud," published in TriQuarterly (later reprinted in The Year's Best Fantasy and Horror: Fourteenth Annual Collection), and "The Tiny Man," published in Third Coast; both stories appeared in the spring of 2000.

In 2005, Tussing was selected, along with Uwem Akpan and Karen Russell, to appear in the New Yorker's annual Début Fiction issue. His first novel, The Best People in the World, was published in April 2006 and was awarded the 2006 Ken Kesey Award for the Novel.

From 2005-2007, Tussing taught English literature and creative writing at Lewis & Clark College in Portland, Oregon. Currently he is an associate professor of English and director of the Stonecoast MFA in Creative Writing at the University of Southern Maine.

His second novel, Vexation Lullaby, will be published April 12, 2016.

Books

 * The Best People in the World (2006)
 * Vexation Lullaby (2016)

title: Justin Tussing


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Post Toasties

Post Toasties was an early American breakfast cereal made by Post Foods. It was named for its originator, C. W. Post, and intended as the Post version of corn flakes.

Post Toasties were originally sold as Elijah's Manna (c. 1904) until criticism from religious groups (and consequent loss of sales) led to a change of name in 1908.

In the 1930s, Post paid Walt Disney $1.5 million in the first year to design cartoon animals to illustrate its boxes of Post Toasties. As of August 2016, Post Toasties are listed as discontinued on the PostFoods web site. This includes flavors Frosted Flakes, O's, and Corn Flakes.

title: Post Toasties


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Witches' stones

Witches' stones (in Jèrriais: pièrres dé chorchièrs) are flat stones jutting from chimneys in the islands of Jersey and Guernsey.

According to folklore in the Channel Islands, these small ledges were used by witches to rest on as they fly to their sabbats. Householders would provide these platforms to appease witches and avoid their ill favour.

Traditional vernacular architecture in Jersey is in granite and such witches' stones can be seen protruding from many older houses. The real origin of this architectural feature is to protect thatched roofs from seeping water running down the sides of the chimney stack. Thatched roofs being thicker than tiled roofs, the jutting stones would sit snugly on the thatch – as can be seen on the few remaining thatched roofs in Jersey. When thatch began to be generally replaced by pantiles in the 18th century, and later by slates, the witches' stones were left protruding prominently from the chimney stack. This either gave rise to the belief in witches' resting places, or reinforced an existing belief. Fear of witches was widespread in country areas well into the 20th century in Jersey.

The force of tradition can be seen in a number of newly constructed houses in vernacular style that sport witches' stones despite never having had a thatched roof.

In England
Although not common in England, witch stones or witch seats can be found in the villages of Feizor, near Settle, and at Wharfe both in North Yorkshire.

title: Witches' stones


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A Real Dead One

A Real Dead One is a live album by English heavy metal band Iron Maiden, released on 25 October 1993. It was recorded at various concerts across Europe, during the Fear of the Dark Tour in 1992 and the Real Live Tour in 1993. It features songs from the very beginning of the band's career (1975) to the Powerslave era (1984), while counterpart A Real Live One contains songs from only the post-Powerslave albums.

The album spent three weeks on the UK chart, and was promptly followed by Live at Donington.

When Maiden rereleased all of their pre-The X Factor albums in 1998, this album was combined with A Real Live One to form the two-disc A Real Live Dead One.

The cover is by long-time Maiden artist Derek Riggs, and depicts Eddie as a disc jockey in Hell.

"Hallowed Be Thy Name" was released as a single and hit No.9 on UK singles chart.

Personnel
Production credits are adapted from the album liner notes.

Iron Maiden
 * Bruce Dickinson – vocals
 * Dave Murray – guitar
 * Janick Gers – guitar
 * Steve Harris – bass, production, mixing
 * Nicko McBrain – drums

Additional musicians
 * Michael Kenney – keyboards

Production
 * Mick McKenna – engineering
 * Tim Young – mastering
 * Derek Riggs – cover illustration
 * Guido Karp – photography
 * George Chin – photography
 * Tony Mottram – photography
 * Rod Smallwood – management
 * Andy Taylor – management

title: A Real Dead One


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Wikipedia:Wikifun/Round 9/Answers/Question 26

That's User:Uncle G, obviously.  Grue  12:40, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * Correct. -- AllyUnion (talk) 17:25, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Uncle G
User:Uncle G does not exist (although his talk page is lively). His admin request led to a vocal opposition based solely on his opposition to the user page. According to another page on his userspace, he opposes keeping a userpage because he disagrees with the common sentiment that a redlinked user is somehow less valuable than a blue one. ESkog 17:18, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Guess I'm not the first. ESkog 17:19, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * And you guessed right. Sorry. -- AllyUnion (talk) 17:25, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)


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John Connolly (bishop)

John Connolly, O.P. (1750 – February 6, 1825), was an Irish-born Catholic prelate who served as Bishop of New York from 1814 until his death. He was a member of the Dominicans.

Early life
John Connolly was born in County Meath, Ireland; according to various sources, he was born in either Slane or Drogheda. Dominican historian Victor O'Daniel reports that Connolly's family had a tenant farm on the Hill of Slane. After receiving his early education in his native country, he continued his studies in Belgium, and entered the Order of Friars Preachers, more commonly known as the Dominican friars, at an early age. He was subsequently sent to Rome, where he was ordained to the priesthood on September 24, 1774. Among the various capacities he filled in Rome, Connolly served as a professor at the Dominican convent of St. Clement, of which institution he later became prior. He was also an agent of the Irish bishops, and saved the English and Irish colleges—as well as his own convent, church, and library—from being plundered by the French invaders.

Bishop of New York
On October 4, 1814, Connolly was appointed the second Bishop of New York in the United States by Pope Pius VII. He received his episcopal consecration on the following November 6 from Cardinal Cesare Brancadoro, with Archbishops Giovanni Francesco Guerrieri and Giovanni Marchetti serving as co-consecrators, in Rome.

Connolly set sail from Italy and stopped in Ireland on the way. At St. Kieran's College in Kilkenny, he attempted to recruit priests for his new diocese. He did not reach New York until November 24, 1815. He arrived on board the Sally from a transatlantic trip that took all of sixty-seven days, and Connolly had been presumed lost at sea.

Since the first Bishop of New York, R. Luke Concanen, O.P., had been impeded from sailing for New York due to the embargo of Europe then in place, Connolly was the first bishop of the diocese to minister personally to his flock. He is described as having been a "small-sized man" and a person of more than ordinary mildness and gentleness of character, who would travel the city on foot to attend to the poor and sick.

According to historian Peter Guilday, "It may well be doubted if, in the entire history of the Catholic Church in the United States, any other bishop began his episcopal life under such disheartening conditions." At the time of Connolly's arrival, the diocese covered all of New York and part of New Jersey, with four priests, three churches, and approximately 15,000 Catholics, most of them Irish, along with some English, French and Germans. There were three churches: St. Peter's on Barclay Street, St. Patrick's on Mulberry St., and St. Mary's in Albany. During his tenure, he erected churches in Utica and Rochester, founded an orphanage, and introduced the Sisters of Charity. He traveled over 1,000 miles on horseback, preaching and bringing the sacraments to half-starved immigrants, largely from Ireland, who were building the Erie Canal.

Connolly died on February 6, 1825, at age 74. He is interred at St. Patrick's Old Cathedral He body was later displaced to a vault by the trustees to make way for that of an influential layman. It was not rediscovered until the building was renovated in 1976. Terence Cardinal Cooke had it reinterred in St. Patrick's Old Cathedral.

title: John Connolly (bishop)


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What Ever Happened to...

What Ever Happened to... (also known as What Ever Happened to Baby Jane...?) is a 1991 American made-for-television thriller film directed by David Greene and adapted for the small screen by Brian Taggert. It is based on the 1960 novel What Ever Happened to Baby Jane? by Henry Farrell and the 1962 theatrical film of the same name. It stars real-life sisters Lynn Redgrave as Baby Jane Hudson and Vanessa Redgrave as Blanche Hudson, in the roles previously played by Bette Davis and Joan Crawford in the 1962 adaptation.

The film was adapted to contemporary times, with Blanche's film success taking place in the 1960s instead of the 1930s. Her films were being rediscovered on home video instead of television reruns. Jane had been a child film star (replacing the original's vaudeville success), though her films were unavailable, leading to her jealousy.

Plot
In the 1940s, "Baby" Jane Hudson is a world-famous child star. Jane dominates her shy sister Blanche, who, as Jane's understudy and stunt double, longs to have an acting career of her own. By the 1960s, Blanche has become a serious and celebrated actress, while Jane's career fades into obscurity. Blanche's own career is ultimately cut short by a car accident that paralyzes her from the waist down, after which Jane was committed to a psychiatric hospital. Everyone believes that Jane, jealous of her sister's popularity, had run her over with her car and then gone insane with guilt.

In the present day, the aging sisters live together in a crumbling Brentwood mansion, where Jane, who still dresses herself in her old Baby Jane clothes and makeup, cares for the paraplegic Blanche. Blanche's films have recently become available on home video and television, launching her into a modest comeback. Jane resents both her sister's enduring popularity and her own role as caretaker and takes out her resentment on Blanche with vicious pranks. She intercepts all of the mail addressed to her sister, particularly fan letters, and constantly reminds Blanche that she never would have had a career if not for Jane's success. Blanche and her physical therapist, Dominick, worry that Jane's pranks might turn violent if she finds out Blanche is selling the house without her knowledge.

Hoping that she can also stage a comeback, Jane goes to a video store to see which of her old films are available on tape. Billy Korn, the store's owner, recognizes her as Baby Jane, much to her delight. Korn offers to manage her comeback and promises to arrange a spot in a talent show for $1,000. Jane agrees without realizing that he is a con artist only after her money.

Back at home, Blanche tries to call her sister's psychiatrist, only to have Jane overhear the conversation and then physically attack her. Blanche tries to escape, but Jane locks her in her upstairs bedroom with no means of communication. After being starved for days, Blanche rummages through Jane's bedroom drawers for food and discovers that she has been forging her signature on checks to steal her money. Dominick arrives for his physical therapy session and discovers that Jane has bound and gagged her sister with duct tape. As he is attempting to cut her loose, Jane stabs Dominick to death with a pair of scissors and hides his body in the basement screening room.

Jane is shocked to learn that the "talent show" Korn arranged is actually a drag revue, complete with Korn himself dressed as Blanche. When they try to perform a duet from their childhood, the audience ridicules Jane's appearance and her poor singing voice, leading her to suffer a mental breakdown and be forced offstage. Korn drives to the mansion and finds Blanche, bound and gagged, near death. Jane stabs him to death with a broken trophy.

Jane puts Blanche in her car and drives to the beach, where their fondest memories took place during their childhood. Blanche admits she had been driving the car on the night of the accident but had allowed Jane to take the blame. She apologizes for never telling Jane the truth, and they are momentarily reconciled. The police arrive to find Blanche unconscious and near death. As they radio for help, Jane walks into the sea, attempting suicide before a police officer drags her out. The last shot is of Jane's smiling face as she goes willingly with the police.

Cast

 * Vanessa Redgrave as Blanche Hudson
 * Lynn Redgrave as Baby Jane Hudson
 * Bruce A. Young as Dominick
 * Amy Steel as Connie Trotter
 * John Scott Clough as Frank Trotter
 * John Glover as Billy Korn
 * Vinny Argiro as Abe
 * Pat Skipper as Director
 * Barry Dennen as Stage Manager
 * Samantha Jordan as Young Baby Jane Hudson
 * J. Michael Flynn as Ray Hudson
 * Erinn Canavan as Young Blanche Hudson
 * Beans Morocco as Drag Queen
 * Roy Fegan as Police Officer

Differences from the novel
Being set during the 1990s as opposed to the 1960s in the original story, the film takes a modern overtone including Baby Jane being a film actress instead of a vaudevillian, and Blanche's use of the stairlift and cassette tape. Characters Elvira Stitt, the cleaning lady, and Edwin Flagg are replaced with Dominick, the physical therapist, and Billy Korn. The film also features scenes depicting the 1990s downtown district of Hollywood. Another change is Jane getting arrested at the end of the film.

Critical reception
In a retrospective review, TV Guide awarded the film two stars, saying it "fares admirably when compared with the well-remembered original".

title: What Ever Happened to...


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United States sanctions

United States sanctions are financial and trade restrictions imposed against individuals, entities, and jurisdictions whose actions contradict U.S. foreign policy or national security goals. Financial sanctions are primarily administered by the U.S. Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), while export controls are primarily administered by the U.S. Department of Commerce's Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS).

Restrictions against sanctioned targets vary in severity depending on the justification behind the sanction, and the legal authorities behind the sanctions action. Comprehensive sanctions are currently in place targeting Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Russia, Syria, and certain conflict regions of Ukraine, which heavily restrict nearly all trade and financial transactions between U.S. persons and those regions. Targeted sanctions specifically target certain individuals or entities that engage in activities that are contrary to U.S. foreign policy or national security goals, rather than an entire country. The U.S. also implements "secondary sanctions", which risk a sanctions designation against a non-U.S. person who transacts with sanctioned parties in violation of U.S. sanctions law, even if no U.S.-nexus existed for the transaction.

The United States has imposed two-thirds of the world's sanctions since the 1990s. Numerous American unilateral sanctions against various countries around the world have been criticized by different commentators.

History
After the failure of the Embargo Act of 1807, the federal government of the United States took little interest in imposing embargoes and economic sanctions against foreign countries until the 20th century. United States trade policy was entirely a matter of economic policy. After World War I, interest revived. President Woodrow Wilson promoted such sanctions as a method for the League of Nations to enforce peace. However, he failed to bring the United States into the League and the US did not join the 1935 League sanctions against Italy.

Trends in whether the United States has unilaterally or multilaterally imposed sanctions have changed over time. During the Cold War, the United States led unilateral sanctions against Cuba, China, and North Korea. Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, United States sanctions became increasingly multilateral. During the 1990s, the United States imposed sanctions against countries it viewed as rogue states (such as Zimbabwe, Yugoslavia, and Iraq) in conjunction with multilateral institutions such as the United Nations or the World Trade Organization. According to communications studies academic Stuart Davis and political scientist Immanuel Ness, in the 2000s, and with increasing frequency in the 2010s, the United States acted less multilaterally as it imposed sanctions against perceived geopolitical competitors (such as Russia or China) or countries that, according to Davis and Ness, were the site of "proxy conflicts" (such as Yemen and Syria).

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet and some members of the United States Congress asked the United States to suspend its sanctions regimes as way to help alleviate the pandemic's impact on the people of sanctioned countries. Members of Congress who argued for the suspension of sanctions included Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Ilhan Omar.

The United States applies sanctions more frequently than any other country or nation, and does so by a wide-margin. According to American Studies academic Manu Karuka, the United States has imposed two-thirds of the world's sanctions since the 1990s.

On June 4, 2024, the United States House of Representatives passed a bill to sanction International Criminal Court officials.

Types of sanctions imposed by the United States

 * bans on arms-related exports,
 * controls over dual-use technology exports,
 * restrictions on economic assistance
 * financial restrictions such as:
 * authority to prohibit U.S. citizens from engaging in financial transactions with the individuals, entities, or governments on the list, except by license from the U.S. government
 * requiring the United States to oppose loans by the World Bank and other international financial institutions,
 * diplomatic immunity waived, to allow families of terrorism victims to file for civil damages in U.S. courts,
 * tax credits for companies and individuals denied, for income earned in listed countries,
 * duty-free goods exemption suspended for imports from those countries, and
 * prohibition of U.S. Defense Department contracts above $100,000 with companies controlled by countries on the list.
 * visa restrictions that prevent certain individuals from entering the U.S.

Targeted parties
The U.S. does not maintain a specific list of countries that U.S. persons cannot do business with because its sanctions program varies in scope depending on the sanctions program. Although some sanctions programs are broad and target entire jurisdictions ("comprehensively sanctioned jurisdictions"), most are "targeted" sanctions and focus on specific entities, individuals, or economic sectors. Depending on the nature of the restriction, U.S. sanctions are announced and implemented by different executive departments, typically the Treasury Department (OFAC) or the Commerce Department (BIS), and sometimes in conjunction with the State, Defense, or Energy departments.

Comprehensively sanctioned jurisdictions
Comprehensively sanctioned jurisdictions are subject to the most restrictive sanctions measures. Most transactions between a U.S. person and any person or entity "ordinarily resident" in a comprehensively sanctioned jurisdiction is restricted. In addition to the general sanctions listed below, transactions involving entities or individuals from these countries on OFAC's SDN List or BIS' Entity List are also restricted.

Targeted sanctions
In jurisdictions not subject to comprehensive sanctions measures, only transactions related to specific parties are prohibited. Jurisdictions that face targeted sanctions may continue to do business with the United States, with restrictions only placed on specific categories of individuals or entities, and anyone worldwide who materially supports or provides financial, logistical, or technological support for them.

According to OFAC, there are approximately 12,000 names on the Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List (SDN) list, which is the most restrictive category of targeted U.S. sanctions, targeting U.S.-designated terrorists, officials and beneficiaries of certain authoritarian regimes, and international criminals (e.g. drug traffickers) by blocking their U.S. assets and restricting U.S. persons from engaging in any transactions with them.

The following jurisdictions have been designated a specific sanctions program used by OFAC to determine SDN designations targeting individuals or entities engaging in sanctionable activities related to the targeted sanctions restrictions placed on that jurisdiction:

Human rights abuses/corruption
Building off the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act, named after Sergei Magnitsky who died in Russian custody after uncovering corruption, the U.S. can enact sanctions against any individual or entity worldwide who engages in severe human rights abuses and corruption that degrade the rule of law, perpetuate violent conflicts, and facilitate the activities of dangerous persons. The following list include some jurisdictions that are frequently targeted by U.S. sanctions related to human rights abuses but are not specifically targeted under a country-specific sanctions program:

Terrorism
Some of the jurisdictions whose resident individuals or entities are frequently targeted for sanctions under counter-terrorism authorities include:

Drug trafficking/transnational criminal organizations
Some of the jurisdictions whose resident individuals or entities are frequently targeted for sanctions under anti-drug trafficking or transnational criminal organizations-related authorities include:

Department of State Arms Embargo
The U.S. government maintains a policy of denial for any exports of defense articles or defense services to the following countries:

Department of Commerce Military End Use/User Rule
The U.S. government also enforces stricter restrictions on a more expansive definition of defense items, including the export of any U.S.-origin item that "supports or contributes" to the operation, installation, maintenance, repair, overhaul, refurbishing, development, or production of military items to specified countries. The same countries are also subject to additional license requirements in place for certain exports to the targeted countries' "military end users", defined as their national armed services, national police, national intelligence services, and anyone whose activities "support or contribute to military end uses."
 * 🇰🇭 Cambodia
 * 🇨🇳 China
 * 🇲🇲 Myanmar
 * 🇳🇮 Nicaragua
 * 🇻🇪 Venezuela

Russia/Belarus MEU FDP Rule
Russia and Belarus are subject to the same restrictions as the military end use/user rule, with a more expansive coverage that includes foreign-produced items that are produced using U.S.-origin software or technology, manufactured by plants or major components that are products of the U.S.
 * 🇧🇾 Belarus
 * 🇷🇺 Russia

Proposed sanctions
Following arrest warrant for senior Israeli officials over Israeli war crimes committed during the Israel–Hamas war in the Gaza Strip, US lawmakers in the House of Representatives passed legislation aimed at sanctioning the International Criminal Court (ICC). As of June 10, 2024, bipartisan negotiations on the sanctions bill with the Senate had stalled.

Effect of U.S. sanctions
Since 1990, the use of sanctions by the United States has significantly increased, and since 1998, the US has established economic sanctions on more than 20 countries.

A series of studies led by economist Gary Hafbauer has found destabilization of the sanctioned country is the frequent goal of US sanctions programs. Destabilization occurs when people in the sanctioned country lose confidence in their government's ability to operate the country and viable alternatives for them to consider exist.

According to Daniel T. Griswold, sanctions failed to change the behavior of sanctioned countries but they have barred American companies from economic opportunities and harmed the poorest people in the countries under sanctions. Secondary sanctions, according to Rawi Abdelal, often separate the US and Europe because they reflect US interference in the affairs and interests of the European Union (EU). Abdelal said since Donald Trump became President of the United States, sanctions have been seen as an expression of Washington's preferences and whims, and as a tool for US economic warfare that has angered historical allies such as the EU.

Efficacy
The increase in the use of economic leverage as a US foreign policy tool has prompted a debate about its usefulness and effectiveness. According to Rawi Abdelal, sanctions have become the dominant tool of statecraft of the US and other Western countries in the post-Cold War era. Abdelal stated; "sanctions are useful when diplomacy is not sufficient but force is too costly". British diplomat Jeremy Greenstock said sanctions are popular because "there is nothing else [to do] between words and military action if you want to bring pressure upon a government". Former CIA Deputy Director David Cohen wrote: "The logic of coercive sanctions does not hold, however, when the objective of sanctions is regime change. Put simply, because the cost of relinquishing power will always exceed the benefit of sanctions relief, a targeted state cannot conceivably accede to a demand for regime change."

Most international relations scholarship concludes sanctions almost never lead to overthrow of sanctioned countries' governments or compliance by those governments. More often, the outcome of economic sanctions is the entrenchment in power of state elites in the sanctioned country. In a study of US sanctions from 1981 to 2000, political scientist Dursan Peksen found sanctions have been counterproductive, failing to improve human rights and instead leading to a further decrease in sanctioned countries' "respect for physical integrity rights, including freedom from disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture, and political imprisonment". Economists Hufbauer, Schott, and Elliot state while policymakers often have high expectations of the efficacy of sanctions, there is at most a weak correlation between economic deprivation and the political inclination to change. Griswold wrote sanctions are a foreign policy failure, having failed to change the political behavior of sanctioned countries; they have also barred American companies from economic opportunities and harmed the poorest people in the sanctioned countries. A study by the Peterson Institute for International Economics said sanctions have achieved their goals in fewer than 20% of cases. According to Griswold, as an example, the US Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act of 1994 could not stop Pakistan and India from testing nuclear weapons.

Political scientist Lisa Martin criticized a game theory view of sanctions, stating proponents of sanctions characterize success so broadly—applying it to a range of outcomes from "renegotiation" to "influencing global public opinion—the terminology of "winning" and "losing" overextends those concepts.

Efficacy of sanctions against Russia
The United States imposed sanctions against Russia following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Asian countries, primarily China and India, absorbed an increasing amount of Russian oil and gas. Because Russian imports from the West declined after sanctions, Russia's trade balance rose sharply, increasing cash reserves and the economy generally. By June 2022, the Russian ruble had risen sharply and was one of the world's best performing countries. Academic Jeremy Garlick writes that at least in the short term, sanctions against Russia has backfired economically by benefitting its economy and backfired geopolitically by bringing Russia and China closer together.

Humanitarian concerns
Daniel T. Griswold of the Cato Institute criticizes sanctions from a conservative Christian perspective, writing sanctions limit the possibilities of a sanctioned country's people to exercise political liberties and practice market freedom. In 1997, the American Association for World Health stated the US embargo against Cuba contributed to malnutrition, poor water access, and lack of access to medicine and other medical supplies; it concluded "a humanitarian catastrophe has been averted only because the Cuban government has maintained a high level of budgetary support for a health care system designed to deliver primary and preventative medicine to all its citizens".

Economist Helen Yaffe estimates United States sanctions against Venezuela have caused the deaths of 100,000 people due to the difficulty of importing medicine and health care equipment.

According to journalist Elijah J Magnier in Middle East Eye, the West—led by America and Europe—had not sent any immediate aid to Syria after the 2023 Turkey–Syria earthquake. According to Magnier, some mainstream media incorrectly stated President Bashar al-Assad was preventing humanitarian aid from reach the Turkish-occupied northwestern provinces of Syria and border crossings. According to one Western diplomat; "the goal is to get the Syrian people to blame their president for western countries’ refusal to provide aid".

U.S. economic decoupling
According to Abdelal, US sanctions on its own internal economy cost almost nothing but overuse of them could be costly in the long term. Abdelal said the biggest threat is the US's gradual isolation and the continuing decline of US influence in the context of an emerging, multi-polar world with differing financial and economic powers. Abdelal also said the US and Europe largely agree on the substance of sanctions but disagree on their implementation. The main issue is secondary US sanctions—also known as extraterritorial sanctions—which prohibit any trading in US dollars and prevent trade with a country, individuals and organizations under the US sanctions regime. Primary sanctions restrict US companies, institutions, and citizens from doing business with the country or entities under sanctions. According to Abdelal, secondary sanctions often separate the US and Europe because they reflect US interference in the EU's affairs and interests. Increasing use of secondary sanctions increases their perception in the EU as a violation of national and EU sovereignty, and an unacceptable interference in the EU's independent decision-making. Secondary sanctions imposed on Iran and Russia are central to these tensions, and have become the primary tool for signaling and implementing secession from US and European political goals.

In 2019, the United States Department of State reported it received complaints from American telecommunications providers and television companies the sanctions against Cuba caused difficulties in incorporating the country into their grid coverage.

De-dollarization efforts
Retired business-studies academic Tim Beal views the US's imposition of financial sanctions as a factor increasing dedollarization efforts because of responses like the Russian-developed System for Transfers of Financial Messages (SPFS), the China-supported Cross-Border Interbank Payment System (CIPS), and the European Instrument in Support of Trade Exchanges (INSTEX) that followed the US's withdrawal of from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran.

Historian Renate Bridenthal wrote; "the most looming blowback to US sanctions policy is the growing set of challenges to dollar hegemony". Bridenthal cited the use of local currencies to trade with sanctioned countries, and attempts by Russia and China to increase the gold backing of their respective currencies.

Implementing agencies

 * Bureau of Industry and Security
 * Directorate of Defense Trade Controls
 * Office of Foreign Assets Control
 * U.S. Customs and Border Protection
 * United States Department of Commerce (Export Administration Regulations, EAR)
 * United States Department of Defense
 * United States Department of Energy (nuclear technology)
 * United States Department of Homeland Security (border crossings)
 * United States Department of Justice (including ATF and FBI)
 * United States Department of State (International Traffic in Arms Regulations, ITAR)
 * United States Department of the Treasury

Authorizing laws
Several laws delegate embargo power to the President:
 * Trading with the Enemy Act of 1917
 * Foreign Assistance Act of 1961
 * International Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977
 * Export Administration Act of 1979

Several laws specifically prohibit trade with certain countries:
 * Cuban Assets Control Regulations of 1963
 * Cuban Democracy Act of 1992
 * Helms–Burton Act of 1996 (Cuba)
 * Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996
 * Trade Sanction Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000 (Cuba)
 * Iran Freedom and Support Act of 2006
 * Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010

title: United States sanctions


text:
Speyer line

In German dialectology, the Speyer line or Main line (Main River) is an isogloss separating the Central German dialects to the north, which have a stop in words like Appel "apple", from the Upper German dialects to the south, which have an affricate, Apfel.

The Speyer line begins in Alsace near Strasbourg, and runs northeast to Thüringen, crossing the Rhine at Speyer. After passing close to Erfurt, it turns southeast and continues into the formerly German-speaking parts of Bohemia. The line is exemplified by place names containing an uncombined /p/ phoneme, which are located north of the line and include Paderborn, Potsdam, and Wuppertal. Those with an affricate /pf/, including Pfaffenhofen and Pforzheim, lie mostly to the south.

title: Speyer line


text:
User talk:7 (usurped)

You have bad joke
sorry but have I missed something here? It may be way over my head, but I don't know where the punch line is?Dainamo

Hi there, the "oif" was a typing error, does it mean something else in Russian?

Request for Usurpation
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Thank you for your time. JCutter (talk) 23:59, 3 May 2009 (UTC)

title: User talk:7 (usurped)


text:
Frampton on Severn

Frampton on Severn is a village and civil parish in Gloucestershire, England. The population is 1,432.

Geography
The village is approximately 10 mi south of Gloucester, at. It lies on the east bank of the River Severn, and on the west bank of the River Frome, from which it takes its name. The village is linked by footpath to the Sharpness Canal.

There is a large village green, 22 acre in size and reputedly the longest in England. The green was known as Rosamund's Green by the mid-17th century, apparently from the village's association with Fair Rosamund. There is a designated Conservation Area around the green, including Tudor and Georgian houses, and the village also has a Site of Special Scientific Interest, Frampton Pools. Much of the village forms part of the Frampton Court Estate, owned by the Clifford family.

The Gloucester and Sharpness Canal runs to the west side of the village and the green has three ponds. There are two pubs on The Green: The Bell Inn and The Three Horseshoes.

Governance
There is a parish council, consisting of nine members.

The village falls in the 'Severn' electoral ward. This ward starts in the north east at Moreton Valence then follows the M5 motorway south west to Slimbridge. The total ward population at the 2011 census was 4,760.

History
The Domesday Book mentioned the manor of Frampton in 1089. The parish church of St Mary the Virgin was consecrated in 1315 but partly dates from the 12th century, while the congregational church was built in 1769.

The Elver Eating World Championships have been held annually at Frampton since 2015; an earlier elver eating competition had ended by 1990.

Hock Crib
Hock Crib is a breakwater on the banks of the River Severn near Frampton on Severn. Built by Augustus Berkeley, 4th Earl of Berkeley, in 1739 to defend nearby farmlands from erosion and flooding, the breakwater's existence is acknowledged in numerous archives and records during the 18th century, including tidal defence plans in 1845 and redevelopment plans dating from 1877. The breakwater was an often-used point of reference for navigation of the river; however, it fell into disrepair and disappeared beneath the sandbanks. In December 2013, however, it emerged, and local historians were granted funds from the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society to photograph and study it.

title: Frampton on Severn


text:
Talk:South African military ranks

Jan Smuts
So far as I know, Jan Smuts was a field marshal in the British Army, not in the Union Defence Forces - hence my original note that the rank was never used. Dirk L
 * Actually, there seems to be controversy over whether Smuts held the rank in the British Army alone or within both the British and South African Armies. That's always the problem with ranks awarded in Imperial days. The British and Imperial Armed Forces continually swapped officers and effectively merged together. I have read that Smuts was acknowledged as an FM by the South African government as well. -- Necrothesp 13:02, 13 Jun 2005 (UTC)

It may be useful to include ranks used in the various corps, for example: bombardier (corporal equivalent in artillery corps); rifleman (private equivalent in infantry corps) and so on. Potion (talk) 18:39, 7 April 2009 (UTC)

New South African Warrant Officer Ranks
The level 1 - 4 appointments for Warrant Officers were replaced by new substantive ranks on 1st June 2008:

 * Master Chief Warrant Officer (formerly level 1)
 * Senior Chief Warrant Officer (formerly level 2)
 * Chief Warrant Officer (formerly level 3)
 * Master Warrant Officer (formerly level 4A)
 * Senior Warrant Officer (formerly level 4)

The WO1 and WO2 ranks remain as before.

http://www.dcc.mil.za/bulletins/Files/2008/61bulletin2008.pdf

See also 'South African Soldier, September 2008, page 17 http://www.dcc.mil.za/sasoldier/2008/Sep2008.pdf --92.8.106.152 (talk) 17:56, 10 April 2009 (UTC)

Reformatting
I have re-laid out this page - moving all the historical names to one section and bringing in NATO tables for ranks

still to do - NCO's and tidy up Warrant Officers

Any input or comments? Gbawden (talk) 15:34, 11 May 2012 (UTC)

 * Can the warrants, sergeants, etc also go in a "Nato table"? It would be ideal to be consistent. Roger (talk) 15:48, 11 May 2012 (UTC)

- Warrants done - Going to upload Sgts etc on monday sometime then add them to Nato tables. Nato tables aren't so long which is why I like them — Preceding unsigned comment added by Gbawden (talk • contribs) 06:55, 12 May 2012 (UTC)

Midshipman
Midshipman is missing from the Navy table under OF-D. Midshipman shows the SAN's insignia for this rank. It is sourced from the SAN's website which has this image showing all the ranks. Roger (talk) 16:22, 11 May 2012 (UTC)

-- Thanks missed that one. Will get onto it Gbawden (talk) 06:53, 12 May 2012 (UTC)

 * Sorry to be nagging, you are doing great work here, but you've used the shoulder eppalette for middies but all the others are the sleeve stripes - middies do have a sleeve tab.
 * Apologies for not jumping in and fixing it myself but I'm really not good at working with tables and graphics, I mess up more than I fix! Roger (talk) 07:40, 12 May 2012 (UTC)

 * The Army's OF(D) rank is missing from the table too. Roger (talk) 12:52, 14 May 2012 (UTC)

Nato equivalents
Help! Can someone guide me on the NATO equivalents for our numerous NCO ranks. For SAAF NCOs WO1 and WO2 are grouped together - is there a rationale or guide for this somewhere? Using this guide I can get them to fit but want to make sure its correct Gbawden (talk) 22:28, 10 July 2012 (UTC)

 * How about using a separate table for Warrant Officers? The United States rank tables do it because their many different sergeants fill the OR table.

See if this mght fit better. Roger (talk) 12:45, 11 July 2012 (UTC)

Images in templates
The image police have removed all the non free images from the templates as apparently Non Free images cannot be used in templates. So am busy reverting templates to tables.Gbawden (talk) 06:29, 23 August 2012 (UTC)

Language used on the military ranks table
Why do we use English and Afrikaans on the military ranks of almost all the branches of the SANDF ? I mean there are 12 official languages is South Africa and English is the only language that is mostly used. I think we should remove Afrikaans because the apartheid period is over. But what do you think? Sifiso Cele (talk) 21:21, 25 January 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:South African military ranks