text:
Template talk:Details

Format
Disturbing the margin is aesthetically sometimes mandated, but I dispute that it should be done whenever linking to a subarticle. In my view, it really clutters articles when there are several of these templates in rapid succession.

Incidentally, I don't think a distinction between articles and "subarticles" should be made. Often, the article linked to is less "sub" than the article it is being linked from. Since Template:Main now redirects here, I am removing the "sub" modifier. JFW | T@lk  3 July 2005 10:36 (UTC)

 * templates like this one shouldn't be used in rapid succession. This template is for article in a hierarchy. If you need something else go to Template talk:main and explain the need for a template siblingarticle. Most probably you should fix by using subarticleof instead of this template in the main article. --MarSch 3 July 2005 10:44 (UTC)

Use also to link to a section of another article
I suggest the text "For a more detailed treatment of this topic, see .", or shorter "For details, see  ."; then it can also be used to link to a section of another article.--Patrick 4 July 2005 09:07 (UTC)

Another name is then appropriate: Template:See details.--Patrick 4 July 2005 09:28 (UTC)

 * Why would a section want to link to a section of another article in such a prominent way? --MarSch 4 July 2005 13:02 (UTC)

 * A treatment of the relation of A with B can be in article A or article B; usually one is chosen and in the other one there is a prominent link, with or without summary.--Patrick 4 July 2005 13:38 (UTC)

 * Okay good example. It is more symmetrical however to create a new article for this and use subarticle, but that's just me.--MarSch 4 July 2005 14:53 (UTC)

 * Another thing, the term "subarticle" could be understood (without context) as part of an article, instead of article on a subtopic.--Patrick 4 July 2005 16:13 (UTC)

The high-traffic article 2007 NCAA Men's Division I Basketball Tournament is an example of the need for further change along the lines discussed above, adding one other thing. There needs to be a way to link to a subsection without having an unsightly '#' sign on the page. It just doesn't look good or read well. I've experiment with it and can't get it to work. Wrad 03:55, 10 May 2007 (UTC)

Definition of "subarticle"
Please define what is a "subarticle". I see that continental drift and plate tectonics are marked as being subarticles of each other. Perhaps a definition would help clarify what relationship is being specified. (SEWilco 5 July 2005 07:30 (UTC))

subarticle word
Since the word subarticle seems to cause problems. What about two other templates Please discuss at Templates_for_Deletion --MarSch 5 July 2005 13:43 (UTC)
 * {details}: For more details on this topic, see the article {1}.
 * {background}: For more background on this topic, see the article {1}.

TFD
This template was nominated for deletion, but there was no consensus to delete it (even if it came close). Thus it is kept. See Templates for deletion/Log/Not deleted/July 2005 for details; given the amount of people disliking this template, it is recommended that it be reworded, and/or its usage be reconsidered. Radiant_ >|< 08:33, July 19, 2005 (UTC)

Merge?
Why not merge this with Template:Background? --Piotr Konieczny aka Prokonsul Piotrus Talk 13:34, 12 October 2005 (UTC)

 * Because they have different purposes. When one article contains a summary of another article, the summarizing article refers for more details to the other article with {details}. The summarized article on the other hand uses {background} to indicate it is being summarized somewhere. Quite different. --MarSch 13:22, 31 October 2005 (UTC)

"Details" or "detail"
Shouldn't it be: "For more detail on ..."? Can't explain why but it feels better to me; as in "to show in more detail". Lambiam Talk 23:38, 21 March 2006 (UTC)
 * Agreed. –Dvandersluis 20:55, 31 July 2006 (UTC)

template:Background
This has apparently never been adopted, but it is a good deal clearer than "main" To me, "main" implies the basic comprehensive article on a subject, but it seems to be customarily used the other way round, for the subsidiary page with the specifics. It would be nice to have it as an alternative. The preceding discussion here shows that others are also confused. DGG 00:23, 30 October 2006 (UTC)

Make The Template So That It Is Possible To Link To More Than One Article.
As it stands, you can only say:

For more details on this topic, see gay.

You can't say:

For more details on this topic, see gay, homosexuality & gay marriage.

I'm not saying that '&' must be there, we could say 'and' instead, etc., but we need to change it.100110100 02:17, 15 November 2006 (UTC)

 * That makes two... I also would like this feature. I use it with the main tag and it would be very helpful on the details tag. Morphh (talk) 02:45, 13 December 2006 (UTC)

Can
Can we change this template so it can have infinite arguments?100110100 07:49, 2 March 2007 (UTC)

If we want to say 'For more details on this topic, see sex, homosexuality, and gay.' should we use another template, but not seealso, main, or futher? A response on my talk page or to let me know you have responded would be greatly appreciated.100110100 06:47, 2 May 2007 (UTC)

Edit request
Requesting: -- Aaru Bui  DII 12:25, 12 May 2007 (UTC)
 * Replace (including the removal of the line break):
 * :For more details on, see .
 * With:
 * : For more details on, see .

Editprotected
 * Why? You're putting a div inside a dd here, which may technically be possible but is certainly unusal. --ais523 15:23, 12 May 2007 (UTC)
 * I second the "why?". If there is a specific reason, I'd be more than happy to fulfill the editprotected. Cheers. --MZMcBride 17:40, 13 May 2007 (UTC)
 * The line break in the code generates a wider line break after the template. Also how it's done in the see also template. -- Aaru Bui  DII 14:15, 14 May 2007 (UTC)
 * ✅ Done --ais523 14:14, 17 May 2007 (UTC)

inter language
Editprotected

Please help me add Chinese Wikipedia link, thanks. BrockF5 14:40, 31 May 2007 (UTC)
 * done --After Midnight 0001 16:24, 31 May 2007 (UTC)

What exactly is this template for?
I think we have too many templates like this. We have template:main and template:further. One is for when the section is a summary of a more detailed article, the other is when the linked article contains further information but isn't exactly summarized by the section in question. This template seems to be suitable for a merge with main, as it's described. I can't see any unique function it can perform. Richard001 (talk) 08:48, 1 February 2008 (UTC)

 * We are missing a cannonical example of how to best use template:Main, template:Detail, template:Further, template:Nutshell and such. More important, we're also missing the complementarytemplate:Capsule, which would make the lead of a detail article available for transclusion back up into the main article that it was sectioned off from. (I would have suggested Lead instead of Capsule, but that template name is already taken for Pb.)  LeadSongDog (talk) 17:04, 13 March 2008 (UTC)

 * Well, I'd like to see how a 'canonical' example of 'details' would differ from 'further'. As for transcluding leads, I don't think that's a good idea. Leads do provide a good model for a summary (i.e. when main is used), but just copying, or especially transcluding a lead sounds like a bad (and somewhat lazy) idea. Richard001 (talk) 07:36, 14 March 2008 (UTC)
 * I agree—transcluding article leads would be a bad idea. A good summary is often not quite the same as a good introduction.--Srleffler (talk) 14:56, 19 April 2008 (UTC)
 * As I mentioned at template talk:Spinout, leads often contain internal links, boldface etc that would be inappropriate in the summary section. There are also other potential problems, e.g. the lead may say 'which will also be treated in this article' or something like that. Perhaps we should try to avoid that sort of thing in leads, but it can still happen.

 * The 'capsule' template doesn't seem to have ever existed, but that's basically what 'spinout' is supposed to be, and I don't think we should be using it. The only advantage is that it keeps the summary up to date if the lead is changed. Richard001 (talk) 22:55, 19 April 2008 (UTC)

Merge from further
There doesn't seem to be any difference between this template and further. Please make further into a redirect to this template.--Aervanath lives in the Orphanage 02:55, 4 June 2008 (UTC)
 * Also, I see in the docs for this template that see has been deprecated in favor of further. Please also redirect see here.  Thanks!--Aervanath lives in the Orphanage 03:01, 4 June 2008 (UTC)
 * There is a distinction: details accepts exactly one unlinked article title as a parameter, where further accepts an arbitrary string (ie: one or more linked article titles) as a parameter. A simple redirect will not resolve that difference in input. – Luna Santin  (talk) 10:21, 4 June 2008 (UTC)

 * ❌ per Luna Santin's reasoning. PeterSymonds (talk)  10:48, 4 June 2008 (UTC)

 * Ok, but what about see?--Aervanath lives in the Orphanage 04:08, 5 June 2008 (UTC)

 * I noticed 'see' recently too, and it seems to be an exact duplicate of 'further'. As for not merging, all templates like this should accept multiple arguments (modify it) and they should all use the same code (i.e. not |[ [link]] vs. |link). The only objection I can see is that they are so widely used, though this might not be a problem if the templates are modified suitably (I don't know enough about templates to say if this is likely, but still suspect it is). Richard001 (talk) 04:22, 5 June 2008 (UTC)

 * I'd also like to see Further redirected to Details, after that has been made possible technically. Debresser (talk) 23:42, 24 September 2009 (UTC)
 * THe usage pattern of eash is distinct, so I don't think that a merger should be done either. If anything is done though, it should be the other way around (discuss → further) if only because of the fact that further is a more adaptable template. — V = I * R  (talk to Ω) 22:38, 25 September 2009 (UTC)

Request
Please remove the Mergefrom template from this page. I put an updated version of the merge template on the documentation page, which is where this one also should have been. Debresser (talk) 23:49, 24 September 2009 (UTC)
 * If you say so, chief. Skomorokh  19:16, 26 September 2009 (UTC)
 * Thanks. Debresser (talk) 19:29, 26 September 2009 (UTC)

ar
Please Add ar:قالب:تفاصيل —Preceding unsigned comment added by 216.59.17.121 (talk) 09:32, 22 March 2011 (UTC)

Null edit request
I recently added templatedata to the documentation, I would like someone to make a null edit to the template page. --Cryptic C62 · Talk 15:49, 5 August 2013 (UTC)
 * Yes check.svg Done — Mr. Stradivarius  ♪ talk ♪ 17:09, 5 August 2013 (UTC)

Related RfC
As there has been a dispute whether to use this or main and additionally for what purpose to use main, see Template talk:main. Someone not using his real name (talk) 00:48, 26 December 2013 (UTC)

Please add some kind of inline notice for the RfC/TfD linked above. This template and its counterpart are used very widely, but most editors who might have an opinion probably don't watch this page, or TfD, or VPP. Alas, since this is fully protected I don't know what wikicode would have been generated for the inline notice by Twinkle for a TfD, but it shouldn't be too hard to change the link in that type of code to point to the RfC link above. Someone not using his real name (talk) 01:09, 26 December 2013 (UTC)

 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done for now: Declining this for now per David Levy's comment at Template talk:Main. Please reactivate the edit protected template if there is a consensus to roll out the notice. — Mr. Stradivarius  ♪ talk ♪ 02:17, 26 December 2013 (UTC)

Conversion to Lua
I've created a Lua version of this template at Module:Details. It is mostly the same as this template, but has the benefit that category and file links are automatically escaped with the colon trick, and links to sections are formatted as page § section, rather than the MediaWiki default of page#section. You can see some test cases at Template:Details/testcases. Would anyone object to me making the change? — Mr. Stradivarius  ♪ talk ♪ 16:56, 24 April 2014 (UTC)
 * See also related discussions at Template:Hatnote, Template:Further, Template:See also and Template:Main. — Mr. Stradivarius  ♪ talk ♪ 17:08, 24 April 2014 (UTC)

Parameterization change to allow multiple pages
Right now this template (and the module that implements it) is structured such that the first (positional) parameter is a page, and the second is a string that specifies a custom topic instead of the default "this topic" (i.e. ). I'd like to get rid of details3 and its icky meta-template for-on-see in favour of allowing this template to take an indefinite number of pages and using Module:Hatnote list to implement and format the lists—it'd be far more elegant. However, since the "topic" parameter is used as the second positional parameter, it interferes with changing the template to allow that. I'd like to change the parameterization to improve this.

My first step would be a temporary tracking category to find every page that specifies the second parameter. Next, I'd implement a named "topic" argument which would default to the second positional parameter for backwards compatibility. Third, I'd change existing uses to use the named parameter instead of the second positional parameter, i.e. →. Finally, I'd remove the topic-defaulting from the second parameter, delete the tracking category, and add support for an indefinite number of pages, i.e. allow to work as would be expected.

Does anyone object to this course of action? Ought the plan to be tweaked somehow? {{ Nihiltres  |talk |edits}} 17:14, 12 June 2016 (UTC)

 * With no comments here, I've added tracking, at Category:Pages using details hatnote with topic specified and will add the named "topic" parameter soon; about 730 pages (~12%) are affected. Once I add the named topic parameter I'll start converting pages to use it, and once all instances are converted, it'll be trivial to enhance the underlying module to support an indefinite number of parameters. {{ Nihiltres  |talk |edits}} 14:24, 14 June 2016 (UTC)

 * ✅—The update is complete. {{ Nihiltres  |talk |edits}} 19:24, 14 June 2016 (UTC)

Grammar: "For more detail", not "details"
As discussed above, this should definitely say "For more detail", not "details". — Hugh 23:37, 28 September 2017 (UTC)

title: Template talk:Details


text:
Bishopsbourne, Tasmania

Bishopsbourne is a rural locality in the local government area (LGA) of Northern Midlands in the Central LGA region of Tasmania. The locality is about 19 km south-west of the town of Longford. The 2016 census has a population of 136 for the state suburb of Bishopsbourne. It is a farming community and has a church, graveyard and recreation ground. Nearby towns include Carrick, Bracknell and Longford. Almost all the houses and farms are located on Bishopsbourne Road and there are a few back roads. There has been increased activity of development in recent years, though none of it has been commercial.

History
For approximately 40,000 years, the traditional owners of these plains were the Panninher people of the Stoney Creek Nation, who lived on and shaped the lands for thousands of years with their own law, customs, language, cosmology, and farming. The Panninher clan set-up numerous mountain rockshelter camps within the tiered mountains known as taytitikithika, and used the river tilapangka as a pathway.

In 1821 the invading British colonial government settled and granted land in the district to released convicts, farmers, and colonists. Families began constructing homes, convict-quarters, and farms. Bushrangers were known to come down from the mountains to rob homesteads such as Enfield mansion. The Panninher people, who had already suffered from European diseases, resisting takeover of their country, and settler harassment, were dispossessed and displaced by the land grants.

Meaning 'bishop's villa by the stream,' Bishopsbourne's boundaries were established in 1848. Australia's oldest tertiary institution, Christ College, was built and opened at Bishopsbourne in 1846. Modelled after Oxford and Cambridge, at its peak 110 students (all male and Anglican) studied at the College. The grounds contained a chapel, hall, library, museum, and cricket oval - where the first games of Rugby football were played in Australia. The school closed in 1856, after an inquiry into the educational and financial condition of the school, which recommended moving the college to Hobart.

Convict and then later business owner, William Webb submitted an application for a license to operate a hotel to be known as the “Bush Inn”. This was approved and operated very successfully and advertised as being the most profitable hotel in Tasmania. With declining business, the hotel closed in 1896. The premises later operated as the local store, post office, telephone exchange and now a private residence.

By 1904, the district was known as an agricultural town, and was still connected with a local railway station on the Western Line. The township had a methodist church, state school, police station, blacksmith, and a coffee palace (once known as the pub and hotel the Bush Inn).

In 1918, a soldiers avenue row of trees were planted in the township, which was attended and set in the ground by Tasmanian Premier Lee and his wife.

In 1941, athlete Mick Goss broke the world professional two-mile record in. Lands in the town centre were purchased by the Longford Council

in 1946 for 99 pounds to build a hall, and new recreation grounds for cricket and football. By 1947, these sporting fields were established, moving away from the old college grounds.

The Bishopsbourne Post Office opened on 31 December 1846 and closed in 1976.

Bishopsbourne was gazetted as a locality in 1966.

The town has a cricket team that has been playing in the local competition for about 70 years.

Geography
Historically, the natural vegetation was grassland. The district is now predominately agricultural and farming land. As the region is situated in the Midlands, the area experiences both the warmest summers and some of the coldest winters in Tasmania - often experiencing frost. The Liffey River forms the western boundary.

Road infrastructure
Route C513 (Liffey Road / Bishopsbourne Road) passes through from south to north. Route C518 (an extension of Bishopsbourne Road) starts at an intersection with C513 and runs east until it exits.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Bishopsbourne, Tasmania


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Bahá'í criticisms

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was merge with Bahá'í Faith --cesarb 08:59, 22 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Bahá'í criticisms
Its a two anon crusade to make a POV fork from the standard Baha'i pages. In my opinion it should be merged inline with relevant text on articles such as Bahá'í Faith. It is pretty over-blown and emotive, let alone ignoring the religion's apologists, but that can be fixed once a correct location for this text has been found. Tomhab 11:48, 11 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * comment Just noted that both IPs are from Taiwan - home and work? -- Tomhab 11:51, 11 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * merge into an appropriate article, or perhaps rewrite. The article makes some interesting points, such as the apparent contradiction of game theory and the whole unity-of-all-humans business, so it's far more than just a "this religion sucks" diatribe.  That said, it's still quite POV, and would be best balanced out with opposing statements.  Andrew Lenahan - St ar bli nd  12:38, Jun 11, 2005 (UTC)
 * merge into other articles as it needs lots of attention. It makes a few valid points but reads otherwise as far too much of a POV rant. --Occamy 19:54, 11 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * delete as POV fork, content should only be merged where it can be sourced. Original research doesn't belong into Wikipedia. --Pjacobi 20:12, 2005 Jun 11 (UTC)
 * Merge into Bahá'í Faith. JamesBurns 04:56, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Hi, I'm Dawud, the guy who created this page. To merge it into "Baha'i Faith" would make that site overly long, no? It's really not possible to cover criticisms of it in less than article length.

On the POV thing, I do hope to be fair to all sides, and of course anybody else who feels like it can join in. As you can see I've just started. I'm not sure if this format is the best--maybe somebody has a better idea...? 218.167.177.148 06:01, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)Dawud
 * comment the problem is that it can appear an agressive attempt to criticise the religion in an article form. There is no similar page for any other religion that I've noticed. Criticisms would (in my opinion) be better in line with the text. Besides most of the arguments on the page are rather general against utopian thinking -- Tomhab 10:35, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge anything salvagable with the main Bahai page and delete this page. -CunningLinguist 12:27, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge anything salvageable with the main Baha'i page. Other faiths, for example Christianity, do not have their criticisms listed separately. --Idont Havaname 18:55, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Tomhab, the "principles" section is more utopian than the others would be, if I (or anyone else) ever get around to writing them. (Doubtful in view of the visible momentum towards "merge or purge".) These principles are, in the main, the points emphasized by Baha'is when presenting their religion.

Maybe "criticisms" gives the wrong impression. Maybe "Baha'i controversies" would be better? Although that suggests intra-Baha'i discussions, and this is intended to be broader. Dawud 01:18, 13 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * Assuming that the form of voting carries on, no information needs be deleted, just merged where relevant into the other pages. I don't like the idea of controversies, because almost all of it is not controversial for Baha'is (which the title would suggest). Just for those who might consider being Baha'is, but find certain beliefs to be challenging. I've been busy at the minute so need a bit of time to re-read it all but a lot of it cuold get put on the main page in a much smaller summary. The Women on the UHJ is the most important one to mention (Baha'is don't really even understand it) and could be done in much more detail on the Universal House of Justice page (as well as a short amount on the main page).
 * Again this is just my view so needs ratification through a consensus. -- Tomhab 10:57, 13 Jun 2005 (UTC)

I don't think merging with the main page is a good idea. There's simply not enough room. The Women-in-the-House issue does deserve a mention on the UHJ page, sure--but not in this form, it's just not right for that context. Dawud 11:37, 14 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * comment I view many of the "criticisms" of this page as providing interesting food for thought, though many are not in fact criticisms of the Baha'i faith at all (though they may be positions or theories that contain aspects contradictory to Baha'i belief). It doesn't necessarily make sense to include these on this page. That having been said, deleting the page seems like a bad idea to me. Some parts of the page pertain directly to the Baha'i faith and should not disappear altogether; incorporating these parts into other pages seems to me a recipe for their eventual extinction. One of the Baha'i religion's great strengths is its tolerance of a variety of opinions; I think that properly edited this page has something valuable to offer. -- Louigi 19:10, 18 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * Thank you for that, Louigi.

 * Someone suggested turning this into a "Baha'i social principles" page. I am willing, if that would not violate the prohibition against escaping-deletion-through-renaming policy. This means abandoning parts II and III, and adding lots of quotes from Baha'i writings to beef these things up. Comments? Dawud 00:47, 20 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * comment The page is great! Keep the page as it is! The title, content all are OK. It gives people who want to rant on an opportunity to do it, which keeps them off the main page. People reading the principles are smart enough to notice the utopian nature of the Faith's beliefs, and don't need any of this information in an introductory reading. External criticism of the Faith is something that Abdu'l Baha prayed for! And women were barred from the Guardianship as well as the House of Justice! More fuel for your fire. Cunado19 00:56, 22 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages.  Please do not edit this page .


text:
Testem benevolentiae nostrae

Testem benevolentiae nostrae is an apostolic letter written by Pope Leo XIII to Cardinal James Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore, dated January 22, 1899. In it, the pope addressed a heresy that he called Americanism and expressed his concern that the Catholic Church in the United States should guard against American values of liberalism and pluralism undermining the doctrine of the Church.

Background
Testem benevolentiae nostrae is Latin for "Witness to Our Good Will." Pope Leo XIII was concerned about the culture of Catholics in the United States in response to the preface of the French translation of the biography of the American priest Isaac Thomas Hecker. Hecker's biography reached France 11 years after Hecker had died in good standing with the Church, and its French translation included a liberal preface by Abbé Félix Klein. Leo proposed to review certain opinions expressed by the translator in the book about Hecker. In particular, Klein implied that Hecker thought that the Catholic Church should adapt to the new advanced civilization, relax its disciplines regarding the rule of life and the deposit of faith, and pass over or minimize certain points of doctrine or give to them a new meaning that the Church had never held.

According his biographers Fr. Vincent A. Yzermans and Franz Xaver Wetzel, Archbishop John Joseph Frederick Otto Zardetti, whose repeated clashes over theology, while Bishop of St. Cloud, with Archbishop John Ireland and his supporters within the American hierarchy are well-documented, played a major role, as an official of the Roman Curia, in Testem Benevolentiae, which was signed by the Pope on 22 January, 1899. As a reward, Zardetti was promoted to assistant to the papal throne on 14 February 1899. In commenting on Zardetti's role in the letter, Fr. Yzermans has commented, "In this arena, he might well have seen his greatest impact on American Catholicism in the first half of the twentieth century in the United States."

Rejection of American particularism
Testem benevolentiae nostrae involved American particularism and view of individual liberty. On particularism, it was believed that a movement of American Catholics felt they were a special case and needed greater latitude to assimilate to a majority-Protestant nation. The letter rejected the idea of some who conceive and would have the Church in America to be different from what it is in the rest of the world.

The letter actually had more to do with Catholics in France than those in the United States. French conservatives were appalled at Abbé Félix Klein's remarks in a book about an American priest, Isaac Thomas Hecker, and claimed that a number of the American Catholic clergy shared those views.

Leo expresses concern that Americans would value their freedom and individualism so much that they would reject the idea of monasteries and the priesthood: "Did not your country, the United States, derive the beginnings both of faith and of culture from the children of these religious families?"

It was not uncommon for American bishops, finding themselves having to provide education and health care to large numbers of immigrants, to solicit congregations pointedly that were involved in those activities. Leo cautioned against valuing an active apostolate more than a contemplative one: "Nor should any difference of praise be made between those who follow the active state of life and those others who charmed with solitude, give themselves to prayer and bodily mortification."

Negative view of freedom of press
In November 1892, at a meeting of the archbishops held in New York City, Bishop Francesco Satolli, who would soon be the first apostolic delegate to the United States, presented 14 propositions regarding the solution of certain school problems that had been for some time under discussion. The draft propositions were "inopportunely" published with incorrect interpretations and malign insinuations in some papers, which caused a good deal of "acrid" discussion.

The apostolic letter clearly rejects full freedom of the press: "'These dangers, viz., the confounding of license with liberty, the passion for discussing and pouring contempt upon any possible subject, the assumed right to hold whatever opinions one pleases upon any subject and to set them forth in print to the world, have so wrapped minds in darkness that there is now a greater need of the Church's teaching office than ever before, lest people become unmindful both of conscience and of duty.'"

Legacy and influence
John L. Allen Jr. believes that the apostolic letter was really directed at liberal currents in France.

The disturbance caused by the condemnation was slight since almost the entire laity and a considerable part of the clergy were unaware of the affair. However, the letter ended up strengthening the position of the conservatives in France.

title: Testem benevolentiae nostrae


text:
Diana Lee

Diana Lee or Diana Lee-Hsu is an American model and actress.

Career
Lee was chosen as Playboy's Playmate of the Month for May 1988. Her centerfold was photographed by Stephen Wayda and Richard Fegley. As an actress, she performed in several Playboy videos and had an appearance in the 1989 James Bond movie Licence to Kill. In the film, Lee played Loti, a Hong Kong narcotic agent. She is also prominently featured in the film's title sequence.

Filmography

 * Licence to Kill (1989) – Loti
 * Snapdragon (1993) – Professor Huan
 * Totally Blonde (2001) – Translator
 * Collar (2016) – Rebecca Allensworth

title: Diana Lee


text:
User talk:Israel shamir

Welcome to Wikipedia!
This is a site controlled by philosemites. But what else is new? Don't they control much of our discourse? This is the main message of Israel Shamir, this is why they fight by the whole Cabal against his message. After all, Wikipedia is supposed to be open for editing by all. But if you try to go against their view - they block you immediately under so many pretexts. And not much can be done - they hide behind fancy names like Denis Diderot 11:49, 11 Jun 2005 (UTC) What makes you an editor? Why do you use the name of a great dead man? What is your true name, profession, country? No, they prefer to fight in the dark, where they can hit you from safe distance.

 * "Philosemites" appears to be an epithet you apply to anyone who disagrees with Shamir's expressed opinions about Jews and the benefits of anti-Semitism. Since these opinions are rather extreme, and, as I've demonstrated elsewhere, often based on errors and outright deception, the vast majority of people disagree with Shamir. It's not that this majority "control much of our discourse". It's that our discourse is influenced by reality. Most people, including Encyclopaedists of course, regard this as a good thing. But there are also many, notably all kinds of propagandists and people who take comfort in some pleasant myth, who tend to see reality as their worst enemy. But reality can never be anyone's real enemy and our imagination is also real. Propagandists think they can contain untruth and use it for well-defined goals. Neurotics think it may help them enjoy life. But lies can never be contained. The effects are unpredictable, and they usually end up hurting the propagandists themselves. Neurotics become engulfed in a war against reality that destroys their lives.

 * (I hope you forgive me for doubting that you are Israel Shamir. The English in his writings is different from yours. I use the phrase "expressed opinions", since I doubt that they are his real opinions.)

 * You were clearly not blocked "immediately" as anyone can verify by looking at this and this. In fact you were welcomed to Wikipedia in the hope that you would join our community and make useful contributions. You have been temporarily blocked, since you have broken basic, easily understood, Wikipedia rules several times. You also ignored repeated warnings that this could happen if you continued to disregard the rules.

 * I use the pen name "Denis Diderot" on Wikipedia. Since "original research" isn't allowed on Wikipedia, contributions from a Nobel laureate and from a high school dropout are treated the same way. All edits must be based on reliable sources and present the established opinions without taking sides. That's why my real name "is quite irrelevant; as irrelevant as the ‘real name’ of Leon Trotsky (Bernstein) or of Ariel Sharon (Scheinermann) or of Andre Maurois (Wilhelm Herzog) or of Salman Rushdie when he was in hiding in Bienfait, Saskatchewan, living under an assumed name." . In fact, when editors are anonymous, the debate on talk pages tends to improve. This is because ad hominem arguments become more difficult.
 * --Denis Diderot 17:20, 17 June 2006 (UTC)

Israel Shamir article
If you disagree with the contents of an article it is unwise to replace it with charged terms, unsourced defenses etc. You may request clarification or correction on the talk page belonging to that article. I believe Denis Diderot suggested the same above.

You have chosen "Israel shamir" as a username. If you are the real Israel Shamir, you are strongly discouraged from editing an article about yourself. We have various processes by which you can get redress for complaints. If you are simply a supporter of same, please read Username and consider having it changed, as editing under the name of another is de facto impersonation and may lead to blocks from editing Wikipedia. JFW | T@lk  17:09, 29 November 2005 (UTC)

 * As I, JFW, and others have pointed out several times, you

 * a) should change your user name or stop editing this article,

 * b) stop inserting original research and your personal point of view

 * c) discuss your proposed changes on the talk page

 * These are not our personal opinions but Wikipedia policies.

": kindly, --Denis Diderot 15:42, 12 June 2006 (UTC)

 * Another important policy is the three revert rule. This rule states that an editor must not perform more than three reversions on a single Wikipedia article within 24 hours.
 * You reverted the Israel Shamir article 5 times in a 24 hour period. Please be aware that users who ignore this rule may be banned from editing Wikipedia articles.

 * Best regards, --Denis Diderot 16:40, 13 June 2006 (UTC)

Shamir to Diderot alias Moshe alias etc etc: Please note: 1. you are too emotionally involved with Jewish subjects, and in the interests of Wikipedia you should stay away from this article as well as from others on this theme. 2. You and your alter egos with various names did the same amount of reverts. 3. Do you claim there are different sets of rules for philosemites and for the rest? 4. I wonder why do you insist, for instance, to keep me in a different church? Shamir

 * 1. If someone wants the articles to be correct, would you call that "emotionally involved"? Whether it's a "Jewish subject" or not obviously makes no difference at all. Is the Israel Shamir article a "Jewish subject"? I thought he was a Christian.
 * 2. I don't have any aliases on Wikipedia.
 * 3. The Wikipedia rules apply to everyone who edits articles. Whether they are philosophers, philosemites or philologists.
 * 4. The issue is not what church Shamir belongs to, but which denomination.
 * --Denis Diderot 19:04, 13 June 2006 (UTC)

Whom do you cheat? If you were not emotionally involved you would move to deal with something else. Analysis of your contributions shows that you are obsessed with fighting for Jewish cause. As for your remark "Is the Israel Shamir article a "Jewish subject"? I thought he was a Christian." it is disingenious at best, sneaking at worst.

 * Your pseudo-psychological analysis is flawed (as one would expect from the pseudo prefix). Perhaps you feel that having correct information in articles dealing with "Jewish subjects" is the same as "fighting for Jewish cause"? The articles I've edited on Wikipedia have often been by way of association. When working on one article I may read things that are relevant to other associated articles. So I check those articles and sometimes make some additions or corrections. Since you don't say so explicitly, I can only speculate that you mean that Israel Shamir is a "Jewish subject" by virtue of being opposed to what you consider "[the] Jewish cause" or "Jewish cause[s]". Combining this reasoning with Shamir's ideas would make e.g. the Eastern Orthodox Church a Jewish subject. Is this what you have in mind?
 * --Denis Diderot 03:55, 14 June 2006 (UTC)

Don't you think here you guys prove there is a Jewish conspiracy? Or three Jews against one Christian is rather a pogrom? Israel shamir 18:34, 14 June 2006 (UTC)

"A pogrom" huh? Well thats not overly dramatic at all. Also, how would you know that we are Jews? You are assuming it because we are removing silly pov passages from an article about a fringe person, who probably is not notable enough for an encyclopedia article (at least not a long one).- Moshe Constantine Hassan Al-Silverburg | Talk 19:09, 14 June 2006 (UTC)

Blocked for revert warring and incivility
I have blocked you for 24 hour for revert-warring and personal attacks (see post above) and He (and this article) is an object of a concentrated attack by many identity-concealing Wikipedia-based philosemites. at Israel_Shamir -- Kim van der Linde at venus 19:09, 14 June 2006 (UTC)
 * I would like to add some things:
 * Editing article about yourself (which I assume based on some comments made above), is allowed, but I suggest you read Autobiography for more information to avoid some basic issues.
 * Being the subject of the article does not mean you have overriding powers on the content. Obviously, as the person in question, you have much more knowledge about all the facts which could help dramatically to improve the content. But having said that, it does not imply that key policies as Verifiability and guidelines like Reliable sources are moot for imformation that you provide yourself.
 * The best way to get an article free of error is to provide good sources (which you probabkly know better than any editor around), and to discuss those error here. Revert warring, and using slurs against editors is in general the fastest way to a get a hard time at wikipedia.
 * I hope this clarifies a few things, and if you have more questions, please ask them. -- Kim van der Linde at venus 21:05, 14 June 2006 (UTC)

Blocked for continued revert warring
I think I was pretty clear about things, but it seems you just continued immediatly after the block expired. Therefore, I have blocked you for a week. Edit warring is just not the way things are solved here. -- Kim van der Linde at venus 04:52, 17 June 2006 (UTC)

3RR again
FYI, you have violated 3RR (as well as other WP:RULES) again and may be reported and blocked. ←Humus sapiens ну? 22:18, 16 June 2006 (UTC)

Indefinite block
Your week-long block has been extended to indefinite for not being here to build the encyclopedia. See this WP:ANI thread, the block log, and this link. Bishonen | talk 21:37, 18 June 2006 (UTC).

possible quotation that does not exist
Shamir cites a quote by Simone Weil in his essay "Gaza: Of Mice and Men" :

"If the Jews of old were to come back, they would destroy our churches and massacre us all."

I have searched the Web for this quote in vain. The only hit is Shamir's own essay mentioned above.

Could someone please help me locate this quote? —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 12.170.198.37 (talk) 04:02, 8 February 2007 (UTC).

title: User talk:Israel shamir


text:
Sinfonia antartica

Sinfonia antartica ("Antarctic Symphony") is the Italian title given by Ralph Vaughan Williams to his seventh symphony, first performed in 1953. It drew on incidental music the composer had written for the 1948 film Scott of the Antarctic.

Background and first performances
By the mid-1940s, Vaughan Williams had written five symphonies of widely varying characters, from the choral Sea Symphony (1909) to the turbulent and discordant Fourth (1934) and the serene Fifth (1943), which some took to be the septuagenarian composer's symphonic swan song. In the event there were four more symphonies to come; his Sixth was premiered in 1948. After completing it, Vaughan Williams undertook a substantial film score to accompany Scott of the Antarctic produced by Michael Balcon and directed by Charles Frend. The composer became deeply interested in and moved by the story of the disastrous polar expedition of Robert Falcon Scott and his companions, and music suggested by ice and wind, penguins and whales came into his head. Before even seeing the film script he had composed most of the score. His biographer Michael Kennedy writes that the autograph full score contains 996 bars of music, of which about half was used in the finished film.

While writing the film music, Vaughan Williams had begun to feel that it might later form the basis of a symphony. He worked on that intermittently during the next few years, between other major compositions including his opera The Pilgrim's Progress. By early 1952 the symphony was complete. His musical assistant Roy Douglas played a piano arrangement to a group of musicians including Arthur Bliss, Gerald Finzi and Edward Dent; also in the group was Ernest Irving, who had commissioned the film score and to whom Vaughan Williams dedicated the new symphony. An orchestral score was sent to Sir John Barbirolli, who had secured the composer's agreement that he should conduct the premiere. The work was first given in public on 14 January 1953 at the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, by Barbirolli and the Hallé Orchestra and Choir with Margaret Ritchie in the wordless soprano solo. The performers repeated the performance at the same venue the following evening, and gave the London premiere at the Royal Festival Hall on 21 January. The title of the symphony was changed at the last minute from Sinfonia Antarctica to Sinfonia Antartica, so as to use consistently Italian spelling in the two words.

The first American performance was given on 2 April 1953 by the Chicago Symphony Orchestra conducted by Rafael Kubelík. The Australian premiere was given by the Sydney Symphony Orchestra conducted by Eugene Goossens on 17 June 1953.

Score notes
The work is scored for a large orchestra including:
 * Woodwinds: three flutes (3rd doubling on piccolo), two oboes, cor anglais, two clarinets, bass clarinet, two bassoons, contrabassoon
 * Brass: four horns, three trumpets, three trombones, tuba
 * Percussion: timpani, side drum, bass drum, cymbals, triangle, gong, bells, xylophone, glockenspiel, vibraphone, wind machine
 * Keyboards: celesta, piano, organ (in the third movement)
 * Strings: harp, and strings
 * Voices: (first and last movements) soprano solo, three-part women's chorus.

Mechanics of the composition
A typical performance lasts around 45 minutes. There are five movements. The composer specified that the third movement lead directly into the fourth. The score includes a brief literary quotation at the start of each movement. While Vaughan Williams did not say that these quotations were intended to form part of a performance of the work, they are sometimes declaimed in performance and in recordings. Among the recordings including the quotations are Sir Adrian Boult's first recording for Decca in 1954 (supervised by the composer) with Sir John Gielgud narrating, and André Previn's 1967 recording for RCA with Sir Ralph Richardson narrating.

1. Prelude: Andante maestoso
 * To suffer woes which hope thinks infinite,/ To forgive wrongs darker than death or night,/ To defy power which seems omnipotent,/ ... / Neither to change, nor falter, nor repent:/ This ... is to be/ Good, great and joyous, beautiful and free,/ This is alone Life, Joy, Empire and Victory. (quotation from Shelley, Prometheus Unbound)

2. Scherzo: Moderato
 * There go the ships, and there is that Leviathan whom thou hast made to take his pastime therein. (quotation from Psalm 104, Verse 26)

3. Landscape: Lento
 * Ye ice falls! Ye that from the mountain's brow/ Adown enormous ravines slope amain —/ Torrents, methinks, that heard a mighty voice,/ And stopped at once amid their maddest plunge!/ Motionless torrents! Silent cataracts! (quotation from Coleridge, Hymn before Sunrise, in the vale of Chamouni)

4. Intermezzo: Andante sostenuto
 * Love, all alike, no season knows, nor clime,/ Nor hours, days, months, which are the rags of time. (quotation from Donne, The Sun Rising)

5. Epilogue: Alla marcia, moderato (non troppo allegro)
 * I do not regret this journey; we took risks, we knew we took them, things have come out against us, therefore we have no cause for complaint. (quotation from Captain Scott's Last Journal)

title: Sinfonia antartica


text: Category:Alborz graduates

title: Category:Alborz graduates


text:
Monique Noel

Monique Noel (born April 28, 1967) is a glamour model and actress. She was chosen as Playboy's Playmate of the Month for May 1989. Her centerfold was photographed by Richard Fegley. She was born in Salem Oregon.

Partial filmography

 * Renegade (1996) as Cheri
 * I Like to Play Games (1995) as Valerie
 * Blossom (1993) as Claire
 * Herman's Head (1993) as Gigi
 * Meatballs 4 (1992) as Lovelie #1 (as Monique de Lacy)
 * Mobsters (1991) as Showgirl (as Monique Noel Lovelace)
 * Road House (1989) as Barfly
 * Bert Rigby, You're a Fool (1989) as Jim Shirley's Girlfriend
 * What Price Victory (1988)

title: Monique Noel


text:
Levuka

Levuka is a town on the eastern coast of the Fijian island of Ovalau, in Lomaiviti Province, in the Eastern Division of Fiji. Prior to 1877, it was the capital of Fiji. At the census in 2007, the last to date, Levuka town had a population of 1,131 (plus 3,266 living in the peri-urban area as defined by the Bureau of Statistics), about half of Ovalau's 8,360 inhabitants. It is the economic hub and the largest of 24 settlements on the island. Having been nominated decades prior, Levuka was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site in June 2013, in recognition of the port town's exceptional testimony to the late colonial port towns in the Pacific.

History
The modern town of Levuka was founded around 1820 by European settlers and traders as the first modern town in the Fiji Islands, and became an important port and trading post. A disparate band of settlers made up Levuka's population – traders, missionaries, shipwrights, speculators, and vagabonds, as well as respectable businessmen. The US Exploring Expedition visited in 1840.

During the mid 19th-century, the town was quickly becoming a commercial hub for the sea cucumber trade. Marist priests, led by Father Jean-Baptiste Bréhéret, established a mission in Levuka in 1858, and Wesleyan missions were built around the same time. The Sacred Heart Church, Marist Convent School, and two Methodist churches still survive today. By 1870, the town had a population of more than 2000. When the first modern nation state of Fiji, the Kingdom of Fiji, was founded in 1871, Seru Epenisa Cakobau was crowned King at Levuka. After Fiji was annexed as a British colony in 1874, Levuka remained the capital until 1877, when the administration was moved to Suva, although the move was not made official until 1882. The move was prompted by concerns that the 600-meter high hills, many with cliffs, surrounding Levuka gave it no room for expansion. Levuka is famous for many of Fiji's "firsts". It was the site of Fiji's first bank, post office, school, private members club, hospital, town hall, and municipal government. Fiji's first newspaper, the Fiji Times, which is still in operation today, was founded in Levuka in 1869. Levuka's Royal Hotel is the oldest hotel in the South Pacific still operating. Historians have not ascertained its exact age, but records show that it was in existence by the early 1860s. Levuka Public School, opened in 1879, was the first public school in Fiji and many of Fiji's leaders in the years leading up to and following independence in 1970 were educated there. The oldest Masonic lodge in the South Pacific, Lodge Polynesia 562 SC, is also to be found in Levuka. It was established in 1875. Levuka was also the site of Fiji's first public electricity system, which began in 1927, three days before the capital Suva was electrified.

Arson
Much of Levuka's unique heritage is in its wooden architecture which is highly vulnerable to fire. The Masonic Lodge, Levuka's only Romanesque-revival building was set on fire during the period of lawlessness and unrest following Fiji's 2000 coup. There is much controversy about the Masonic fraternity in Fiji, the dominant traditional Christian faiths consider Masons to be devil-worshippers. The Lodge contained priceless historical artefacts and records of Levuka's history dating back to 1875. The arsonists have yet to be identified and prosecuted.

In 2008, Levuka's PAFCO Cold Storage Plant which was located next the town's main road was destroyed by a fire caused during welding maintenance works. In more recent years, the old Mavida Guest house and the old General Store on Levuka's main street have also burnt down. The General Store Building housed the Westpac Bank, Air Fiji and a Supermarket and, being over 100 years old, was part of the then proposed (now established) UNESCO National Heritage Site. Rumors of arson abound in relation to the fires but no prosecutions have been made. In April 2010, Levuka's Chief Fire Authority Officer was quoted in the national paper as saying that Levuka is: ‘...a fire hazard waiting to happen...’, he points out in the article that there are no fire hydrants in the town and that virtually no buildings have fire extinguishers or fire alarm systems.

Economic activities
Levuka's status as a stopover port for ocean vessels crossing the Pacific came to an end in the 1950s, threatening the town with economic extinction. In 1964, however, the Pacific Fishing Company (PAFCO) was founded by a Japanese firm, specialising in freezing and shipping canned tuna, mostly to markets in Europe and Canada. A cannery, a joint PAFCO-government venture, was opened in 1976, and is the largest private employer on the island of Ovalau. Owing largely to Levuka's isolation, tourism plays only a minor role in the Levuka/Ovalau economy.

Governance and politics
Levuka has been incorporated as a Town since 1877, and is governed by a Town Council of 8 members, elected for 3-year terms. The municipal elections of 22 October 2005 resulted in a defeat for the SDL of outgoing Mayor Taniela Bulivou, with the Balance Party taking 6 of the 8 seats. The new council elected George Gibson to succeed Bulivou; the Mayoral term is for one year, but may be extended any number of times. The council has recently been suspended by the interim government of Fiji and a local administrator (Napolionio Masirewa) has been named.

Landmarks
At the northern end of Levuka is the traditional Fijian village of Levuka. The village chief, who bears the title of Tui Levuka, is a direct descendant of the chief who welcomed the first European settlers. In memory of his ancestor, he is also known as "Tamana na vavalagi" (Father of the Europeans). At the southern end of the town lies the village of Nasova, where the King Seru Epenisa Cakobau signed the Deed of Cession, ceding the islands to Great Britain on 10 October 1874.

The Levuka Community Centre, which houses a branch of the Fiji Museum, a public library, crafts centre, kindergarten, squash court and meeting hall, occupies a renovated store built in 1878 by Morris Hedstrom, a trading company established in Levuka's early days and still in business in Fiji. Morris Hedstrom gave the building to the National Trust of Fiji in 1980. Adjacent to the Levuka Community Centre stands Queens Wharf, with a maximum depth of eight meters. Upgraded in the 1990s, it is used mostly by local craft, though foreign vessels sometimes dock, Levuka being one of three official ports of entry to Fiji (Suva and Lautoka being the other two).

Other well-known landmarks include Sacred Heart Church, a legacy of the Marist Fathers, who arrived in 1858, the Ovalau Club, one of the oldest social organisations in the Pacific, and Levuka Town Hall, which houses the Levuka Town Council. It was built in 1898 in honour of Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee.

Notable people

 * Hereward Kesteven – medical scientist of Australia
 * Graeme Leung – lawyer and former Fiji Law Society president
 * Maria Liku – Fijian Olympic weightlifter
 * John Maynard Hedstrom – Legislative Council member and founder of Morris Hedstrom
 * Katharine Susannah Prichard – Australian novelist and Communist Party of Australia charter member; born in Levuka December 1883
 * Dave Solomon – rugby union player
 * Manueli Tulo – Fijian Olympic weightlifter
 * Alfred Wendt – cricketer of Fiji
 * Ratu Josefa Celua died in Levuka
 * Eileen Cikamatana - weightlifter who a gold medal for Fiji in the 2018 Commonwealth Games.

title: Levuka


text:
Movimiento al Socialismo

Movement for Socialism – Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (Spanish: Movimiento al Socialismo – Instrumento Político por la Soberanía de los Pueblos; MAS or MAS-IPSP), is a socialist political party in Bolivia. Its followers are known as Masistas. In the December 2005 election, MAS-IPSP won the first ever majority victory by a single Bolivian party. The party continued to rule until 10 November 2019, and was victorious again in the 2020 elections.

MAS-IPSP evolved out of the movement to defend the interests of coca growers. Evo Morales has articulated the goals of his party and popular organizations as the need to achieve plurinational unity, and to develop a new hydrocarbon law which guarantees 50% of revenue to Bolivia, although political leaders of MAS-IPSP recently interviewed showed interest in complete nationalization of the fossil fuel industries, as well as the country's lithium deposits.

MAS-IPSP is the dominant force in municipal politics in Bolivia. In the most recent municipal elections in 2015, it was the only party to contest leadership of all 339 municipalities. In all, the mayors of 227 municipalities belong to the party, as do 1,144 of the country's 2,022 municipal council members.

During Arce's government, the party was divided into two internal factions: the "Arcistas" (Renovator Bloc), which defends Luis Arce's management and seeks the renovation of the party leadership, which is chaired by Grover García, and the "Evistas", which defends Evo Morales's leadership and seeks his re-election in the 2025 Bolivian general election. On 4 October 2023, President Luis Arce and Vice President David Choquehuanca were expelled from the party by a decision of the board chaired by Evo Morales. However, the Arcista faction did not recognize the expulsion.

Origins
The roots of MAS-IPSP can be traced to the closures of the Bolivian Mining Corporation and shut-down of various mines during the 1980s. Thousands of former miners became coca farmers as their means of survival, but also encountered new hardships in their new profession. The growth of the coca farmer community resulted in a sharp numerical growth of organizations such as Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB) and Confederación Sindical de Colonizadores de Bolivia. The movement built alliances with the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Eastern Bolivia (CIDOB) and mobilized joint protests in a 1992 campaign titled "500 years of resistance of the indigenous peoples", culminating in a march to La Paz where a protest was held on 12 October 1992 (Columbus Day). The 1992 campaign marked the emergence of a 'peasant-Indigenous' movement.

However, CSUTCB was wary of building a political party to contest state power. The experiences of the 1980s, when the CSUTCB leadership had been divided over electoral candidatures (of leaders such as Jenaro Flores Santos and Víctor Hugo Cárdenas) had been negative. Rather the organization began discussing the possibility of launching a 'political instrument', a structure in which the trade unions would enter as collective members. The idea would be to combine social and political struggles, to have one branch in the social movements and one political branch. According to Lino Villca there were also discussions about forming an armed wing of the movement.

Carlos Burgoa Maya traces the initiative for a political instrument to the Third Congress of the CSUTCB (26 June–3 July 1987, Cochabamba) in which several proposals were merged into a document proposing an "Assembly of Nationalities" including traditional authorities to forge "political instruments of the nationalities." In the COB's 9th Congress (May 1992, Sucre), a thesis for worker-indigenous unity in "constructing a political instrument" was approved. Numerous prominent future leaders of the MAS, including Evo Morales, Félix Patzi, and David Choquehuanca met on 7 November 1992 in a gathering organized by CSUTCB, CSCB, CIDOB, FNMCB (Bartolina Sisa), and the COB, which decided to call for withdrawal from existing parties and to consolidate as an independent political force. The August–September 1994 cocalero march also endorsed the creation of a political instrument.

The creation of a political instrument received the backing of the sixth CSUTCB congress in 1994, and in March 1995 CSUTCB convened a congress titled 'Land, Territory and Political Instrument' in Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Present at the congress were CSUTCB, CSCB, the Bartolina Sisa National Federation of Peasant Women of Bolivia and CIDOB. The congress resulted in the foundation of the Assembly for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (ASP), under the leadership of the Cochabamba peasant leader Alejo Véliz as the main leader and Evo Morales in second position. From 1996 onwards, Evo Morales was a rising star in the ASP leadership. Soon he became a competitor of Veliz. Internal conflict emerged between the followers of Morales and Veliz — evistas and alejistas. ASP wanted to contest the 1997 national elections, but never obtained the registration of a political party at the CNE. Instead, the group contested the election of the lists of the United Left. Veliz was candidate for the presidency and for parliament (on the proportional representation list). However, many trade unions decided not to support Veliz's candidature, accusing him of having manipulated the candidate lists of the United Left. Four ASP members of the Chamber of Deputies were elected from the Chapare province (the entire United Left group): Evo Morales, Román Loayza Caero, Félix Sanchéz Veizaga and Néstor Guzmán Villarroel.

Foundation and local elections
After the 1997 elections a split occurred in ASP and Evo Morales was expelled from the organization. In 1998 the supporters of Evo Morales founded the Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (IPSP). Notably, the majority of the grassroots supporters of ASP sided with Morales in the split. One of the prominent ASP leaders who sided with Morales was Román Loayza Caero, leader of CSUTCB.

At the time of its foundation, an IPSP flag was adopted. It was brown and green, with a sun in the middle.

In order to contest the 1999 municipal election (because the National Electoral Court of Bolivia declined to recognize the party), IPSP borrowed the registration (and party name) of an inactive spliter faction of the falangist Bolivian Socialist Falange, Movimiento al Socialismo – Unzaguista (MAS). The decision to go for elections as MAS was taken in Cochabamba in 1998. IPSP decided to adopt the name, banner and colours (cobalt blue, black, and white) of MAS. In January 1999, the organization adopted the name MAS-IPSP. This move provoked a split between IPSP and the new CSUTCB leader, Felipe Quispe. Quispe stated that he was unable to accept to contest the elections under a name tainted by a fascist past and that the falangist profile meant a negation of indigenous identity. In the 1999 elections Quispe aligned himself with Veliz's group, which had decided to contest elections through the Communist Party of Bolivia. In the Cochabamba region the verbal confrontations between the two sides were often tense, and the Veliz group launched the slogan "MAS is Unzaguist, falangist, heil heil Hitler". MAS-IPSP itself however stressed that the adaptation of the name MAS was a mere formality, and the membership cards issued by the organization carried the slogan "legally MAS, legitimately IPSP".

MAS-IPSP got 65,425 votes (3.3% of the nationwide votes) and won 81 local council seats (4.8% of the seats in the country) in 1999. According to a study by Xavier Albó and Victor Quispe, the vast majority of the MAS-IPSP councilors elected in the 1999 municipal election were indigenous. In the Cochabamba Department MAS-IPSP obtained 39% of the votes winning seven mayoral posts. The MAS vote in Cochabamba was almost completely confined to the Chapare, Carrasco and Ayopaya provinces. In the capital of the Department (Cochabamba) the MAS mayoral candidate only got 0.88% (less than the Communist Party candidate, Alejo Veliz who got 1.1%). The mayoral post of Cochabamba was won by Manfred Reyes Villa of the New Republican Force, who got 51.2% of the votes in the city.

Years of struggle
During the years of 1998–2002, the grassroot base of MAS-IPSP was consolidated, as a result of increasing repression against the coca growers' movement. MAS-IPSP represented, along with the smaller Indigenous Pachakuti Movement (MIP, Felipe Quispe's new party), the anti-system opposition in the country. Whilst Bolivian politics had seen several political parties contesting on populist platforms during the past decades, MAS-IPSP and MIP differed from these parties through its strong connections to the peasant organizations. However, the fact that MIP had been accorded registration as a political party by the National Electoral Court (in spite of falling short of having the 10,000 members required for registration) angered MAS-IPSP followers. Both within MAS-IPSP and amongst political analysts the smooth registration of MIP was described as a move by the political establishment to divide the indigenous vote and to spoil the chances of a possible MAS-IPSP/MIP alliance. By this time IPSP had been denied registration by the National Electoral Court four times, citing minor details.

The period of 2000–2002 was characterized by a series of social struggles that contributed to the radicalization of the Bolivian polity; the 2000 water war in Cochabamba, Aymara uprisings in 2000 and 2001 and the coca growers' struggle in Chapare. While social movements are by no means new in Bolivia, a country with a long history of revolution due to political and class struggle, this protest cycle marked a renewal of militancy and growing successful organizational planning which had not been witnessed before.

In January 2002, Morales was expelled from the parliament after being accused of masterminding violent confrontations between police and coca growers in Sacaba. The expulsion of Morales from the parliament contributed to the political popularity of MAS-IPSP.

Ahead of the 2002 national elections, MAS-IPSP sought to expand its influence outside its peasant base. Evo Morales stood as presidential candidate and Antonio Peredo as vice-presidential candidate. By launching Peredo for the vice-presidency, MAS-IPSP attempted to gain influence amongst the urban middle classes. MAS-IPSP also made an appeal for the supporters of the Marxist left groups to join the campaign and present themselves as MAS-IPSP candidates. Prominent MAS-IPSP leaders recruited for the 2002 election campaign included Gustavo Torrico, Manuel Morales Dávila and Jorge Alvaro.

In their election campaign, MAS-IPSP championed 'national sovereignty', denouncing U.S. interventions in Bolivian affairs. The political elite and proponents of neoliberal policies were denounced as 'traitors' supported by the United States. The appeal of MAS-IPSP was also aided by the intervention of US ambassador Manuel Rocha, who threatened Bolivians that US economic aid to Bolivia would be cut if Morales won. Morales has credited ambassador Rocha for the success of MAS, stating that "[e]very statement [Rocha] made against us helped us to grow and awaken the conscience of the people." Anti-US sentiment was further exacerbated when the new ambassador, David Greenlee, made it clear that he would not approve of any president other than Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada (Goni).

The electoral advance of MAS-IPSP was aided by the implosion of the political party Conscience of the Fatherland (CONDEPA). CONDEPA was a populist party which was based in the urban poor, often Aymaras who had migrated to the urban centres of Bolivia. The party had lost much of its popular legitimacy as it was coopted by Hugo Banzer's government, and the party had suffered the death of its main leader just before the 2002 elections. In the polls CONDEPA lost all of their 22 parliamentary seats.

Whilst Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada was re-elected as President of Bolivia by Congress, Evo Morales came in second place with just 1.5% fewer votes than Sánchez de Lozada. MAS-IPSP got 14.6% of the valid uninominal vote, which gave the movement 27 out of 130 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and eight out of 27 seats in the Senate. The election result shocked both political analysts as well as MAS-IPSP itself. Out of the elected MAS-IPSP legislators, ten identified themselves as indigenous or peasants, twelve as leftwing intellectuals or labour leaders.

The fifth national congress of MAS-IPSP was held in Oruro 13–14 December 2003.

2005 elections
In the 2005 general election, Evo Morales was again the presidential candidate of MAS-IPSP. He won a clear majority with 53.7% of the valid presidential vote—the first since the restoration of democracy that a presidential candidate had won without the need for a runoff. MAS-IPSP obtained 43.5% of the valid uninominal vote, which gave it 72 out of 130 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 12 out of 27 seats in the Senate. In the 2005 prefect elections, MAS campaigned for all nine departmental prefectures (governorships), but only won three: Chuquisaca (43%), Oruro (41.0%), and Potosí (42.7%).

In government
Since taking office, the MAS-IPSP government has emphasized modernization of the country, promoting industrialization, increased state intervention in the economy, social and cultural inclusion, and redistribution of revenue from natural resources through various social service programs.

When the first MAS-IPSP cabinet was formed, it had Andrés Soliz Rada as Minister for Hydrocarbons, David Choquehuanca as Foreign Minister, Casimira Rodríguez as Justice Minister, Salvador Ric Reira as Minister for Public Works and Services, Hugo Salvatierra as Rural Development Minister, Álex Gálvez Mamami as Labour Minister, Abel Mamami as Water Minister, Félix Patzi as Education Minister, Félipe Caceres as Vice Minister of Social Defense, Alicia Muñoz as Minister of Government, Juan Ramón Quintana as Minister of the Presidency, Carlos Villegas as Minister of Economic Planning and Walter Villarroel as Mining Minister. Two MAS-IPSP heavyweights, Santos Ramírez and Edmundo Novillo (since elected governor of Cochabamba in April 2010 local elections), became the president of the Senate and the House of Deputies respectively.

The 2006 elections to the Constituent Assembly further consolidated the position of MAS-IPSP as the dominant force in Bolivian politics. After the elections Román Loayza Caero became the head of the MAS-IPSP faction in the Constituent Assembly.

In 2007 MAS-IPSP was able to register itself as MAS-IPSP at the CNE.

On 10 August 2008 a vote of confidence referendum was held regarding the posts of president Morales, vice-president Garcia Linera and different prefects. Morales and Garcia Linera got their mandate affirmed by a wide majority, reaching 83% of the votes in La Paz and 71% of the votes in Cochabamba in their favour. But they also obtained significant support in the 'Media Luna' departments (Santa Cruz 41%, Beni 44%, Pando 53% and Tarija 50%), indicating the consolidation of MAS-IPSP as a national political force.

In the 2010 regional elections, MAS-IPSP won the post of governor in six departements (La Paz, Oruro, Potosí, Pando, Chuquisaca and Cochabamba) and finished second in the remaining three (Santa Cruz, Tarija and Beni). In Chuquisaca MAS-IPSP had launched 29-year-old Estaban Urquizu as its candidate for governor. Urquizu won with 53.9% of the votes, becoming the youngest governor in Bolivian history. In La Paz Department MAS-IPSP dropped its candidate Félix Patzi shortly before the elections, after Patzi was arrested for drunk driving.

The election was also marked by candidatures of MAS-IPSP dissidents. MAS-IPSP co-founder Lino Villca had founded the Movement for Sovereignty (MPS), which contested the elections. Other former MAS-IPSP activists involved in founding the MPS include Óscar Chirinos, Miguel Machaca, and Rufo Calle.

Ideology
Morales has defined socialism in terms of communitarianism, stating in a 2003 interview that in the "ayllu people live in community, with values such as solidarity and reciprocity'. Regarding the question of national identity, MAS-IPSP borrows discourse from the katarista tradition and from the indigenous peoples' movement in eastern Bolivia, criticizing the modern nation state as a failed construct of 'internal colonialism' and inherently racist. Thus the movement seeks to construct a plurinational state based on autonomies of the indigenous peoples. In the MAS-IPSP discourse 'nation' and 'people' are often equated, whilst the oligarchy is portrayed as anti-national.

The katarista discourse was not a feature of the ideological profile of the IPSP at the time of its foundation. IPSP surged as a movement of the peasantry, amongst colonizers Andrea coca growers. The katarista discourse was absorbed later, largely borrowed from Félipe Quispe's rhetoric from the struggles of 2000. However, unlike Quispe, the MAS-IPSP never went as far as to create an exclusively indigenous political profile, and Morales maintained that an alliance with non-indigenous actors and the middle classes was a necessity. The seventh congress of MAS-IPSP, held in January 2009, approved a document titled "Communitarian socialism to liberate Bolivia from the colonial state", envisioning the path of a 'cultural and democratic revolution' in Bolivia.

In a 2005 programme MAS set out its main and national objective:

"The main and national objective of the MAS economic program is to improve the conditions and quality of life of all Bolivians. A process of changing the development pattern will begin due to the failure and negative balances left by State Capitalism and Neoliberalism. The productive, dignified and sovereign State will be built based on the current characteristics of the country: structural heterogeneity, regional asymmetry, political, economic and social exclusion, and high levels of poverty and human degradation."

A 2006 development plan called for buen vivir (Living well) as an alternative to capitalist development, stating that

"The development around Living Well is based on the ability to recover the link with nature and with social memory, which in agrarian communities is centered on the land, in nomadic communities in the forest and in urban communities in the neighborhood and the city, in order to discard the deliberate procedure of separating societies from their cultural roots, through monocultural domination. Planning seeks to organize development and strengthen the principle of intrinsic relationship between Bolivian cultures and nature as a nexus that generates visions about the world; of interpretations of the work; of identities about time and its myths; construction of territoriality and power. The solid links of Bolivian cultures with nature are a heritage of all and constitute an enormous comparative advantage in relation to a capitalist development model, whose basic development equation, associated with the predation of natural resources with short-term profits, is in crisis. Our proposal for a new development, whose roots are rooted in cultural plurality, in the encounter and in the complementarity of knowledge, has the objective of putting an end to the myth of linear progress that seeks to divide cultures into “modern” and “backward”; between “primitive” and “advanced”. This developmental trap entails the annihilation of other temporalities, other memories, other contributions to the construction of interhuman relationships and other relationships with time and space. In such a way that one of the horizons of this Strategy is to contribute to the preservation of other meanings about the relationship between humanity and nature."

A later development plan from 2010 stated that

“The beginning of the 21st century is a time of great opportunities for our country. The capitalist model of accumulation and the consumption patterns of "western civilization" have entered into crisis. Against this backdrop, Bolivia emerges with a new political and philosophical proposal, the Democratic and Cultural Revolution, which is aimed at forging a just, diverse, inclusive, balanced and harmonious world with nature for the "Living Well" of all peoples worldwide. In this context, the government of President Evo Morales has brought to international forums a series of proposals to innovate diplomatic relations between States, to seek integration and trade between peoples and, above all, to promote a new type of relationship between human beings and the environment. Thus, in early 2009, he proposed to the United Nations Assembly the "10 Commandments to Save the Planet, Humanity and Life", a document that was taken as the basis for the UN to declare April 22 as "Mother Earth Day". It is undeniable, then, that our country has inscribed its leadership in the international arena. For this reason, our Government Program proposes to give continuity to the international relations policies that the Foreign Ministry has been developing and that are part of the National Development Plan.”

MAS-IPSP itself does not have an ideological centre, and the different constituent movements belong to slightly different trends of thought. Marxist, social-democratic, anarchist can be found within the MAS-IPSP fold. In the words of Alvaro García Linera, the political character of MAS-IPSP has evolved through the combination of "an eclectic indianism and the critical and self-critical traditions of the intellectual left-wing that began to Indianize Marxism from the 1980s and onwards". According to García Linera, a "flexible indianism" enabled MAS-IPSP to gather support from a variety of sectors. Bolivian writer and economist Roberto Laserna argues that there are three main factions within the party: the indigenistas, the old leftists, and the [left-wing] populists. García Linera characterizes MAS-IPSP as "centre-left", stating that the goal of the movement is the establishment of a form of "Andean capitalism". In the findings of Latinobarómetro surveys until 2002, a sample of 27 MAS voters identified themselves as 2.7 on a scale between 0 and 10 (in which 0 represented the far-left and 10 represented the far-right).

According to Marta Harnecker and Federico Fuentes, MAS-IPSP represents a "new indigenous nationalism" based on two sets of historical memories, that of the peasant movement (represented through CSUTCB) and that of the indigenous movement (represented through CIDOB), and combines elements of indigenismo, nationalism and "miners' Marxism".

According to Carlos Toranzo Roca, the politics of MAS-IPSP is largely a continuation of the traditional Latin American populism which in Bolivia is rooted in the 1952 revolution. According to him, a key element of this feature is clientelistic relations of distribution combined with anti-imperialist and nationalist discourse.

A 2021 statute noted that the MAS-IPSP is governed by the following principles: Anti-imperialism, Anti-capitalism, Anti-colonialism, Complementarity, Historical memory, Pluralism, Exercise of Plurinationality, Plurinational Identity, Internal Democracy, Internal Discipline, Equality and gender equity, Depatriarchalization, Unity, Solidarity, and Respect for natural leadership.

Organization
IPSP was founded as a 'political instrument', an organization distinct from the traditional political parties. Hervé do Alto defines the organization as both a political party and a federation of social movements at the same time. As such, MAS-IPSP tends to follow a bottom-up, decentralized structure, with regional and local branches having a large amount of input on party decisions.

Leadership
The National Leadership (Dirección Nacional, DN) of MAS-IPSP is composed of representatives of the constituent organizations affiliated with MAS-IPSP. It is more of a loosely coordinated body rather than a party leadership in the traditional sense. Notably MAS-IPSP has not been institutionally consolidated in the way the Workers Party (PT) in Brazil has developed, which also emerged as a political vehicle of social movements. Clause 42 of the Organic Bylaws of MAS-IPSP stipulated that candidates in national and local elections should be elected through direct vote at assemblies. The majority of the MAS-IPSP candidatures in the 1999 and 2002 elections were selected through this method. However some candidates in the 2002 and 2005 elections were directly appointed by Morales.

Member organizations
The founding member organizations of MAS-IPSP are CSUTCB, CSCB, and the Bartolina Sisa federation. At the sixth MAS-IPSP congress, held in November 2006, four new organizations were admitted as members of MAS-IPSP: Confederación Nacional de Maestros Rurales, Confederación de Gremiales de Bolivia, Confederación Nacional de Rentistas y Jubilados and Confederación Nacional de la Micro y Pequeña Empresa (Conamype).

The seventh congress of MAS-IPSP was held 10–12 January 2009. At this congress two organizations were included as new members of MAS-IPSP; the National Federation of Mining Cooperatives (Fencomin, which claims a membership of around 40,000) and the Regional Workers Centre (COR) from El Alto. The Bolivian Workers' Center (COB) and the National Council of Ayllus and Markas of Qullasuyu (CONAMAQ) are not part of MAS-IPSP, but are supportive of the government.

Coalition organizations
The MAS-IPSP ran a joint electoral slate with the Without Fear Movement (MSM) in the 2009 national elections. Shortly afterward, Evo Morales publicly broke with the MSM and its representatives in the Plurinational Legislative Assembly then formed an independent bloc.

The three founding organizations of the MAS-IPSP are joined by CONAMAQ and the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia (CIDOB) in the Pact of Unity; this group has included other organizations in the past.

A larger alliance, the National Coordination for Change (CONALCAM) was formed during the Bolivian Constituent Assembly and includes MAS-IPSP executive and legislative politicians as well as social movement organizations.

Publication
MAS-IPSP publishes Soberanía.

title: Movimiento al Socialismo


text:
Giovanni di Niccolò Mansueti

Giovanni di Niccolò Mansueti (also known as Giovanni Mansueti; c. 1465 – March 26, 1527) was an Italian painter.

Little is known of his biography. He was active in Venice from 1485 to 1526. A pupil of Gentile Bellini, he worked in the antique style in the Miracles of the Cross painted around 1496-1502 for the Scuola Grande di San Giovanni Evangelista and now in the Gallerie dell'Accademia. In style he resembles Cima da Conegliano and Vittore Carpaccio. One of his paintings resides in a church near Bagni di Lucca, Italy.

title: Giovanni di Niccolò Mansueti


text: Template:Municipalities in Limburg

title: Template:Municipalities in Limburg