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Etiquette in Japan

Etiquette in Japan forms common societal expectations of social behavior practiced throughout the nation of Japan. The etiquette of Japan has changed greatly over the millennia as different civilizations influenced its culture. Modern Japanese etiquette has a strong influence from that of China and the Western world, but retains many of its unique traditional elements.

Bathing
Bathing is an important part of the daily routine in Japan, where bath tubs are for relaxing, not cleaning the body. Therefore, the body must be cleaned and scrubbed before entering the bathtub or ofuro. This is done in the same room as the tub, while seated on a small stool and using a hand-held shower. Soap, a wash cloth, and shampoo are provided, and the bather is expected to wash and rinse thoroughly twice before stepping into the ofuro. It is very important that no soap residue be transferred to the ofuro because the heated water is not drained after each person's use, and several hours (and the expense of a considerable amount of water) are required to heat fresh water. Any hair or debris is scooped from the water after the bath, and a lid is placed over the tub to maintain the water temperature and prevent evaporation. Water heaters also continue to maintain the temperature.

Ryokan baths have a small anteroom for undressing before entering the bathing room. Usually there is a basket in which to place used towels and wash cloths.

In a home or small inn, a traditional tub is square and deep enough that the water covers the bather's shoulders, but its length and width are small so the bather sits with the knees drawn up. A scoop is provided so the bather can douse their head with the tub water. Because the ofuro is meant for a relaxing private soak, yet serves numerous people, the bather needs to be careful not to indulge too long. Many ryokan close the ofuro for several hours every day so the room can be cleaned and aired, and some require guests to sign up for specific soak times.

In homes with small tubs, family members bathe one by one in order of seniority, traditionally starting with the oldest male or the oldest person in the household. If there are guests in the home, they will be given priority. In homes with larger tubs, it is not uncommon for family members to bathe together. Typically one or both parents will bathe with babies and toddlers, and even as children grow older they may still bathe with one of their parents. Some homes transfer the hot bath water to a clothes-washing machine.

Bathtubs are increasingly common in modern Japanese homes; however, in cities there are still many small and old apartments that do not have bathtubs, so public bathhouses called sentō are common. A regular bathhouse will have tap water heated in a boiler. In all but the most rural areas, public baths are segregated by gender. Customers bathe nude, many using a small washcloth to cover their genitals. Hotels, pachinko parlors and other venues may have on-site sentō for customer use. The same soaping, scrubbing, and rinsing rules apply as in homes and ryokan.

An onsen (温泉) is a Japanese hot spring. These baths use water heated by geothermal springs and often are incorporated into resort-like destinations in the countryside where people stay for a day or more. They may have a variety of soaking pools and tubs, some indoors and some outdoors, some communal and some private. Larger onsen will have separate pools for men and women, and visitors normally bathe nude.

Many sentō and onsen ban customers with tattoos, which are traditionally taboo, citing concerns over yakuza activity.

Bowing
Bowing (お辞儀) is probably the feature of Japanese etiquette that is best known outside Japan. Bowing is extremely important: although children normally begin learning how to bow at a very young age, companies commonly train their employees precisely how they are to bow.

Basic bows are performed by bending from the waist with the back and neck straight, hands at the sides (males) or clasped at the lap (females), and eyes looking down. The body is composed but not rigid. Generally, the longer and deeper the bow, the stronger the emotion and respect expressed.

The three main types of bows are informal, formal, and very formal. Informal bows are made at about a fifteen-degree angle or just tilt over one's head to the front, and more formal bows at about thirty degrees. Very formal bows are deeper.

The etiquette surrounding bowing, including the length, depth, and appropriate response, is exceedingly complex. For example, if one person maintains their bow longer than the other person expected (generally about two or three seconds), the person who rose first may express politeness by bowing a second time—and then receive another bow in response. This often leads to a long exchange of progressively lighter bows.

Generally, one who is considered lower ranking in Japanese society bows longer, more deeply, and more frequently than one of a higher rank. A higher ranked person addressing a lower ranked person will generally only nod slightly, and some may not bow at all. A lower ranked person will bend forward from the waist. It is important to try to gauge the appropriate depth and duration of bows in different situations: a bow that is too deep or too long for the situation can be interpreted as sarcasm.

Bows of apology tend to be deeper and last longer, occurring with frequency throughout the apology, generally at about 45 degrees with the head lowered and lasting for at least the count of three, sometimes longer. The depth, frequency, and duration of the bow increases with the sincerity of the apology and severity of the offense. Occasionally, in the case of apology and begging, people crouch (in a position similar to sujud) to show absolute submission or extreme regret. This is called dogeza. Even though dogeza was previously considered very formal, today it is mostly regarded as contempt for oneself, so it is not used in everyday settings.

Bows of thanks follow the same pattern. In extreme cases a kneeling bow is performed; this bow is sometimes so deep that the forehead touches the floor. This is called lit. 'most respectful bow' (最敬礼).

When dealing with non-Japanese people, many Japanese will shake hands. Since many non-Japanese are familiar with the custom of bowing, this often leads to a combined bow and handshake which can become complicated. Bows may be combined with handshakes or performed before or after shaking hands. Generally when bowing in close proximity, as necessitated when combining bowing and shaking hands, people turn slightly to one side (usually the left) to avoid bumping heads.

Making payment
It is common for Japanese businesses to set out a small tray near a cash register so customers can place their money on the tray rather than handing it directly to the cashier. If a business provides such a tray, it is a breach of etiquette to disregard it and instead hold out the money for the cashier to take by hand. The tray should not be confused with the North American "Take a penny, leave a penny" tray for small change. Tipping is also generally a rare occurrence in Japan, and typically should not be attempted without the use of an envelope.

Eating and drinking
Meals in Japan traditionally begin with the word lit. 'I humbly receive' (いただきます). Similar to bon appétit or saying grace, it expresses gratitude for all who played a role in providing the food, including farmers, as well as the living organisms that gave their life to become part of the meal. Saying itadakimasu before a meal has been described as both a secular and a religious practice.

Upon finishing a meal, the Japanese use the polite phrase lit. 'that was (the condition of) a(n honorable) feast' (ごちそうさまでした). In response, the preparer often says lit. 'I think that meal was not feast' (おそまつさまでした).

It is not rude to have leftovers on the plate, as it is taken as a signal to the host that one wishes to be served another helping. Conversely, finishing one's meal completely, especially the rice, indicates that one is satisfied and therefore does not wish to be served any more. Children are especially encouraged to eat every last grain of rice (see also mottainai as Buddhist philosophy). It is impolite to pick out certain ingredients and leave the rest. It is expected to chew with the mouth closed.

It is acceptable to lift soup and rice bowls to the mouth so one does not spill food. Miso soup is drunk directly from its (small) bowl. Larger soups and those with chunky ingredients such as ramen may come with a spoon to be used in conjunction with chopsticks. Noodles from hot soup are often blown on (once lifted from the soup) to cool them before eating; and it is appropriate to slurp certain foods, especially ramen or soba noodles. However, slurping may not be practiced universally, and Western-style noodles (pasta) may adhere to this exception.

It is uncommon for Japanese people to eat or drink while walking in public. Drink vending machines in Japan generally have a recycling bin for used bottles and cans, so one can consume the drink there; and in summer months one may see groups drinking near a vending machine. Some consider it rude to eat in public, but this is not a universally held aversion.

In Japanese restaurants, customers are given a rolled hand towel called oshibori. It is considered rude to use the towel to wipe the face or neck; however, some people, usually men, do this at more informal restaurants. Non-woven towelettes are replacing the cloth oshibori.

In any situation, an uncertain diner can observe what others are doing; for non-Japanese people to ask how to do something properly is also generally received with appreciation for the acknowledgment of cultural differences and expression of interest in learning Japanese ways.

Chopsticks
Chopsticks (はし) have been used in Japan since the Nara period (710–794). There are many traditions and unwritten rules surrounding the use of chopsticks. For example, it is considered particularly taboo to pass food from chopsticks to chopsticks, as this is how bones are handled by the family of the deceased after a cremation. If one must pass food to someone else during a meal (a questionable practice in public), the person picks up the food by reversing the chopsticks to use the end which were not in direct contact with the handlers mouth, and place it on a small plate, allowing the recipient to retrieve it (with the recipient's own chopsticks). If no other utensils are available while sharing plates of food, the ends of the chopsticks are used to retrieve the shared food. Mismatched chopsticks are not used. Standing chopsticks vertically in a bowl of rice is avoided, as it recalls burning incense sticks standing up in sand, typically at funerals; the act of stabbing the chopsticks into the food resembles an action devout Buddhists perform when offering ceremonial food to their ancestors at the household shrine. Placing chopsticks so that they point at someone else is considered a symbolic threat.

Many Japanese restaurants provide diners with single-use wooden/bamboo chopsticks that are snapped apart near their tops (which are thicker than the bottoms). As a result, the attachment area may produce small splinters. Rubbing chopsticks together to remove splinters is considered impolite, implying that one thinks the utensils are cheap.

Visiting other people's houses
It is considered an honor to be invited to someone's home in Japan. Many Japanese regard their homes as being too humble to entertain guests. Shoes are never worn inside the home – this ensures that the floor is not stained by soil, sand or dust that may be attached to the soles. Instead, shoes are removed in the genkan (mudroom or entrance foyer), and often replaced with slippers called uwabaki. Just wearing socks is also acceptable in informal situations. Genkan are found in even small apartments, where they are correspondingly small, and feature a small step up. Socks, however, are not generally removed – bare feet are acceptable when visiting a close friend, but not otherwise. There are also separate slippers used when using a bathroom, for reasons of hygiene. Slippers are not worn on tatami (traditional Japanese floor mats), as doing so may wear the mats out.

Wooden geta are provided for short walks outside when entering the house. It is generally considered polite to wear shoes instead of sandals, but sandal wearers may carry a pair of white socks to put over their bare feet or stockings, so that their bare feet will not touch the slippers that the host offers, or they may use tabi socks, worn with the sandals. The shoes are turned around so that the toe faces the door after taking them off. During the winter time, if a guest is wearing a coat or hat, the guest will remove the coat or hat before the host opens the door. When the guest is leaving, they do not put on the coat or hat until the door has closed.

Regarding seating arrangements, see kamiza.

Gifts and gift-giving
Many people will ask a guest to open a gift, but if they do not, the recipient will resist the urge to ask if they can open the gift. Since the act of accepting a gift can create a sense of unfulfilled obligation on the part of the receiver, gifts are sometimes refused, depending on the situation. However, refusing a gift from someone of a higher rank can be considered rude, and is usually frowned upon.

Seasonal gifts
There are two gift seasons in Japan, called seibo (Japan) (歳暮) and chūgen (Japan) (中元). One is for winter and the other is for summer. Gifts are given to those with whom one has a relationship, especially the people who have helped the gift giver. At those periods a subordinate will give gifts to a superior at the office, a pupil gives something to the master at tea ceremony classes, and even offices will prepare a courtesy gift for their business partners. For chūgen, July 20 is the latest date to deliver gifts for those living in Tokyo area.

Impolite gifts
Some items prominently displaying the numbers 4 and 9 are not given, since the reading of 4 suggests death, while 9 can also be read as a homonym for suffering or torture. Thus, a comb, or kushi is a carefully avoided item to give as a gift, as its name is reminiscent of the reading for 49, which is a homonym for 'suffering until death'.

For wedding gifts, mirrors and ceramic wares as well as glassware, scissors and knives are not appropriate gifts because of the symbolism of breaking up or cutting the relationship, respectively. Clocks and other timepieces are also avoided, as they may be seen as symbolic of the relationship fading with the passage of time.

As a gift for a new home or a newly opened shop, anything that brings to mind fire or arson is avoided, including an ashtray, stove, heater or cigarette lighter, unless the intended recipient specifically requests it. If the recipient is older than the giver, or for those celebrating kanreki, shoes and socks are considered "to stamp on" the person.

Other gifts
Another custom in Japan is for women to give men chocolate on Valentine's Day. The chocolate can be given to the object of the woman's affection, or to any man the woman is connected to. The latter is called obligation chocolate (義理チョコ). Men who receive chocolate on Valentine's Day give something back to those they received from, one month later on White Day.

Greetings
Greetings are considered to be of extreme importance in Japanese culture. Students in elementary and secondary schools are often admonished to deliver greetings with energy and vigor. A lazy greeting is regarded with the type of disdain that would accompany a limp handshake in parts of the West.

The most common greetings are ohayō gozaimasu (おはようございます) or "good morning", used until about 11:00a.m. but may be used at any time of day. If it is the first occasion that day the two people have met, konnichiwa (こんにちは) is used, which is roughly equivalent to "good day" or "good afternoon" and is used until late afternoon; and konbanwa (今晩は) or "good evening". Different forms of these greetings may be used depending on the relative social statuses of the speaker and the listener.

Titles
The titles for people are -chan (most often for female close friends, young girls or infants of either gender), -kun (most often for male close friends, or young boys), -san (for adults in general) and -sama (for customers, and also used for feudal lords, gods or buddhas).

Letter addresses, even those sent to close friends, are normally written in quite formal language. Unless some other title is available (sensei, for example, which can mean "doctor" or "professor" among other things) the standard title used with the addressee's name is the very formal -sama (様). Letters addressed to a company take the title onchū (御中) after the company name. It is also considered important to mention in the address if the company is incorporated (kabushiki gaisha) or limited (yūgen gaisha). When a letter is addressed to a company employee at their place of work, the address contains the full name of the place of work, as well as the title of the employee's position, and the full name of the employee.

Letter writing materials
Personal letters are traditionally written by hand using blue or black ink, or with a writing brush and black ink. The preferred paper is washi (Japanese paper). Although letters may be written vertically or horizontally (tategaki and yokogaki), vertical orientation is traditional and more formal. Red ink in letter writing is avoided, since writing a person's name in red ink suggests a wish for that person to die.

Greeting postcards
In Japan, holiday-goers do not send postcards. Instead, the tradition in Japan is for a holiday goer to bring back a souvenir, often edible (see "Gifts and gift-giving"). However, New Year's greeting postcards, or nengajō (年賀状), are a tradition similar to Christmas cards in the West. If sent within a time limit, the Japanese post office will deliver the cards on the morning of New Year's Day. These are decorated with motifs based on the year of the Chinese zodiac which is starting. They request the addressee's continued favor in the new year. If one receives a card from someone to whom one has not sent a card, etiquette dictates that one must send a card in return, to arrive no later than the seventh of January.

However, if a relative of a person has died during that year, they will send a postcard written in black before the New Year apologizing for not sending a New Year's card. The rationale for this is that since their relative has died they cannot wish or experience a happy new year. In this case, the etiquette is not to send them a New Year's Greeting either.

Summer cards are sent as well. Shochu-mimai (暑中見舞い) cards are sent from July to August 7 and zansho-mimai (残暑見舞い) cards are sent from August 8 until the end of August. These often contain a polite inquiry about the recipient's health. They are usually sold from the post office and as such contain a lottery number.

Respectful language
There is an entire grammatical rule-set for speaking respectfully to superiors, customers, etc., and this plays a large part in good etiquette and in society as a whole. Japanese children are taught to act harmoniously and cooperatively with others from the time they go to pre-school.

This need for harmonious relationships between people is reflected in much Japanese behavior. Many place great emphasis on politeness, personal responsibility and working together for the universal, rather than the individual, good. They present disagreeable facts in a gentle and indirect fashion. They see working in harmony as the crucial ingredient for working productively.

Service and public employees
Japan is frequently cited by non-Japanese as a place where service is excellent. Such claims are difficult, if not impossible, to quantify. Nevertheless, service at public establishments such as restaurants, drinking places, shops and services is generally friendly, attentive and very polite, as reflected in a common reminder given by managers and employers to their employees: "okyaku-sama wa kami-sama desu" (お客様は神様です), or "the customer is a god." (This is comparable to the western saying, "the customer is always right" and the Sanskrit saying "atithi devo bhavati"). Generally, service employees will seldom engage in casual conversation with a customer with the aim of forming a rapport as sometimes happens in western cultures. The service employees are expected to maintain a more formal, professional relationship with all customers. Private conversations among service staff are considered inappropriate when a customer is near.

In general, as in most countries, etiquette dictates that the customer is treated with reverence. In Japan this means that employees speak in a humble and deferential manner and use respectful forms of language that elevate the customer. Thus, customers are typically addressed with the title –sama (roughly equivalent to "sir" or "madam" in English). A customer is not expected to reciprocate this level of politeness to a server.

Dress for employees is normally neat and formal, depending on the type and style of establishment. Public employees such as police officers, taxi drivers, and the pushers whose job is to ensure that as many people as possible board the rush-hour trains—and other types of employees who must touch people—often wear white gloves.

Funerals
People attending a Japanese funeral bring money called kōden (香典) either in special funeral offering envelopes kōden-bukuro  (香典袋) or small plain white envelopes. Of the kōden-bukuro, the folded end at the bottom is be placed under the top fold, as the opposite or the bottom fold over the top one suggests that bad luck will become a series of misfortunes. Formally, there is a small bag called Fukusa (袱紗) in which a person puts the envelope and brings to the funeral.

The appropriate format of kōden-bukuro varies depending on the ceremony style/religion as well as the amount of money put in. The title a person writes on the center of the face side is defined by religion as well as when to bring either for the Japanese wake or for the funeral proper. People also bring money to shijūkunichi (49日) the forty-ninth day service after death, especially when they did not attend the funeral. In addition, banknotes placed in kōden-bukuro should never be uncirculated, but rather be worn and bear signs of use; presenting new money is considered rude, as it could be taken to mean that the person giving the money had predicted the death and thus had time to order new banknotes to use.

Special birthdays

 * Seven, five, three: Shichi-go-san (七五三) is an event held on November 15 for children of these ages.
 * Twenty: The twentieth birthday, 二十歳 or 二十, is when a person becomes an adult and can drink alcohol and smoke tobacco. Pronounced hatachi.
 * Sixty: The sixtieth birthday is the occasion of kanreki, 還暦, when five cycles of the Chinese zodiac have completed.
 * Seventy: The seventieth birthday is the occasion of koki, 古希, "age rarely attained", as taken from a verse 「人生七十古來稀なり」 meaning "very few live a long life up to 70 years of age" in a Chinese poem "曲江二首其二" by Du Fu.
 * Seventy-seven: The seventy-seventh birthday is the occasion of kiju 喜寿, "happy age", because the Chinese character 喜 written in cursive style looks like the characters for seventy-seven (七十七).
 * Eighty: The eightieth birthday is the occasion of sanju 傘寿, "umbrella age", because the Chinese character for umbrella, 傘 in cursive style as 仐, looks like the characters for eighty (八十).
 * Eighty-eight: The eighty-eighth birthday is the occasion of beiju 米寿, "rice age", because the Chinese character for rice, 米, looks like the characters for eighty-eight (八十八).
 * Ninety: The ninetieth birthday is the occasion of sotsuju 卒寿, "outgrowing age", because the Chinese character for outgrowth, 卒 in cursive style as 卆, looks like the characters for ninety (九十).
 * Ninety-nine: The ninety-ninth birthday is the occasion of hakuju 白寿, "white age", because the Chinese character for white, 白, looks like the Chinese character for one hundred, 百, with the top stroke (which means "one") removed.
 * Hundred: The hundredth birthday is the occasion of momoju 百寿, "centenary age". Also spelled kiju 紀寿.
 * Hundred and eight: The hundred-and-eighth birthday is the occasion of chaju 茶寿, "tea age", because the Chinese character for tea, 茶, looks like the characters for ten, ten, and eighty-eight to add up to 108 (十、十、八十八).

Business cards
Business cards are exchanged with care, at the very start of the meeting. Standing opposite each person, people exchanging cards offer them with both hands so that the other person can read it. Cards are not tossed across the table or held out casually with one hand. Cards are accepted with both hands and studied for a moment, then set carefully on the table in front of the receiver's seat or placed in a business card holder with a smile. If needed, one may ask how to pronounce someone's name at this juncture. When meeting a group of people, cards can be put in front of the receiver on the table for reference during the conversation or immediately placed in the receiver's card holder. Cards are never put in one's pocket or wallet, nor written on in the presence of the other person. This attention to business card etiquette is intended to show respect.

title: Etiquette in Japan


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Cornelius Rodousakis

Metropolitan Cornelius of Petra (né Emmanuel Rodousakis; 6 March 1936 – 14 May 2023) was a Greek senior bishop of the Eastern Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem. He was Ypolochagós of the Church in 2001, following the death of Patriarch Diodoros I. He served as Ypolochagós (locum tenens in Latin) again from 30 May 2005, after the deposition of Irenaios I on 6 May, until the election of Theophilos III on 22 August.

Biography
Emmanuel Rodousakis was born on 6 March 1936 in Magarikario of Herakleion, Crete, and arrived in Jerusalem in 1951. He graduated from the Patriarchal School of Jerusalem, and was tonsured a monk in 1958 and ordained to the diaconate the following year. He studied theology at the Theological School in Halki, Turkey. He was ordained to the priesthood in 1964, and elevated to the rank of archimandrite in 1965. He continued his education at the Ecumenical Institute of Geneva in 1967, and in 1972 he was made a member of the Holy Synod of the Eastern Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

Cornelius served as archivist and principal of the Patriarchal School, and also served as editor and director of the New Zion magazine and chairman of Education. In October 1976, he was elected to the episcopacy and consecrated Archdiocesan of Sevasteia. On 2 July 1978, he was appointed Patriarchal Commissioner for Bethlehem, and in 1981, he was appointed chairman of the school Inspectorate. In 1991, he was elected Eparch of Sevasteia and, in 1998, Eparch of Petra.

Cornelius also served as a suffragan bishop of the Patriarch. In 2001, he was appointed General Patriarchal Commissioner. Representing the Jerusalem Patriarchate, he also participated in various conventions and missions.

Cornelius died on 14 May 2023, at the age of 87.

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title: Cornelius Rodousakis


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title: File:The Green Mile (movie poster).jpg


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Balikpapan-class landing craft heavy

The Balikpapan class is a class of eight heavy landing craft. All eight were built by Walkers Limited for the Australian Army in the early 1970s. A reorganisation of watercraft responsibilities in the Australian military meant the landing craft were operated by the Royal Australian Navy (RAN), with seven commissioned directly into RAN service during 1973 and 1974, and lead ship HMAS Balikpapan (L 126) transferred from the army to the navy. During the leadup to the independence of Papua New Guinea in 1975, two of the vessels (HMPNGS Salamaua and HMPNGS Buna) were transferred to the new Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF).

During their careers, the Australian vessels have operated in support of Operation Navy Help Darwin in 1974–1975, Operation Bel Isi from 1997 to 2003, INTERFET operations in 1999 and 2000, and RAMSI operations from 2003.

The six remaining RAN vessels were paid off in the 2010s: Balikpapan, HMAS Betano (L 133), and HMAS Wewak (L 130) in 2012; HMAS Brunei (L 127), HMAS Labuan (L 128), and HMAS Tarakan (L 129) in 2014. They are yet to be replaced in RAN service. In 2014, the former Labuan was transferred to Papua New Guinea as the training ship HMPNGS Lakekamu. Brunei and Tarakan were refitted and donated to the Philippine Navy in 2015, commissioning as BRP Ivatan (AT-298) and BRP Batak (AT-299). Three additional units of the class - decommissioned units former HMAS Balikpapan, HMAS Wewak and HMAS Betano - were sold in 2016 to the Philippine Navy. The PNGDF decommissioned Salamaua in 2020 and Buna in 2021.

Design and capabilities
Eight new heavy landing craft were ordered in 1969 as a locally manufactured replacement for the Australian Army's four LSM-1-class landing ship medium and two ALC 50 landing craft after the Landing Ship Medium Mark II project was cancelled. They are 44.5 m long, with a beam of 10.1 m, and a draught of 2 m. The landing craft have a standard displacement of 320 tons, with a full load displacement of 517 tons. They were originally built with two Detroit 12–71 diesel motors. These were replaced by Caterpillar 3406E diesel engines between 2005 and 2007 for those still in Australian service. The standard ship's company is 16-strong, including two officers. The sensor suite is limited to a Racel Decca Bridgemaster I-band navigational radar. They are fitted with two 12.7 mm machine guns for self-defence.

The LCHs have a maximum payload of 180 tons; equivalent to three Leopard 1 or two M1A1 Abrams tanks, 13 M113 armored personnel carriers, 23 quarter-tonne trucks, or four LARC-V amphibious cargo vehicles. As a troop transport, a Balikpapan class vessel can transport up to 400 soldiers between a larger amphibious ship and the shore, or embark 60 soldiers in six-berth caravans for longer voyages. The vessel's payload affects the range: at 175 tons of cargo, each vessel has a range of 1300 nmi, which increases to 2280 nmi with a 150-ton payload, and 3000 nmi when unladen. The flat, box-like keel causes the ships to roll considerably in other-than-calm conditions, limiting their ability to make long voyages. The LCHs can mate their bow ramp to the stern loading dock of the RAN's large amphibious warfare ships when operating in the ship-to-shore role.

All eight Balikpapan-class vessels were constructed by Walkers Limited at its shipyard in Maryborough, Queensland. All were laid down during 1971 and 1972, with lead ship HMAS Balikpapan (L 126) entering service with the Australian Army Water Transport Squadron at the end of 1971. After this, responsibility for seagoing Army craft was transferred to the RAN, with the other seven craft directly entering naval service during 1973 and 1974, and Balikpapan transferring over in late 1974.

Australian service
In January 1973, the Balikpapans in RAN service were formed together as the First Australian Landing Craft Squadron, based at HMAS Moreton in Brisbane. In November 1974, HMAS Salamaua (L 131) and HMAS Buna (L 132) were transferred to the fledgling Papua New Guinea Defence Force, along with five Attack-class patrol boats. Five of the remaining Australian LCHs were deployed in December 1974 following Cyclone Tracy as part of Operation Navy Help Darwin; HMAS Labuan (L 128) was undergoing refits at the time.

HMAS Labuan (L 128) was assigned to the Royal Australian Navy Reserve in June 1979, and attached to the Brisbane Port Division. Three LCHs, HMAS Tarakan (L 129), Balikpapan, and HMAS Wewak (L 130) were placed in reserve at NQEA in Cairns during August and September 1985. They were reactivated in 1988, 1990, and 2000, respectively. On entering service, HMAS Brunei (L 127) and HMAS Betano (L 133) initially supplemented the inshore hydrographic survey capabilities of the RAN until late 1988, when they were reassigned to the naval base HMAS Waterhen (naval base) for use in diver training. During May and June 1984, Balikpapan completed a 5,400 nmi transit from Brisbane to Penang, transporting vehicles, equipment, and personnel to RAAF Butterworth; the longest ocean voyage undertaken by a vessel of this class.

Between 1997 and 2003, the LCHs were used to support the Peace Monitoring Group (PMG) in Bougainville, under Operation Bel Isi. Ships deployed on this operation were involved in resupplying the PMG base in Loloho, transport of PMG personnel and humanitarian aid, and coastal patrols. From 1999 onwards, the Balikpapans were also tasked with supporting INTERFET operations in East Timor, particularly those relating to the Oecussi enclave. The increase in operational tempo was a major factor in the reactivation of Wewak in 2000. In 2003, the landing craft began supporting RAMSI operations in the Solomon Islands.

On 11 December 2012, Wewak was decommissioned. Balikpapan and Betano were both decommissioned a day later, on 12 December. The other three Australian vessels were decommissioned on 19 November 2014.

Papua New Guinea
As part of the leadup to the independence of Papua New Guinea, in November 1974, HMAS Salamaua (L 131) and HMAS Buna (L 132) were transferred to the fledgling Papua New Guinea Defence Force, along with five Attack-class patrol boats.

During 1985 and 1986, Salamaua and Buna underwent refits.

The two PNG vessels were listed in Jane's Fighting Ships as non-operational since 2011, and awaiting refits. By 2013, they had been returned to service. Labuan and Tarakan delivered humanitarian supplies to remote coastal settlements in the Solomon Islands in September 2014 as part of Australian support efforts in the region.

After decommissioning from Australian service, Labuan was transferred to the PNGDF for use as a training vessel, and was commissioned as HMPNGS Lakekamu on 4 December 2014.

Salamaua was decommissioned from PNGDF service on 19 June 2020. Buna was decommissioned from PNGDF service in June 2021.

Philippines
Brunei and Tarakan were selected for donation to the Philippine Navy in January 2015. The intention was to improve the Philippines' sealift capability, which was found lacking following Typhoon Yolanda in 2013. The two landing craft were refurbished and fitted with new navigation and safety equipment, at a total cost of A$4 million. Hand-over of the vessel was originally planned for 17 May 2015, but this did not occur. Instead, the Philippine Navy took possession of the vessels at HMAS Cairns (naval base) on 23 July, with Brunei commissioned as BRP Ivatan and Tarakan commissioned as BRP Batak. The two landing craft sailed that day for the Philippines, with a formal christening ceremony to be held following their arrival in early August. It has been reported that the vessels will likely be homeported on the island of Palawan.

The Philippine and Australian governments are in negotiations to sell the three remaining Australian Balikpapans to the Philippine Navy, with a deal expected to be reached later in 2015. On 27 July 2015, Philippines president Benigno Aquino III stated as part of his annual state of the nation address that his government intended to purchase all three vessels. All three, the former HMAS Balikpapan, HMAS Wewak, and HMAS Betano, were delivered to the Philippines in March 2016, and were immediately sent for refurbishing works. The Philippines paid ₱270 million for the three vessels. They will be commissioned to the Philippine Navy on 1 June 2016 as BRP Waray, BRP Iwak, and BRP Agta, and will be assigned to the Sealift Amphibious Force.

Replacement
There are plans to replace the Balikpapans in Australian service with an as-yet-unidentified class of six heavy landing craft. The original replacement project was not due to decide on the design until between 2016 and 2018, with the new class to enter service from 2022. The Department of Defence issued a request for information in early 2011, which may lead to the project being brought forward. As of 2019 there has been no further developments.

title: Balikpapan-class landing craft heavy


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title: User talk:Doroteya~enwiki


text: File:Lemar-time to grow a.jpeg

title: File:Lemar-time to grow a.jpeg


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Hesperoyucca whipplei

Hesperoyucca whipplei (syn. Yucca whipplei), the chaparral yucca, our Lord's candle, Spanish bayonet, Quixote yucca or foothill yucca, is a species of flowering plant closely related to, and formerly usually included in, the genus Yucca. It is native to southwest communities of North America.

Description

It produces a stemless cluster of long, rigid leaves which end in a sharp point. The leaves are 20–90 cm, rarely to 125 cm, long and 0.7–2 cm wide, and gray-green in color. The leaf edges are finely saw-toothed.

The single inflorescence grows extremely fast, and reaches 0.9–3 m tall, bearing hundreds of elliptical (bell-shaped) white to purplish flowers 3 cm in diameter on a densely branched panicle up to 70 cm broad, covering the upper half of the inflorescence. The fruit is a dry winged capsule, which splits open at maturity to release the seeds.

The plant takes several (usually 5+) years to reach maturity and flower, doing so in April–May, at which point it usually dies. Most subspecies produce offshoots from the base, so that although the parent plant flowers and dies, a cluster of clones around its base continue to grow and reproduce. It may also grow back from its base after much of its foliage has been scorched off by the wildfires that frequent its range.

Taxonomy
The taxonomy of H. whipplei is complex and controversial. Hesperoyucca was described as a genus by George Engelmann as long ago as 1892, but it has taken recent DNA analysis to confirm that they are genetically distinct from Yucca.

Among those botanists who have treated (or still treat) it as a species of Yucca, six subspecies have been recognised;  others have regarded them as varieties.

Hochstätter's subspecies are:
 * Yucca whipplei ssp. whipplei
 * Yucca whipplei ssp. caespitosa
 * Yucca whipplei ssp. intermedia
 * Yucca whipplei ssp. percursa
 * Yucca whipplei ssp. newberryi
 * Yucca whipplei ssp. eremica

The plant treated as the subspecies Y. whipplei subsp. newberryi has been shown to be genetically distinct, and is often treated as a distinct species, Hesperoyucca newberryi. It is native further east, in Arizona, and differs in the capsules being unwinged or with only slight wings.

Etymology

 * "Yuca" is a native name for the unrelated Manihot.
 * Yucca whipplei is named after Amiel Weeks Whipple (1818–1863), a surveyor who oversaw the Pacific Railroad Survey to Los Angeles in 1853.
 * The name our Lord's candle is derived from its huge, flame-shaped inflorescence.
 * Spanish bayonet refers to the needle-sharp leaf tips which can cause discomfort to the unwary passer-by.

Distribution
It is native to southern California in the United States and Baja California in Mexico, where it occurs mainly in chaparral, coastal sage scrub, and oak woodland plant communities at altitudes of 0–2,500 m.

Ecology

It is pollinated by the California yucca moth (Tegeticula maculata), a relationship which has become a classic example of symbiosis. The female yucca moth collects up to a dozen sacks of pollen grains called pollinia and forms them into a massive ball. The moth then flies to another plant and lands on the ovary of a flower. Standing with its head near the stigma, the moth inserts its ovipositor into the ovary wall and lays a single egg. The moth then rubs its pollen mass against the central stigmatic depression, ensuring pollination. The pollinated ovary will now produce many seeds, ensuring an ample food supply for the larva. Although many associations of Yucca and yucca moth exist, Tegeticula muculata and Hesperoyucca whipplei form an exclusive relationship.

Uses
Hesperoyucca whipplei is used in xeriscaping in Southern California, but reportedly is difficult to grow outside of its native range (although it is widely available from specialist nurseries in the United Kingdom). It is extremely drought tolerant and thrives in clay soils.

It has been used extensively by Native Americans. Yucca species such as Y. whipplei have been documented to have been used as a fiber and food source by Native Americans in the Southwest cultural region, prior to European settlement. Archaeological evidence shows that use of yucca species extends to approximately 5,000 years ago within groups such as the Serrano of the San Bernardino Mountains and San Gabriel Mountains of the transverse mountain ranges of Southern California. The Serrano harvested the hearts of the plant during the spring growing season. Yucca whipplei grows on the rocky slopes and washes of the chaparral area of the transverse mountains of Southern California up to approximately 4000 ft above mean sea level. Harvested plants were chosen based on the growth of the stalk; the hearts were the preferred portion of the plant, and would be harvested before the stalk was fully developed. The heart contains the sugars stored to rapidly grow a stalk to flower, and become bitter as the stalk grows in height. The hearts would then be roasted in stone lined pits (earth oven) over several hours in a manner similar to that of agave species. Once cooked, the hearts would be removed and allowed to cool before eating. Uneaten portions could be dried for storage. Though slightly bitter, the stalk and flowers can be harvested and used as food sources as well. The stalks can be prepared roasted in a manner similar to the hearts, while the petals were often parboiled. The long leaves of species such as the Y. whipplei are made of strong fibers which can be pounded and scraped to expose long threads which run the length of the leaf. The leaves could be processed in many ways to remove the outer layer of leaf material which could be processed into threads and cords, used for basketry, blankets, and sandals. Green leaves can be heated over coals or directly on flames to heat the leaves. Cooking the leaves removes some of the saponins and allows for easier scraping. Ethnographic accounts dating to 1938 describes the preparation of leaves for fibers as any one of the following: boiling or pit roasting of live leaves to be scraped clean or the pounding or soaking of dry leaves expose fibers. Shells or stone scrapers were often employed to remove outer leaf material from the fibers. Once exposed, these fibers were often soaked in water to soften fiber. The fibers could then be twisted into cordage, used as materials in a basket, or woven into sandals. Other groups made use of different varieties of yucca species found throughout the American Southwest. Archaeological evidence shows use of Yucca shidigera (Mojave yucca) near the area of the Mexico–United States border dating as early as 5,000 years ago. Residues of yucca were found on some stone tools in a cave site in Texas indicate that yucca was used to secure stone tools to other materials. Ethnographic evidence of the Mogollon has shown the use of the leaves with green leaf matter intact and woven into sandals. The green leaves are fire heated and no scraping or further processing occurs to remove fibers, though the spine is removed from the tip. The whole green leaves are then tightly woven to shape the bed of the sandal, and secured to the foot with cordage ties.

title: Hesperoyucca whipplei


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Las Plagas

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was - should be merged - SimonP 03:48, Jun 15, 2005 (UTC)

Las Plagas
I cannot see how this is not pure fiction. It possibly belongs in the backstory of the relevant piece of work, but it definitely shouldn't stand alone as is. StoneColdCrazy 02:51, 31 May 2005 (UTC)
 * This doesn't seem like it needs its own article—merge into Resident Evil 4.  JeremyA 04:14, 31 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge into Resident Evil 4. That's the only game with the Plagas, and this hardly transcends the series. A Man In Black 05:11, 31 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge into Resident Evil 4. Minor location enemy in the Resident Evil series. Zzyzx11 (Talk) 05:31, 31 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Uh, more like "disease/major villain" from the Resident Evil series, but it still doesn't merit its own article by a long shot. A Man In Black 05:53, 31 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Yup, Merge into Resident Evil 4 :-/ -CunningLinguist 06:45, 31 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge and redirect into Resident Evil 4. Megan1967 10:52, 31 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge into Resident Evil 4. Thunderbrand 18:58, Jun 13, 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


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Themes in Blade Runner

Despite the initial appearance of an action film, Blade Runner operates on an unusually rich number of dramatic levels. As with much of the cyberpunk genre, it owes a large debt to film noir, containing and exploring such conventions as the femme fatale, a Chandleresque first-person narration in the Theatrical Version, the questionable moral outlook of the hero—extended here to include even the literal humanity of the hero, as well as the usual dark and shadowy cinematography.

Overview
It has been argued that Blade Runner thematically enfolds moral philosophy and philosophy of mind implications of the increasing human mastery of genetic engineering, within the context of classical Greek drama and its notions of hubris —and linguistically, drawing on the poetry of William Blake and the Bible. This is a theme subtly reiterated by the chess game between J. F. Sebastian and Tyrell based on the famous Immortal Game of 1851 symbolizing the struggle against mortality imposed by God. The Blade Runner FAQ offers further interpretation of the chess game, saying that it "represents the struggle of the replicants against the humans: the humans consider the replicants pawns, to be removed one by one. The individual replicants (pawns) are attempting to become immortal (a queen). At another level, the game between Tyrell and Sebastian represents Batty stalking Tyrell. Tyrell makes a fatal mistake in the chess game, and another fatal mistake trying to reason with Batty."

The film delves into the future implications of technology on the environment and society by reaching into the past using literature, religious symbolism, classical dramatic themes and film noir. This tension between past, present and future is apparent in the retrofitted future of Blade Runner, which is high-tech and gleaming in places but elsewhere decayed and old.

A high level of paranoia is present throughout the film with the visual manifestation of corporate power, omnipresent police, probing lights; and in the power over the individual represented particularly by genetic programming of the replicants. Control over the environment is seen on a large scale but also with how animals are created as mere commodities. This oppressive backdrop clarifies why many people are going to the off-world colonies, which clearly parallels the migration to the Americas. The popular 1980s prediction of the United States being economically surpassed by Japan is reflected in the domination of Japanese culture and corporations in the advertising of LA 2019. The film also makes extensive use of eyes and manipulated images to call into question reality and our ability to perceive it.

This provides an atmosphere of uncertainty for Blade Runner's central theme of examining humanity. In order to discover replicants, a psychological test is used with a number of questions intended to provoke emotion; making it the essential indicator of someone's "humanity". The replicants are juxtaposed with human characters who are unempathetic, and while the replicants show passion and concern for one another, the mass of humanity on the streets is cold and impersonal. The film goes so far as to put in doubt the nature of Rick Deckard and forces the audience to reevaluate what it means to be human.

Personhood
Blade Runner raises the question of whether a constructed being should count as a person. In the movie, replicants lack legal rights and are not regarded as human. Similar questions are raised in later unrelated works such as Her and Westworld. Some viewers speculate that the name "Deckard" may be a deliberate reference, by Philip K. Dick, to philosopher René Descartes; in any case, one of the replicants in the film, arguing for her own personhood, uses Descartes' famous quote, "I think therefore I am". While there is no scientific universal test for consciousness in the real world, the replicants' organic nature may make it difficult to reject the notion of their personhood. Artificial intelligence researcher Marcus Hutter asked in 2015, "How do I know that you (a fellow human) have feelings? I have no way of really knowing that. I just assume that because you are built up similarly to me and I know that I have emotions." Hutter argues that replicants are "built up similarly" to humans, and might therefore be more likely to be labeled as conscious than an inorganic intelligence would.

Eyes
Eye symbolism appears repeatedly in Blade Runner and provides insight into themes and characters therein. The film opens with an extreme closeup of an eye which fills the screen reflecting the industrial landscape seen below.

In Roy's quest to "meet his maker" he seeks out Chew, a genetic designer of eyes, who created the eyes of the Nexus-6. When told this, Roy quips, "Chew, if only you could see what I've seen with your eyes", ironic in that Roy's eyes are Chew's eyes since he created them, but it also emphasizes the importance of personal experience in the formation of self. Roy and Leon then intimidate Chew with disembodied eyes and he tells them about J. F. Sebastian.

It is symbolic that the man who designed replicant eyes shows the replicants the way to Tyrell. Eyes are widely regarded as "windows to the soul", eye contact being a facet of body language that unconsciously demonstrates intent and emotion and this is used to great effect in Blade Runner. The Voight-Kampff test that determines if you are human measures the emotions, specifically empathy through various biological responses such as fluctuation of the pupil and involuntary dilation of the iris. Tyrell's trifocal glasses are a reflection of his reliance on technology for his power and his myopic vision. Roy eye gouges Tyrell with his thumbs while killing him, a deeply intimate and brutal death that indicates judgement of Tyrell's soul.

In some scenes, the glow in the pupils of replicants' eyes creates a sense of artificiality. This effect was produced by cinematographer Jordan Cronenweth shining a light along the optical axis of the camera. According to Ridley Scott, "that kickback you saw from the replicants' retinas was a bit of a design flaw. I was also trying to say that the eye is really the most important organ in the human body. It's like a two-way mirror; the eye doesn't only see a lot, the eye gives away a lot. A glowing human retina seemed one way of stating that". Scott considers the glow to be a stylistic device (non-diegetic); only visible to the viewers to help them understand that they are viewing a replicant, almost always occurring after the characters have assumed as much.

The relationship between sight and memories is referenced several times in Blade Runner. Rachael's visual recollection of her memories, Leon's "precious photos", Roy's discussion with Chew and soliloquy at the end, "I've seen things you people wouldn't believe". However, just as prevalent is the concept that what the eyes see and the resulting memories are not to be trusted. This is a notion emphasized by Rachael's fabricated memories, Deckard's need to confirm a replicant based on more than appearance, and even the printout of Leon's photograph not matching the reality of the Esper visual.

Also in the Director's Cut, when at the Tyrell corporation the owl's eye pupils glow with a red tint. This was derived from Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?, in which real animals are rare and owls are very rare, since they were the first animals to start dying of the pollution which pushed humans Off-World. The red tint indicates that the owl is a replicant.

Religious and philosophical symbolism
There is a subtext of Christian allegory in Blade Runner, particularly in regard to the Roy Batty character. Given the replicants' superhuman abilities, their identity as created beings (by Tyrell) and "fall from the heavens" (off-world) makes them analogous to fallen angels. In this context, Roy Batty shares similarities with Lucifer as he prefers to "reign in hell" (Earth) rather than "serve in heaven". This connection is also apparent when Roy deliberately misquotes William Blake, "Fiery the angels fell..." (Blake wrote "Fiery the angels rose..." in America a Prophecy). Nearing the end of his life, Roy creates a stigmata by driving a nail into his hand, and becomes a Christ-like figure by sacrificing himself for Deckard. Upon his death a dove appears to symbolise Roy's soul ascending into the heavens.

Zhora's gunshot wounds are both on her shoulder blades. The result makes her look like an angel whose wings have been cut off. Zhora uses serpent that "once corrupted man" in her performance.

A Nietzschean interpretation has also been argued for the film on several occasions. This is especially true for the Batty character, arguably a biased prototype for Nietzsche's Übermensch—not only due to his intrinsic characteristics, but also because of the outlook and demeanor he displays in many significant moments of the film. For instance: "A modern audience might admire Batty’s will to flee the confinements of slavery and perhaps sympathize with his existential struggle to live. Initially, however, his desire to live is subsumed by his desire for power to extend his life. Why? In Heidegger’s view, because death inevitably limits the number of choices we have, freedom is earned by properly concentrating on death. Thoughts of mortality give us a motive for taking life seriously. Batty’s status as a slave identifies him as an object, but his will to power casts him as an agent and subject in the Nietzschean sense. His physical and psychological courage to rebel is developed as an ethical principle in which he revolts against a social order that has conspired against him at the genetic, cultural, and political levels. In Heidegger’s view, Batty’s willingness to defy social conformity allows for him to authentically pursue the meaning of his existence beyond his programming as a soldier. Confronting his makers becomes part of his quest, but killing them marks his failure to transcend his own nature."

Environment and globalization
Orson Scott Card wrote of the film, "It takes place in Los Angeles. No aliens at all. But it isn't the L.A. we know ... things have changed. Lots of things, moving through the background of the film, give us a powerful sense of being in a strange new place". The film depicts a world post ecocide, where warfare and capitalism have led to destruction of 'normal' ecological systems. The climate of the city in A.D. 2019 is very different from today's. It is strongly implied that industrial pollution has adversely affected planet Earth's environment, i.e. global warming and global dimming. Real animals are rare in the Blade Runner world. In Philip K. Dick's 1968 novel, Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?, animal extinction and human depopulation of the planet were consequent to the radioactive fallout of a nuclear war; owls were the first species to become extinct. This ties in with Deckard's comment about Dr. Tyrell's artificial owl: "It must be expensive." (cf. post-apocalyptic science fiction)

Given the many Asian peoples populating Los Angeles in A.D. 2019, and the cityspeak dialect policeman Gaff speaks to the Blade Runner, Rick Deckard, clearly indicates that much cultural mixing has happened. Globalization also is reflected in the name of the Shimata-Domínguez Corporation, whose slogan proclaims: "Helping America into the New World". This indicates that a mass migration is occurring, as there is a status quo that people want to escape.

The cultural and religious mixing can also be verified at the scene where Deckard chases Zhora. In the streets, we can see people dressed traditionally as Jews, hare krishnas, as well as young boys dressed as punks.

Racism and slavery
Racism and slavery are concepts explored in Blade Runner, primarily through the replicants. Several correlations between treatment of the replicants and the historical treatment of Black people in America have been pointed out by theorists.

Replicants are explicitly compared to slaves, Roy Batty stating "Quite an experience to live in fear, isn't it? That's what it is to be a slave." They perform jobs that are considered too dangerous for humans to do on behalf of off-world colonies, such as heavy manual labour and combat, under the threat of death for disobedience. This becomes more disturbing when considering the so-called "pleasure models," which harkens the sexual abuse perpetrated by slaveowners in the United States. Explicit references to racism in are also made in the original release of the film. LAPD captain Bryant refers to the replicants as "skin jobs", whereupon Deckard's overdubbed narration explains "Skin jobs, that’s what Bryant called Replicants. In history books he is the kind of cop that used to call black men niggers."

Author Adilifu Nama suggested that the replicants in the film were "symbolically Black," stating that, as escaped slaves, they had the same socioeconomic status as enslaved Africans during the time of legalized slavery in America. Blade Runner distinctively features no primary Black characters, and, aside from two background characters at a bar, even the crowded city streets lack any apparent Black population. This is unusual when considering the overrepresentation of other non-White ethnicities in these same scenes.

Robert Barringer observed that the replicants in the film are coded Black and loosely fit popular Black stereotypes; he denoted Leon as representing the image of the quick-to-anger thuggish undereducated Black male, Zhora and Pris as lower-class prostitutes and Roy as a "smart, militant" Malcolm X type figure. Rachael, he wrote, acted as an "Oreo," a Black woman who is successfully able to act White, for she is programmed for this purpose. Thus, he compares the taboo of her and Deckard's relationship as akin to the taboo of interracial relationships. He interpreted both Tyrell and Sebastian as different types of slaveowners, "bad" and "good" respectively. Tyrell viewed replicants as lesser than, intentionally designing them for the function of the types of dangerous and demeaning labour aforementioned. Sebastian, despite calling the smaller toy-like replicants his "friends," has intentionally constructed inferior beings to him and is complicit in a system of slavery. Sebastian, despite his more friendly demeanour, still views replicants as objects. This is evidenced not only by his "friends", but in the way he speaks to Roy and Pris, asking "Show me something," viewing them as a source of intrigue or amusement rather than conscious beings. This, Barringer explains, is why both are killed by Roy.

Deckard: human or replicant?

In the Director's Cut and The Final Cut, there is a sequence in which Deckard daydreams about a unicorn; in the final scene, he finds an origami unicorn on the floor outside his apartment, left there by Gaff, suggesting that Gaff knows about Deckard's dream in the same manner that Deckard knows about Rachael's implanted memories. Scott confirmed this interpretation was his intent in the unicorn daydream.

However, while memory implantation for replicants is established elsewhere in the movie, it is unclear if daydreams work in the same way. Even without considering this scene, there is other evidence and hints that allow for the possibility of Deckard being a replicant but does not eliminate the possibility of Deckard being human:
 * That Deckard's apartment is full of photographs, none of them recent or in color. Replicants have a taste for photographs because it provides a tie to a non-existent past.
 * The scene in which Rachael asks, "You know that Voight-Kampff test of yours? Did you ever take that test yourself? Deckard?" By the time she calls out his name, Rachael finds that she had not received an answer because the injured, exhausted Deckard has fallen asleep.
 * His fellow detective Gaff shows no sympathy for Deckard throughout the film and tells him "You've done a man's job, sir!" after Roy expires.
 * Deckard's eyes glow briefly in one scene, which was used in the film to subtly suggest his replicant identity. However, Ford denies this was an intentional effect and he may have caught some of the light intended to fall on Sean Young's eyes.

Philip K. Dick wrote the character Deckard as a human in the original novel in order to explore the increasing similarity of humans and replicants. However, the film significantly diverges from the book, e.g. the book states explicitly that Deckard passed the Voight-Kampff test. Screenwriter Hampton Fancher has said that he wrote the character as a human, but wanted the film to suggest the possibility that he may be a replicant. When asked, "Is Deckard a replicant?", Fancher replied, "No. It wasn't like I had a tricky idea about Deckard that way." During a discussion panel with Ridley Scott to discuss Blade Runner: The Final Cut, Fancher again stated that he believes Deckard is human (saying that "[Scott's] idea is too complex" ), but also repeated that he prefers the film to remain ambiguous.

Harrison Ford had stated over the years that he considered Deckard to be human. "That was the main area of contention between Ridley and myself at the time," Ford told an interviewer during a BBC One Hollywood Greats segment. "I thought the audience deserved one human being on screen that they could establish an emotional relationship with. I thought I had won Ridley's agreement to that, but in fact I think he had a little reservation about that. I think he really wanted to have it both ways." Scott suggests that Ford may have since changed his view, although Blade Runner 2049 director Denis Villeneuve claimed that Ford and Scott argue about the issue to this day. Other people involved in the movie's production who have expressed the view that Deckard is human include: David Snyder (art director), M. Emmet Walsh (who portrayed Bryant) and Rutger Hauer (who portrayed Roy Batty).

In a 2023 interview, Ford stated that he "always knew" that Deckard was a replicant, but wanted to "push back against it", adding that a replicant (or at least, Deckard) would want to believe that they are human.

Ridley Scott stated in several interviews that he considers Deckard to be a replicant. Syd Mead, the film's visual futurist, agreed with Scott that Deckard is a replicant. Douglas Trumbull, the film's visual effects supervisor, stated that he does not know Deckard's true nature and that the issue is an enigma. Similarly, Villeneuve also noted that in 2049, "Deckard [...] is unsure, as we are, of what his identity is".

The disagreement among the people involved in making Blade Runner raises interesting questions about authorial intent, including who, if anyone, can make authoritative pronouncements about a film's interpretation.

title: Themes in Blade Runner


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Veronica Blume

Verónica Blume (born 17 July 1977 in Germany) is a fashion model and actress based in Spain. She is best known to American audiences in the role of Veronica on the television sitcom Out of the Blue.

title: Veronica Blume


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Ferrari 250 GT SWB Breadvan

The Ferrari 250 GT SWB Breadvan is a one-off Ferrari made in 1962 from a 1961 Ferrari 250 GT Berlinetta SWB, chassis number 2819 GT. It was built to compete against the new 1962 Ferrari 250 GTO at the 24 Hours of Le Mans and other FIA World Sportscar Championship races.

Development

In 1962, the engineer Giotto Bizzarrini was hired by Count Giovanni Volpi, owner of the Scuderia Serenissima racing team, to upgrade a Ferrari 250 GT SWB so it would be competitive with the then-new Ferrari 250 GTO. Enzo Ferrari had refused to sell any GTOs to Count Volpi, due to Volpi's hiring of former Ferrari employees at ATS.

The donor car for this project was a 250 GT SWB Competition, serial number 2819 GT. This car had previously competed in the 1961 Tour de France, where it took 2nd place overall driven by Olivier Gendebien and Lucien Bianchi. The car was sold by Gendebien to Volpi shortly afterward for use with Scuderia Serenissima. As with other competition-spec SWBs, this car had a lightweight body and chassis, minimal trim, and a more powerful 286 bhp Tipo 168 engine with Testarossa-type heads.

Bizzarrini applied all the ideas he had developed working on the GTO and together with the car body specialist Piero Drogo developed an aerodynamically advanced body, even lower than the GTO's, with the roof line dramatically extended to the rear end following Kamm aerodynamic theory. The resulting shooting-brake appearance led to the French press nicknaming it "La Camionnette" (little truck), while the English-speaking journalists called it the "Breadvan."

Bizzarrini moved the engine and radiator further back to the center of the chassis than the GTO, and lowered it by fitting a dry sump system. The original three 46 DCN Weber carburetors were replaced with six twin choke 38 DCN Webers. The original 4-speed gearbox was retained. Giorgio Neri and Luciano Bonacini of Modena were contracted to perform all the mechanical modifications and race preparation. The resulting car was significantly lighter than the GTO, at 935 kg compared to the typical GTO weight of 1000 kg.

Competition history
The rebodied Breadvan made its competition debut at the 1962 24 Hours of Le Mans. It quickly passed all Ferrari GTOs and was 7th overall during the 4th hour when a driveshaft failure caused its retirement. Results at other races proved the design's effectiveness, as the car won the GT class in two races during the 1962 season. The car's last race in period was at the Coppa Gallenga Hillclimb in 1965, however since 1973 it has appeared regularly at historic races worldwide, including events such as the Monterey Historic Automobile Races, the Goodwood Festival of Speed and the Tour Auto.

Influence
The 250 GT SWB Breadvan's unusual but effective aerodynamics proved the Kamm tail design that would be used on many other racing cars, including the Ford J-car and the Alfa Romeo Giulia TZ.

Following the success of the Breadvan, two additional 250 GT SWB cars (S/N 2053 GT and 2735 GT) were modified for privateer drivers by Bizzarrini, Drogo, Neri and Bonacini, distinctively bodied with similar shapes. A third modified Ferrari was planned but not completed. An Iso Rivolta, chassis number IR460368, was also rebodied by Drogo in a similar style to 2819 GT.

Similar shooting brake designs were used on later Ferrari concept cars and production cars such as the 456 GT Venice and the Ferrari FF.

In 2018, Niels van Roij, car designer and coachbuilder, was commissioned to create an homage vehicle. A Ferrari 550 Maranello was the base vehicle. The design and realisation of the vehicle was documented and regularly released for public viewing by van Roij.

title: Ferrari 250 GT SWB Breadvan


text:
Isotropic radiation

Isotropic radiation is radiation that has the same intensity regardless of the direction of measurement, such as would be found in a thermal cavity. This can be electromagnetic radiation, sound, or elementary particles.

title: Isotropic radiation


text:
Talk:Earl Lloyd-George of Dwyfor

Shouldn't this be at Earl Lloyd George? Burke's gives no hyphen, for one thing. john k 02:53, 31 May 2005 (UTC)
 * I disagree, Mr. Kenney for, in other sources, it is hyphenated. In addition, "of Dwyfor" is a part of the peerage, and it is apparently recognised by a sufficient quantity of readers. --Anglius 02:59, 30 July 2005 (UTC)

Patrick Cracroft-Brennan posted on atr on 6th November 2000 "When I was sending out proofs for Cracroft's Peerage the present Earl Lloyd George of Dwyfor was at great pains to point out to me that there is no hyphen in either the family name or title." One assumes the "of Dwyfor" was to remove the need to hyphenate: generally unhyphenated surname titles aren't allowed (e.g. Andrew Lloyd Webber, Baron Lloyd-Webber, Mark Bonham Carter, Baron Bonham-Carter), as "Lord Lloyd Webber" looks like Lloyd, the younger son of a Duke or Marquess whose surname is "Webber". Obviously adding an "of X" removes this problem (yet another point to add to my ""of X"s should never be left out" argument; how nice). (Although that doesn't explain why Jane Bonham Carter, Baroness Bonham-Carter of Yarnbury has one. Perhaps because the previous Bonham(-)Carter peerage had one and she wanted to be consistent.) And, of course, as John has pointed out, Burke's also leaves out the hyphen (although they still manage to maintain their slapdash approach by including "of Dwyfor" at the beginning and then forgetting it in the address). Proteus (Talk) 17:36, 31 May 2006 (UTC)

 * Vol 2. of John Grigg, Lloyd George's leading biography (1978, that volume, p.377 of the 1997 reprint) says that his peerage title was not hyphenated, despite what the College of Heralds wanted. This was news to me, but we live and learn.Paulturtle (talk) 17:38, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

Lloyd?
Several history reference books claim that his name was originally simply David George and he added the Lloyd portion at some stage.

My parents and grand parents were adamant that David Lloyd George was a leading member of the party that sought appeasement with Hitler up until the declaration of war in 1939.AT Kunene (talk) 15:37, 15 January 2011 (UTC)

 * As is well-known, he adopted the "Lloyd" in honour of his bachelor uncle who brought him up after his dad died (not uncommon for the era - Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman adopted the second half of his name as a condition of receiving an inheritance). Vol 2. of John Grigg, Lloyd George's leading biography (1978, that volume, p.377 of the 1997 reprint) says that his legal name remained "George" and he was incorrectly hyphenated in Hansard until 1910 and "Who's Who" until 1917. As is also public knowledge, his younger son Gwilym formally changed his name to include the hyphen.Paulturtle (talk) 17:38, 3 May 2022 (UTC)

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Talk:Mike D'Antoni

Comment
More substance in this article, please. I'm from close to his hometown.

Marshall University alumni
I've added the Marshall basketball players category to the alumni category as a subcategory, which should have been done already. As such, the parent Marshall alumni category was redundant, and I've removed it. matt91486 (talk) 04:19, 24 September 2008 (UTC)

I deleted a profane comment from the talk page.

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Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 30 October 2020
Due to the hiring by the brookyln nets for mr. d'antoni as assistant coach https://www.nba.com/nets/news/2020/10/30/brooklyn-nets-announce-coaching-staff. I would like to edit his page to say that. Phillypaboy123 (talk) 18:03, 30 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Red question icon with gradient background.svg Not done: it's not clear what changes you want to be made. Please mention the specific changes in a "change X to Y" format and provide a reliable source if appropriate. Melmann 13:24, 31 October 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Mike D'Antoni


text:
Britt Burns

Robert Britt Burns (born June 8, 1959) is an American former professional baseball former pitcher who played eight seasons in Major League Baseball (MLB), all with the Chicago White Sox. He compiled a career mark of 70 wins and 60 losses with a 3.66 ERA.

Burns pitched for Fultondale High School in 1975, before transferring to Huffman High School in Birmingham, Alabama from 1976 to 1977. He played for coach Phil English at Huffman. When he graduated, he held the state record for career victories with 35 against only 2 losses (a record that stood for over 12 years), and as of 2008, still holds the single season record for lowest earned run average after posting a 0.00 in 1977. His career high school ERA was 0.12.

He was discovered by Chicago Tribune book critic Bob Cromie while pitching in Birmingham in 1978. He made his debut later that season at the age of 19. Burns did not become a full-time major leaguer until 1980 when he won 15 games. In 1983 he helped the White Sox into the ALCS against the Baltimore Orioles, pitching 9$1⁄3$ innings before surrendering a home run to Tito Landrum in the fourth and final game of the series.

After winning 18 games for Chicago in 1985, Burns was traded on December 12 with Glen Braxton and Mike Soper to the New York Yankees for Ron Hassey and Joe Cowley. A chronic, degenerative hip condition, however, put Burns's career on hold before he could ever pitch for New York. After years of rehab, he attempted a comeback in 1990, making four unsuccessful minor-league starts before finally retiring as a player.

Burns was the minor league pitching coordinator for his hometown Houston Astros until 2010 and was the pitching coach for the Birmingham Barons, the White Sox AA affiliate, through 2015.

title: Britt Burns


text:
Talk:California State Route 241

Classification
Does this page still need to be a stub? --Rschen7754 03:22, May 31, 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:California State Route 241


text:
Carmagnola

Carmagnola (Carmagnòla ) is a comune (municipality) in the Metropolitan City of Turin in the Italian region Piedmont, located 29 km south of Turin. The town is on the right side of the Po river. The nature of the soil determined over time how the river's sand accumulated.

Carmagnola borders the following municipalities: Poirino, Villastellone, Carignano, Lombriasco, Ceresole d'Alba, Racconigi, Sommariva del Bosco, Caramagna Piemonte.

Toponymy
The toponymy of the city of Carmagnola probably derives from the Latin " ", in reference to a square, modestly-sized plot of land. However, some scholars argue that the toponym may derive from the Roman noble name Carminius.

History
The municipality is mentioned for the first time during the 11th century. The land, originally owned by the Arduinic dynasty, passed to the Marquisate of Saluzzo, who had a castle built here. The Saluzzo dynasty soon underwent a rapid decadence ending with a French domination period which lasted 40 years. In 1588 Carmagnola became a possession of the House of Savoy, when Charles Emmanuel I besieged and conquered it. France took possession of Carmagnola a second time during the 17th century, during the civil war between Madamisti and Principisti (supporters of the French and the Savoy dynasty respectively). In this period (1637–1642), the three main subdivisions were razed to the ground as they were conflicting with the defence structures, and immediately re-built around 1.5 km from their original position, where they still are at the present time.

In 1690 the town was once again occupied by the French general Catinat, but just one year later Victor Amadeus II of Savoy brought it back among Piedmontese possessions. While its defence buildings were being demolished and its strategic role was progressively decreasing in importance, the town could finally develop agriculture and commerce, mainly of hemp and ropes, which were exported in great quantity to Liguria and southern France. The characteristic of both agricultural and commercial site remained important until after World War II, which caused a massive immigration and a rapid urbanistic expansion.

The name of La Carmagnole, the title of a French song and dance made popular during the French Revolution, is considered to be indirectly derived from the Italian town - i.e., the customary costume of the Piedmontese peasants living near and around Carmagnola was named for the town; when some of these peasants came to Paris, their dress influenced the popular short jacket worn by working-class militant sans-culottes, who sang the song.

Main sights

 * Abbey of Casanova. It was founded by the Cistercians in the 12th century, although it was mostly rebuilt in a late Baroque style in the 18th century
 * Lomellini Palace, Contemporary Art Museum (15th century)
 * Castle, currently used as town hall (13th century)
 * Collegiate church of Sts. Peter and Paul (1492–1514)
 * Cascina Vigna, Civic Museum of Natural History
 * Sant'Agostino church (1406–1437)
 * San Rocco church (1699–1745)
 * San Filippo church (1715–1739)
 * Church of Saint Mary of the Snow (Santa Maria della Neve), Salsasio (17th century)
 * Synagogue (18th century)
 * Cavassa House (15th century)
 * House of the Sundials (Casa delle Meridiane) or Piano House (16th century)
 * San Lorenzo Hospital (1754–1856)

Economy
The economy of the town is currently linked to the industry and intensive production of vegetables and cereals, which the particular soil makes very productive. Industry experienced a notable growth during the 1960s, when FIAT opened an important factory, thus attracting a growing number of immigrants from southern Italy. The rapid growth of FIAT made also possible other activities in the metallurgy, electronics, optics, chemical industry, and food industry fields. Also well-developed are the banking, financial and insurance sectors.

Notable people born in or related to Carmagnola

 * Francesco Bussone da Carmagnola (1380–1432), better known as Conte di Carmagnola – Renaissance Captain of Fortune, condottiero.
 * Lorenzo Valerio (1810–1865) – politician
 * Enrico Saroldi (1878–1954) – sculptor
 * Antonio Tortone – sculptor
 * Guglielmo Diatto – 19th century founder of the Diatto industrial enterprise.
 * Francesca Maria Rubatto (1844–1904) – Catholic nun, founder of the Capuchin Sisters of Mother Rubatto
 * Raffaello Menochio (1858–1943) – Historical scholar and engineer
 * Angelo Paolo Carena (1740–1769) – Historical scholar
 * Giacinto Carena (1778–1859) – Philosopher, philologist, naturalist, secretary of the Science Academy of Turin
 * Dino Campana (1888–1932) – Poet
 * Ferruccio Valobra (1898–1944) – Anti-fascist and partisan
 * Gianluigi Lentini (1969) – Soccer player
 * Umberto Mastroianni (1910–1998) – Sculptor, partisan, uncle of the actor Marcello Mastroianni
 * Guido Martina (1906–1991) – Cartoonist
 * Davide Longo (1971) – Writer
 * Fabio Troiano (1974) – Actor
 * Andrea Fiore (1850–1914) – Bishop
 * Pio Marchi (1895–1942) – Soccer player
 * Guido Marchi (1896–1969) – Soccer player
 * Giorgio Sommacal (1961) – Cartoonist
 * Eusebio Castigliano (1921–1949) – Soccer player, centre half of the Grande Torino died in the Superga air disaster
 * Caterina Dominici (1829–1894) beatified in 1975
 * Daniela Tuninetti (born 1973), information theorist

Events
On 5 September 2010 during the 61st Pepper Fair the town of Carmagnola has been entered into the Guinness Book of Records for the biggest pepper soup (peperonata) with a weight of 1,190 kg (2,623.5 pounds).
 * Peppers Fair (Sagra del Peperone). It is held between the last week of August and the first of September; it is an eno-gastronomic fair dedicated to the most typical product of Carmagnola's agriculture. It attracts over 250,000 visitors each year.
 * Spring Fair (Fiera di primavera). Held annually in March, dedicated to agricultural commerce, it features many collateral events.
 * Mercantico. It takes place on the second Sunday of each month (except August). It is a small, antiques items' market, hosting over 400 stalls along the old town.
 * Ortoflora e Natura. Held in the first weekend of April in the municipal park Cascina Vigna, the event is dedicated to gardening and horticulture.
 * Grandparents' National Day (Festa Nazionale dei Nonni). It takes place in the middle of September, inside the park Cascina Vigna. It had its first edition in September 2003.
 * Other events include "Carmagnola Jazz Festival", "Carmagnola Town of Art and Culture", "National Ornithological Contest", "Regional Beef Cattle Fair".

Twin towns

 * 🇭🇷 Opatija, Croatia
 * 🇦🇷 Río Tercero, Argentina

title: Carmagnola


text: Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2005-05-23

title: Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2005-05-23