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Stella (yacht)

The Stella is a 'one-design' Bermuda rig sloop yacht, designed for cruising and racing by the noted yacht designer CR (Kim) Holman in 1959. The design was to the requirements of a customer who had seen the Nordic Folkboat and decided that the English east coast needed a similar vessel but modified for North Sea as opposed to Baltic conditions and a competitive racer on handicap. The prototype: Stella No. 1 La Vie en Rose was built to win the 1959 Burnham (on Crouch) week, which she promptly did. Clinker built of mahogany or larch on oak frames.

The restoration of Amulet, an amateur built yacht similar to a Stella originally built in Fort William in 1964, is described by Bob Orrell in the book Amulet: A Charm Restored and Sailed to the Western Isles. This boat is not actually a Stella (this is evident from the book and photographs) and is not recognised by the Stella Class Association.

Fleets exist in the UK (estimated 100 built, mostly still extant) and Australia (approximately 20 built).

Key dimensions

 * Length (LOA): 25' 10"
 * Length on waterline: 20' 0")
 * Beam: 7' 6"
 * Sail area: 338sq ft (main & genoa)
 * Draft: 3' 10"
 * Weight: 2.7 Imp. tons
 * Ballast: 1.22 Imp. tons

title: Stella (yacht)


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People's Party (Ukraine)

The People's Party (Narodna Partiya) is a political party in Ukraine. It was previously named as the Agrarian Party of Ukraine. The party is led by Volodymyr Lytvyn. In September 2011, he claimed that his party was only surpassed in membership by the Party of Regions and Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko.

The party won 2 seats in the Ukrainian parliament in the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election. The party did not take part in national elections since 2012.

History
During the 1998 Ukrainian parliamentary election the party gained 3,68% of the popular vote, the party won 2 (single-mandate constituency) seats.

At the parliamentary elections on 30 March 2002, the party was part of the For United Ukraine alliance. At the parliamentary elections on 26 March 2006 the party was part of the electoral Lytvyn's People's Bloc, which won 2.44% of the popular vote and no seats. In the parliamentary elections on 30 September 2007, the party was part of the Lytvyn Bloc alliance, that won 20 out of 450 seats.

In November 2010 the Bloc of Lytvyn faction in the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's parliament) was renamed People's Party faction.

In the 2010 local elections the party won representative in 20 of the 24 regional parliaments, it did not win seats in the Supreme Council of Crimea.

In August 2011 party leader Lytvyn stated that his People's Party will merge with fellow Ukrainian party Party of Regions. Earlier that month Strong Ukraine had announced the same move. But Mid-December 2011 Lytvyn stated that People's Party will participate in the 2012 parliamentary elections independently. In these election the party did not run on the nationwide proportional party-list but it did win 2 constituencies (it had competed in 58 constituencies ), one won by Lytvyn and the other one by Serhiy Hrynyvetsky, and thus parliamentary representation. Hrynyvetsky joined the faction of Party of Regions in December 2012, while Lytvyn did not join any faction.

In the 2014 parliamentary election the party did not compete on the nationwide party list and also did not win a constituency seat and thus no parliamentary seats. Lytvyn was re-elected into parliament as an independent candidate in electoral district 65.

Again the party did not take part in the 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election. In this election Volodymyr Lytvyn lost his parliamentary seat after losing his constituency.

In the 2020 Ukrainian local elections the party gained 13 deputies (0.03% of all available mandates).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: People's Party (Ukraine)


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Rieske protein

Rieske proteins are iron–sulfur protein (ISP) components of cytochrome bc1 complexes and cytochrome b6f complexes and are responsible for electron transfer in some biological systems. John S. Rieske and co-workers first discovered the protein and in 1964 isolated an acetylated form of the bovine mitochondrial protein. In 1979, Trumpower's team isolated the "oxidation factor" from bovine mitochondria and showed it was a reconstitutively-active form of the Rieske iron-sulfur protein It is a unique [2Fe-2S] cluster in that one of the two Fe atoms is coordinated by two histidine residues rather than two cysteine residues. They have since been found in plants, animals, and bacteria with widely ranging electron reduction potentials from -150 to +400 mV.

Biological function
Ubiquinol-cytochrome-c reductase (also known as bc1 complex or complex III) is an enzyme complex of bacterial and mitochondrial oxidative phosphorylation systems. It catalyses the oxidation-reduction reaction of the mobile components ubiquinol and cytochrome c, contributing to an electrochemical potential difference across the mitochondrial inner or bacterial membrane, which is linked to ATP synthesis.

The complex consists of three subunits in most bacteria, and nine in mitochondria: both bacterial and mitochondrial complexes contain cytochrome b and cytochrome c1 subunits, and an iron–sulfur 'Rieske' subunit, which contains a high potential 2Fe-2S cluster. The mitochondrial form also includes six other subunits that do not possess redox centres. Plastoquinone-plastocyanin reductase (b6f complex), present in cyanobacteria and the chloroplasts of plants, catalyses the oxidoreduction of plastoquinol and cytochrome f. This complex, which is functionally similar to ubiquinol-cytochrome c reductase, comprises cytochrome b6, cytochrome f and Rieske subunits.

The Rieske subunit acts by binding either a ubiquinol or plastoquinol anion, transferring an electron to the 2Fe-2S cluster, then releasing the electron to the cytochrome c or cytochrome f heme iron. The reduction of the Rieske center increases the affinity of the subunit by several orders of magnitude, stabilizing the semiquinone radical at the Q(P) site. The Rieske domain has a [2Fe-2S] center. Two conserved cysteines coordinate one Fe ion while the other Fe ion is coordinated by two conserved histidines. The 2Fe-2S cluster is bound in the highly conserved C-terminal region of the Rieske subunit.

Rieske protein family
The homologues of the Rieske proteins include ISP components of cytochrome b6f complex, aromatic-ring-hydroxylating dioxygenases (phthalate dioxygenase, benzene, naphthalene and toluene 1,2-dioxygenases) and arsenite oxidase (EC 1.20.98.1). Comparison of amino acid sequences has revealed the following consensus sequence:
 * Cys-Xaa-His-(Xaa)15–17-Cys-Xaa-Xaa-His

3D structure
The crystal structures of a number of Rieske proteins are known. The overall fold, comprising two subdomains, is dominated by antiparallel β-structure and contains variable numbers of α-helices. The smaller "cluster-binding" subdomains in mitochondrial and chloroplast proteins are virtually identical, whereas the large subdomains are substantially different in spite of a common folding topology. The [Fe2S2] cluster-binding subdomains have the topology of an incomplete antiparallel β-barrel. One iron atom of the Rieske [Fe2S2] cluster in the domain is coordinated by two cysteine residues and the other is coordinated by two histidine residues through the Nδ atoms. The ligands coordinating the cluster originate from two loops; each loop contributes one Cys and one His.

Subfamilies

 * Rieske iron–sulfur protein, C-terminal
 * Arsenite oxidase, small subunit

Human proteins containing this domain
AIFM3;    RFESD;     UQCRFS1;

title: Rieske protein


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Clinical endpoint

Clinical endpoints or clinical outcomes are outcome measures referring to occurrence of disease, symptom, sign or laboratory abnormality constituting a target outcome in clinical research trials. The term may also refer to any disease or sign that strongly motivates withdrawal of an individual or entity from the trial, then often termed a humane (clinical) endpoint.

The primary endpoint of a clinical trial is the endpoint for which the trial is powered. Secondary endpoints are additional endpoints, preferably also pre-specified, for which the trial may not be powered.

Surrogate endpoints are trial endpoints that have outcomes that substitute for a clinical endpoint, often because studying the clinical endpoint is difficult, for example using an increase in blood pressure as a surrogate for death by cardiovascular disease, where strong evidence of a causal link exists.

Scope
In a general sense, a clinical endpoint is included in the entities of interest in a trial. The results of a clinical trial generally indicate the number of people enrolled who reached the pre-determined clinical endpoint during the study interval compared with the overall number of people who were enrolled. Once a patient reaches the endpoint, he or she is generally excluded from further experimental intervention (the origin of the term endpoint).

For example, a clinical trial investigating the ability of a medication to prevent heart attack might use chest pain as a clinical endpoint. Any patient enrolled in the trial who develops chest pain over the course of the trial, then, would be counted as having reached that clinical endpoint. The results would ultimately reflect the fraction of patients who reached the endpoint of having developed chest pain, compared with the overall number of people enrolled.

When an experiment involves a control group, the proportion of individuals who reach the clinical endpoint after an intervention is compared with the proportion of individuals in the control group who reached the same clinical endpoint, reflecting the ability of the intervention to prevent the endpoint in question.

A clinical trial will usually define or specify a primary endpoint as a measure that will be considered success of the therapy being trialled (e.g. in justifying a marketing approval). The primary endpoint might be a statistically significant improvement in overall survival (OS). A trial might also define one or more secondary endpoints such as progression-free-survival (PFS) that will be measured and are expected to be met. A trial might also define exploratory endpoints that are less likely to be met.

Examples
Clinical endpoints can be obtained from different modalities, such as behavioural or cognitive scores, or biomarkers from Electroencephalography (qEEG), MRI, PET, or biochemical biomarkers.

In clinical cancer research, common endpoints include discovery of local recurrence, discovery of regional metastasis, discovery of distant metastasis, onset of symptoms, hospitalization, increase or decrease in pain medication requirement, onset of toxicity, requirement of salvage chemotherapy, requirement of salvage surgery, requirement of salvage radiotherapy, death from any cause, or death from disease. A cancer study may be powered for overall survival, usually indicating time until death from any cause, or disease-specific survival, where the endpoint is death from disease or death from toxicity.

These are expressed as a period of time (survival duration) e.g., in months. Frequently the median is used so that the trial endpoint can be calculated once 50% of subjects have reached the endpoint, whereas calculation of an arithmetical mean can only be done after all subjects have reached the endpoint.

Disease free survival
The disease free survival is usually used to analyze the results of the treatment for the localized disease which renders the patient apparently disease free, such as surgery or surgery plus adjuvant therapy. In the disease-free survival, the event is relapse rather than death. The people who relapse are still surviving but they are no longer disease-free. Just as in the survival curves not all patients die, in "disease-free survival curves" not all patients relapse and the curve may have a final plateau representing the patients who didn't relapse after the study's maximum follow-up. Because the patients survive for at least some time after the relapse, the curve for the actual survival would look better than disease free survival curve.

Progression free survival
The Progression Free Survival is usually used in analysing the results of the treatment for the advanced disease. The event for the progression free survival is that the disease gets worse or progresses, or the patient dies from any cause. Time to Progression is a similar endpoint that ignores patients who die before the disease progresses.

Response duration
The response duration is occasionally used to analyze the results of the treatment for the advanced disease. The event is progression of the disease (relapse). This endpoint involves selecting a subgroup of the patients. It measures the length of the response in those patients who responded. The patients who don't respond aren't included.

Overall survival
Overall survival is based on death from any cause, not just the condition being treated, thus it picks up death from side effects of the treatment, and effects on survival after relapse.

Toxic Death Rate
Unlike overall survival, which is based on death from any cause or the condition being treated, the toxic death rate picks up just the deaths that are directly attributable to the treatment itself. These rates are generally low to zero as clinical trials are typically halted when toxic deaths occur. Even with chemotherapy the overall rate is typically under a percent. However, the lack of systematic autopsies limits our understanding of deaths due to treatments.

Percent serious adverse events
The percentage of treated patients experiencing one or more serious adverse events. Serious adverse events are defined by the US Food and Drug Administration as "Any AE occurring at any dose that results in any of the following outcomes:
 * Death
 * Life-threatening adverse drug experience
 * Inpatient hospitalization or prolongation of existing hospitalization
 * Persistent or significant incapacity or substantial disruption of the ability to conduct normal life functions
 * Congenital anomaly/birth defect
 * Important medical events (IME) that may not result in death, be life-threatening, or require hospitalization may be considered serious when, based upon appropriate medical judgment, they may jeopardize the patient or subject and may require medical or surgical intervention to prevent one of the outcomes listed in this definition."

Humane endpoint
A humane endpoint can be defined as the point at which pain and/or distress is terminated, minimized or reduced for an entity in a trial (such as an experimental animal), by taking action such as killing the animal humanely, terminating a painful procedure, or giving treatment to relieve pain and/or distress. The occurrence of an individual in a trial having reached may necessitate withdrawal from the trial before the target outcome of interest has been fully reached.

Surrogate endpoint
A surrogate endpoint (or marker) is a measure of effect of a specific treatment that may correlate with a real clinical endpoint but doesn't necessarily have a guaranteed relationship. The National Institutes of Health (USA) define surrogate endpoint as "a biomarker intended to substitute for a clinical endpoint".

Combined endpoint
Some studies will examine the incidence of a combined endpoint, which can merge a variety of outcomes into one group. For example, the heart attack study above may report the incidence of the combined endpoint of chest pain, myocardial infarction, or death. An example of a cancer study powered for a combined endpoint is disease-free survival; trial participants experiencing either death or discovery of any recurrence would constitute the endpoint. Overall Treatment Utility is an example of a multidimensional composite endpoint in cancer clinical trials.

Regarding humane endpoints, a combined endpoint may constitute a threshold where there is enough cumulative degree of disease, symptoms, signs or laboratory abnormalities to motivate an intervention.

Response rates
The response rate is the percentage of patients on whom a therapy has some defined effect; for example, the cancer shrinks or disappears after treatment.

When used as a clinical endpoint for trials of cancer treatments, this is often called the objective response rate (ORR). The FDA definition of ORR in this context is "the proportion of patients with tumor size reduction of a predefined amount and for a minimum time period." Another criterion is the clinical benefit rate (CBR), "the total number (or percentage) of patients who achieved a complete response, partial response, or had stable disease for 6 months or more".

Each trial, for whatever illness or condition, may define what is considered a complete response (CR) or partial response (PR) to the therapy or intervention. Hence the trials report the complete response rate and the overall response rate which includes CR and PR. (See e.g. Response evaluation criteria in solid tumors, and Small-cell carcinoma treatment, and for immunotherapies, Immune-related response criteria.)

Consistency
Various studies on a particular topic often do not address the same outcomes, making it difficult to draw clinically useful conclusions when a group of studies is looked at as a whole. The Core Outcomes in Women's Health (CROWN) Initiative is one effort to standardize outcomes.

title: Clinical endpoint


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Sasami

Sasami Ashworth (born June 23, 1990), known mononymously as Sasami, is an American musician who records music in a variety of styles, from singer-songwriter ballads to heavy metal and industrial. She began her career as a member of Cherry Glazerr but went solo in 2018. Her most recent album, Squeeze, was released in 2022.

Early life
Sasami Ashworth comes from a Zainichi family. After she graduated from the Eastman School of Music in 2012, she scored and made orchestral arrangements for films, commercials and studio albums, and worked as a music teacher in Los Angeles, where she is currently based. In 2015, she joined the American rock band Cherry Glazerr with whom she played synths and toured for two and a half years before announcing her departure in January 2018 to pursue her solo musical career.

Solo career
In April 2018, Sasami shared her first solo track "Callous" on SoundCloud, which Pitchfork awarded with their "Best New Track" label. Later that year Domino Recording Company announced that Sasami had signed to their label, and released the songs "Callous" and "Not the Time". The Fader called Sasami "rock's next big thing." Sasami stated, "I wrote both of these songs on tour on a guitar on my iPad with GarageBand plugins and Moog 15 app sounds and then re-recorded them in the studio onto tape with really great tones. So it's kind of like emotionally scribbling a letter on a tear and snot-stained napkin and then re-writing it on fancy papyrus paper to make it look like you have your shit together." The songs were released on a 7" vinyl in October 2018.

Throughout 2018, Sasami toured with various musicians, including Baths, No Joy, King Tuff, Mitski, Soccer Mommy, Snail Mail and Menace Beach. In early 2019, Sasami announced her eponymous debut studio album, Sasami, and released two more singles. The album was released in March of that year. In February 2022 Sasami released her second album, Squeeze, on Domino. The album received many positive reviews and was named as one of the best albums of the year by Rolling Stone, among others. In 2023, Sasami toured in support of Yeule as a solo performer and guitarist in Yeule’s band.

title: Sasami


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Batkivshchyna

The All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland" (Всеукраїнське об'єднання "Батьківщина"), referred to as Batkivshchyna, is a political party in Ukraine led by People's Deputy of Ukraine, former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. As the core party of the former Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, Batkivshchyna has been represented in the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's parliament) since Yulia Tymoshenko set up the parliamentary faction of the same name in March 1999. After the November 2011 banning of the participation of blocs of political parties in parliamentary elections, Batkivshchyna became a major force in Ukrainian politics independently.

In the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election, Batkivshchyna took part under the banner "United opposition Batkivshchyna" and other parties allied with Batkivshchyna. The list won 62 seats and 25.55 percent of the vote under the (nationwide) proportional party-list system (down from 30.71 percent in 2007 for the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc), and another 39 in constituencies, thus a total of 101 seats. On 15 June 2013 the parties "Front of Changes" and "Reforms and Order" finally merged with the Batkivshchyna by self-liquidation. By 31 December 2013, the parliamentary faction Batkivshchyna had 90 deputies.

From 5 August 2011 to 22 February 2014, Yulia Tymoshenko was a political prisoner of the Yanukovych government. In the concluding days of the 2014 Ukrainian revolution, she was released after three years in jail and her reputation rehabilitated by the Supreme Court of Ukraine and the European Court of Human Rights. Tymoshenko began reforming the party and Batkivshchyna went into the parliamentary elections of 2014 with new members, the top five of the list included: Nadiya Savchenko, Yulia Tymoshenko, Ihor Lutsenko, Serhiy Sobolev, and Alyona Shkrum. Based on the election results, the party received 19 seats in the Ukrainian parliament: 17 according to party lists and two through the majority system. Until 17 February 2016, the party was a member of the Second Yatsenyuk Government, but it later moved into opposition.

In the snap parliamentary election of 2019, Batkivschyna received 8.18% of the votes and 26 MPs (two elected in constituencies). In the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the party went into opposition. According to the results of the local elections in 2020, the Batkivshchyna received 12.39% votes of voters, and became one of the leading parties in the local elections in Ukraine. Despite having a social-democratic image, the party joined European People's Party in 2008. Nevertheless, Batkivshchyna maintains its center-left position. It is in favor of Ukraine's integration into the EU and joining NATO.

Early history
The predecessor of today's party is the Association of Peace-loving Forces "Batkivshchyna" that was founded in 1995 by Volodymyr Prisnyakov, a rector at Dnipropetrovsk National University. In 1998, Yulia Tymoshenko was elected a people's deputy of the Verkhovna Rada from the Bobrynets constituency (number 99) in Kirovohrad Oblast. In spring 1999, Tymoshenko created a parliamentary group called "Batkivshchyna" as a breakaway group of Hromada. On 14 September 1998 the General Prosecutor of Ukraine accused Hromada leader Pavlo Lazarenko of embezzlement, and the following March Tymoshenko established the "Fatherland" parliamentary group. On 9 July 1999, based on the parliamentary group and smaller party, a new political party – All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland" – was founded its constituent congress. On the same day, the Charter of the party was approved. According to which the party is entrusted with the main duties to protect the interests of the Ukrainian people in their struggle for the independence of Ukraine, the preservation of national identity, the European future of the country and a decent life for all its citizens. The first party chairman was elected Viktor Drachenko, a former Communist Party secretary from Dnipropetrovsk Oblast. The party was registered by the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine on 16 September 1999 under certificate no. 122. At the second congress, held on 18 December of the same year, Yulia Tymoshenko was elected chairman of the party, replacing Drachenko.

Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc
In the 2002 parliamentary elections, the party was the main constituent of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc. The bloc obtained 22 seats in the parliament, all on the party list. Thirteen of them were allocated to "Fatherland".

Yulia Tymoshenko · Oleh Bilorus · Oleksandr Turchynov · Mykhailo Pavlovsky · Petro Tolochko · Stepan Khmara · Serhiy Pravdenko · Viktor Taran · Valentyn Zubov · Yevhen Kyrylchuk

In January 2005, Tymoshenko became Prime Minister of Ukraine under Viktor Yushchenko's presidency. Several months earlier, she was a leader in the Orange Revolution which enabled Yushchenko's election.

After losing several seats in 2002 and 2003, the bloc had grown to 40 members by September 2005. In March 2005, the Yabluko party merged with Batkivshchyna. However, in March 2007 Yabluko became the Party of Free Democrats and withdrew from Batkivshchyna. In late 2005, the United Ukraine party also merged with Batkivshchyna. In the 2006 and 2007 parliamentary elections the party was part of the Tymoshenko Bloc, which won 129 of 450 seats in 2006 (22.29 percent of the total vote) and 156 of 450 seats (30.71 percent of the total vote) in 2007.

Yulia Tymoshenko · Oleksandr Turchynov · Mykola Tomenko · Oleh Bilorus · Yaroslav Fedorchuk · Andriy Shkil · Anatoliy Semynoha · Serhiy Sas · Viktor Taran · Valentyn Zubov

Yulia Tymoshenko · Oleksandr Turchynov · Mykola Tomenko · Yosyp Vinsky · Hryhoriy Omelchenko · Vitaliy Kurylo · Oleh Bilorus · Yaroslav Fedorchuk · Yevhen Suslov · Andriy Shkil

On 18 December 2007, Yulia Tymoshenko was reelected prime minister by a two-vote margin, making Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc a majority coalition. Since 2008, the party has been an observer member of the European People's Party.

In 2009, "Fatherland" put Tymoshenko forward as a candidate for the presidency of Ukraine. After its defeat in the elections, the parliamentary coalition ceased to exist, and Tymoshenko's cabinet was dismissed. Tymoshenko stated on 22 February 2010 that she would go into opposition. During the 2010 Ukrainian local elections party (political blocs were not permitted to compete in the election) was defeated by the rival Party of Regions in nearly all regions of Ukraine, although it remained the main opposition party. Although Batkivshchyna won seats in 19 of 24 regional parliaments, it did not win a seat in the Supreme Council of Crimea. In Lviv Oblast and Kyiv Oblast as well as in Ternopil the party did not participate in the elections cause it was unable to register its candidates. Yulia Tymoshenko claimed that "fraudulent Batkivshchyna party organisations were registered on orders from Viktor Yanukovych".

Batkivshchyna – United Opposition
On 16 November 2010, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc in the Verkhovna Rada was renamed the Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko-Batkivshchyna. During the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych, several criminal cases were opened against Tymoshenko. On 5 August 2011 Tymoshenko was arrested. On 11 October she was sentenced to seven years in prison on charges of abuse of power and official authority when entering into gas contracts with Russia in January 2009. The Danish Helsinki Committee, observing the trial, came to the conclusion that it was politically motivated and included gross violations of the European Convention on Human Rights. In 2010–2013, the European Parliament adopted six resolutions in which the persecution of Tymoshenko was named "politically motivated selective justice".

On 17 November 2011, party blocs were again banned in parliamentary elections. The following month, Batkivshchyna and the People's Self-Defense party announced that the latter would merge with the former, and on 28 December first deputy head of the party Oleksandr Turchynov said, "I believe that other political forces will join us".

Batkivshchyna, the former Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc member Reforms and Order Party and the People's Movement of Ukraine announced their intention to submit a single party list in the March 2012 parliamentary elections. On 7 April, Arseniy Yatsenyuk announced that the Front for Change party would join them on the single-party list.

Arseniy Yatsenyuk · Anatoliy Hrytsenko · Oleksandr Turchynov · Vyacheslav Kyrylenko · Hryhoriy Nemyrya · Serhiy Sobolev · Borys Tarasyuk · Mykola Tomenko · Mykola Knyazhytsky · Mustafa Dzhemilyev

On 6 June 2012, Vyacheslav Kutovy and Volodymyr Kupchak left the party; Kupchak he had been threatened by party leader Yatsenyuk and the party had "betrayed Yulia Tymoshenko, who had sparked the protest movement Rise up, Ukraine!". In July 2012, Batkivshchyna agreed with the Svoboda party on the distribution of single-member district candidates in the 2012 parliamentary elections. Two weeks before 28 October election, Batkivshchyna withdrew 26 parliamentary candidates in favour of the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform (UDAR); UDAR withdrew 26 of its single-seat candidates in favour of Batkivshchyna candidates, attempting to maximise the opposition vote. Batkivshchyna was a de facto umbrella party in the election, whose election list included members of the Reforms and Order, People's Movement of Ukraine, Front for Change, For Ukraine!, People's Self-Defense, Civil Position and Social Christian parties. In July 2012, members of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People joined the list, known as the Fatherland United Opposition. Front for Change leader Arseniy Yatsenyuk headed the list, because Tymoshenko was imprisoned. The list won 62 seats and 25.55 percent of the vote under the proportional party-list system (down from 30.71 percent in 2007 for the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc ), and another 39 in simple-majority constituencies. Competing in 152 of 225 constituencies, they won a total of 101 seats, 22.67 percent of the 450 seats in the Verkhovna Rada. The party lost about two million votes, compared with the results of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc in the previous election. Yatsenyuk was temporarily elected leader of this parliamentary faction on 12 December 2012. On 19 October 2012, Batkivshchyna and Svoboda signed an agreement for "the creation of a coalition of democratic forces in the new parliament". The party also coordinated its parliamentary activities with UDAR.

In early April 2013, four lawmakers left the party in protest of Yatsenyuk's leadership style, and Roman Stadniychuk was forced to replace Serhiy Vlasenko's parliamentary mandate. The following month, Batkivshchyna, UDAR and Svoboda pledged to coordinate for the 2015 Ukrainian presidential election.

2013 unification
In December 2012, the parties which aligned with Batkivshchyna in the 2012 parliamentary elections considered forming a single party. On 15 June 2013, the Reforms and Order Party and the Front for Change merged with Batkivshchyna. A portion of the People's Movement of Ukraine (including former chairman Borys Tarasyuk) also merged. The remainder of the party had merged with the Ukrainian People's Party the previous month. During the same congress, the party also approved Tymoshenko's nomination as its candidate for the 2015 Ukrainian presidential election, with all 482 delegates supporting the candidature of Tymoshenko.

Euromaidan and return to government
The party played a substantial role in the anti-government Euromaidan protests, which began in late November 2013 and culminated on 21 February 2014 impeachment of President Viktor Yanukovych after the February 2014 Ukrainian revolution, during which Tymoshenko was released from jail and officially rehabilitated. Immediately after the revolution, the Ukrainian Supreme Court closed the case and found that "no crime was committed". The European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg acknowledged political persecution and torture and stopped studying the criminal cases against Yulia Tymoshenko dated 2011–2014. After Yanukovych's ousting, and return of the 2004 Constitution, a ruling coalition was formed, which included Batkivshchyna, UDAR and Svoboda. This coalition put together a coalition government headed by Arseniy Yatsenyuk.

Yulia Tymoshenko began to reform the party following the revolution. In early August 2014, Batkivshchyna expelled more than 1,500 members, including more than 700 deputies, in a lustration campaign.

The party has its own Batkivshchyna Battalion that has fought in the War in Donbass since May 2014.

Post Euromaidan 2014 parliamentary elections and split of People's Front
Nadiya Savchenko · Yulia Tymoshenko · Ihor Lutsenko · Serhiy Sobolev · Alyona Shkrum · Vadym Ivchenko · Hryhoriy Nemyria · Ivan Krulko · Oleksiy Ryabchyn · Ihor Zhdanov

On 22 September 2014, the Central Election Commission made the decision to register Batkivshchyna in a nationwide multi-member constituency at the extraordinary elections to the Verkhovna Rada. Batkivshchyna garnered 894,837 votes (5.68%) in the elections, which meant that it was admitted to the 8th convocation of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine with 17 seats on party lists, and two seats in majority constituencies. Following the elections the party became a member of the coalition supporting the current second Yatsenyuk Government and had one minister in this government.

On 11 December 2014 parliament supported Yulia Tymoshenko's initiative calling for the release of Nadiya Savchenko. On 25 May 2016, Savchencko was exchanged in a prisoner swap for two Russian GRU officers captured by Ukraine. (Technically, she was granted a pardon by president Vladimir Putin. )

On 17 February 2016 Batkivshchyna withdrew from the Second Yatsenyuk Government following a vote in the Rada to remove Yatsenyuk from his position, which was rejected by a majority.

The party did not join the coalition that supports the Groysman Government, which was installed on 14 April 2016.

During 17 July 2016 constituency mid-term elections the party won two (extra) seats in the Ukrainian parliament.

On 15 December 2016 Batkivshchyna expelled the number 1 on its 2014 parliamentary election list, Nadiya Savchenko, from its parliamentary faction in response to her earlier meeting with separatist leaders Aleksandr Zakharchenko (of the Donetsk People's Republic) and Igor Plotnitsky (of the Luhansk People's Republic). The party saw this meeting as "negotiations with terrorists" and "adamantly opposed" it.

2015 local elections
According to the Central Election Commission, the results of local elections in 2015 resulted in the All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland" party placing second in Ukraine. "Fatherland" will be represented 8016 deputies in local councils, and by 369 deputies as heads of villages, towns and cities. In comparison to the 2014 parliamentary elections, "Fatherland" was able to increase its representation by 250%.

2016–2017 local elections
In 2016–2017 Ukraine held local elections in united territorial communities. According to the results of four big local elections "Batkivshchyna" took premier place among political parties (number of local deputies elected to local councils).

According to Central Electoral Committee of Ukraine on elections to local councils held on 11 December 2016, "Batkivshchyna" got 14.34% of votes (120 deputies); on 18 December 2016 – 16.17% (515 deputies); on 30 April 2017 – 17.99% (197 deputies); on 29 October 2017 – 20.33% (901 deputies).

2019 presidential election and parliamentary election
Yulia Tymoshenko · Serhiy Taruta · Valentyn Nalyvaichenko · Serhiy Sobolev · Olena Kondratiuk · Ivan Kyrylenko · Andriy Kozhemyakin · Hryhoriy Nemyria · Serhiy Vlasenko · Valeriy Dubil

In the presidential election of March 2019 Yulia Timoshenko stood as presidential candidate for the All Ukrainian Union "Fatherland", scoring 13.40% (2,532,452 votes) and not reaching the second turn. She did not endorse either Zelensky or Poroshenko.

In the July 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election the top 5 of the party list were Tymoshenko, Serhiy Taruta, Valentyn Nalyvaichenko, Serhiy Sobolyev and Olena Kondratyuk. In early June, Tymoshenko announced that the party will not be part of opposition to President Zelensky if it is not included in the ruling coalition formed after the next elections. In the snap parliamentary election of 2019 Batkivschyna slightly improved its performance, scoring 8.18% (1,196,303) and electing 26 MPs. The party abstained from the confidence vote to the new Honcharuk Government, but ensured it would support the government from outside. However, on 13 November 2019, the party went into opposition.

Parliamentary activity in the Verkhovna Rada of the IX convocation (2019 – present)
The "Fatherland" faction in the Verkhovna Rada of the ninth convocation has 24 deputies. The head of the faction is Yulia Tymoshenko, the first deputy is Sergei Sobolev. The faction was created on 29 August 2019.

On the first day of the 9th convocation of the Verkhovna Rada, Tymoshenko's faction supported the bill on lifting parliamentary immunity.

On 3 September 2019, the "Fatherland" supported the referral to the Constitutional Court of a bill to reduce the number of deputies.

In November 2019, after the parliament passed a bill to lift the moratorium on land sales, the leader of the "Fatherland" faction Yulia Tymoshenko announced her transition to opposition to the ruling Servant of the People party.

On 18 November 2019, Tymoshenko appealed to the Constitutional Court to immediately consider the petition for the bill on the "land market".

In December 2019, Tymoshenko united more than 40 political and public organizations that oppose the sale of land in the National Headquarters for the Protection of Native Land. On 15 December 2019, the National Headquarters approved demands to President Volodymyr Zelensky that it be necessary to postpone the adoption of "land laws", extend the moratorium and announce a referendum. The National Corps also joined the all-Ukrainian protest action initiated by the National Headquarters for the Protection of the Motherland.

On 19 December 2019, Yulia Tymoshenko and Batkivshchyna deputies addressed the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine with a statement pointing to conflicts of interest and corruption in the Parliamentary Committee on Agrarian Policy during the consideration of the law on land sales.

On 11 January 2021, Tymoshenko called on the authorities to provide Ukrainians with gas at a price no higher than the purchase price. According to Tymoshenko, the price of gas should not exceed ₴3, in this regard, "Batkivshchyna" registered a bill in parliament No. 1177.

On 29 January 2021, the Batkivshchyna faction registered in the Verkhovna Rada a draft law "On Amendments to the Law of Ukraine "On the Natural Gas Market" (regarding the direction of natural gas accumulated during the unheated period and domestic production for the needs of the population)"

In November 2020, Tymoshenko's party supported the all-Ukrainian SaveFOP campaign by registering Bill 3853-2 to simplify the taxation system for small businesses. Tymoshenko signed a memorandum of cooperation with the public movement SaveFOP.

On 27 January 2021, Tymoshenko initiated a referendum on five issues: the supply of Ukrainian gas and nuclear electricity to the population with a 30% profitability; on the sale of agricultural land; on the sale of strategic property; the issue of legalization of cannabis; about the gambling business. At the same time, Zelensky criticized Tymoshenko's referendum, although he himself initiated a nationwide poll on 5 issues, as well as the strengthening of democracy in Ukraine.

On 1 March 2021, the Batkivshchyna party demanded that the Government stop importing electricity from Russia and Belarus to Ukraine and launch an investigation into the matter. According to Tymoshenko, the import of Belarusian and Russian electricity threatens the national security of the country.

On 16 June 2021, Batkivshchyna appealed to the president at an all-Ukrainian veche, in which they called for a referendum on the land issue. The appeal contains a demand to abolish and not enact the already adopted legislative acts on the circulation of agricultural land, as well as to introduce a moratorium on the adoption of such legislation – until the appropriate decision of the referendum. The party opened a "hot" telephone line to help citizens in matters of the "land market". The party opened a "hot" telephone line to help citizens in matters of the "land market".

On 21 July 2021, the Batkivshchyna party developed a draft of the new Constitution of Ukraine, which provides for the division of powers into four branches – legislative, executive, judicial and control.

On 28 September 2021, the Batkivshchyna faction registered in the Verkhovna Rada a draft resolution on the creation of an interim commission of inquiry to investigate the activities of NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine and to investigate the critical situation in the field of tariff setting, which arose as a result of the actions of officials of this company.

On 18 October 2021, the Batkivshchyna faction announced a demand for the authorities to declare a state of emergency in the energy sector and proposed an urgent plan to avoid the crisis and calmly pass the heating season for.

On 24 January 2022, the Batkivshchyna Party proposed the creation of a Government of National Unity in Ukraine to overcome the economic crisis in the country.

On 27 January 2022, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted a resolution initiated by MPs from the Batkivshchyna faction to establish a Temporary Commission of Inquiry to investigate possible corruption, which caused significant losses to the state budget, including NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine. The leader of the Tymoshenko faction became a member of this TSC.

On 1 March 2022, during the Russian military invasion of Ukraine, the leader of the Batkivshchyna party, Yulia Tymoshenko, took custody of the Okhmatdyt children's hospital. Tymoshenko donated medicines and essentials to the institution. Tymoshenko also helps to take sick children out of Kyiv and the region to continue treatment and medical care abroad and in the western regions of the country.

On 18 March 2022, Yulia Tymoshenko created the Center for Humanitarian Aid in the all-Ukrainian association "Batkivshchyna" to help vulnerable groups of the population and the Ukrainian military.

On 20 June 2022, in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the only Batkivshchyna faction did not support the ratification of the Istanbul Convention.

On 19 July 2022, at a closed meeting of the Verkhovna Rada, the Batkivshchyna faction prevented the consideration by the Verkhovna Rada of bills on the allocation of 264 billion budget hryvnias for Naftogaz of Ukraine. Speaking from the rostrum of the parliament, Tymoshenko published information confirming the corruption component of the package of government bills 7427 and 7429 submitted for consideration, which introduced an opaque scheme for the purchase of natural gas by Naftogaz. After that, the Verkhovna Rada sent these initiatives for a second second reading.

On 29 July 2022, the Verkhovna Rada voted for the legislative initiative of Tymoshenko on the creation of a Temporary Special Commission to Investigate the Crisis in the Energy Market of Ukraine.

2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine
On 30 June 2023, the "Batkivshchyna" faction did not vote for Law No. 8401, which cancels tax benefits for small and medium-sized businesses and introduces fines for working without cash registers.

On 6 July 2023, the "Batkivshchyna" team, led by leader Yulia Tymoshenko, announced the creation of a volunteer program to provide the Ukrainian military with new medical aid vehicles.

On 7 July 2023, the "Batkivshchyna" faction called on the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine to adopt a resolution on the introduction of a moratorium on any changes to the borders of the Chernobyl zones.

On 12 July 2023, the "Batkivshchyna" faction registered in the Parliament a draft law «On adoption of a decision on the cultivation/production (cultivation) and other circulation of cannabis plants in Ukraine exclusively through an all-Ukrainian referendum».

On 15 July 2023, "Batkivshchyna" is the only faction in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine that did not vote for draft law No. 7457 on the legalization of marijuana. Tymoshenko said that this law will turn Ukraine into a plantation for the drug business.

On 18 July 2023 Yulia Tymoshenko from the Batkivshchyna party handed over to military doctors a modern resuscitation vehicle for the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

On 1 August 2023, the "Batkivshchyna" faction registered draft law No. 9550 in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, which will allow to triple the allocation of funds for the treatment of wounded Ukrainian soldiers.

In September 2023, Batkivshchyna created a Temporary Special Commission (TSC) on the conditions of treatment of wounded soldiers, headed by Yulia Tymoshenko.

At the end of September 2023, Batkivshchyna brought humanitarian aid for doctors in Toretsk and Pokrovsk, Donetsk region.

On 15 November 2023, "Batkivshchyna" was accepted into the international association of political parties of the Centrist Democrat International.

On 25 April 2024, "Batkivshchyna" spoke in the parliament against the introduction of a accumulative pension system based on private pension funds in Ukraine.

On 25 April 2024, the "Batkivshchyna" faction submitted to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine a resolution on the settlement of the issue of providing consular services to Ukrainians abroad.

Local elections 2020
According to the results of the CEC, Tymoshenko's party the Batkivshchyna which received 4093 deputy mandates (12.39%), became one of the party leaders in the 2020 Ukrainian local elections. 7.24% of the elected mayor of a village, town or city was a member of Batkivshchyna.

Ideology and stances
A comparative analysis of Batkivshchyna's election programs between 2002 and 2012 reveals some changes. However, the overall political orientation can be identified as weakly articulated, with a slight dominance of the "left" vector due to "left" statements belonging to the sphere of "social policy". Economically, the party developed the concept of "solidarism" as a third way between capitalism and socialism.

The party is classified as overall centre-left by Razumkov Centre as well as political scientists such as Mats Öhlén of the Centre for European Policy Studies. According to Öhlén, the party has a "clearly left-leaning party profile", and despite expressing both centre-left and centre-right stances, Batkivshchyna implemented a series leftist policies that were "hardly in line with a centre-right position". The party is a collection of different ideological groups and also includes socialist and social-democrats; Batkivshchyna also expressed interest in joining the Party of European Socialists, and shocked the pundits by eventually settling with the European People's Party instead.

Batkivshchyna supports the social democratic model of the economy and advocates for significant social guarantees and the need to reduce the social polarization between the rich and poor in Ukraine. Additionally, the party also supports the introduction of a luxury tax, opposes privatization of state-owned enterprises as well as the agriculture. In regards to trade, the Batkivshchyna promotes a protectionist system that would protect national industries.

The party manifesto archived in 2016 claims that it seeks to instill in Ukraine national, democratic, and Christian values, held together through reformation, spirituality, patriotism, national solidarity, responsibility, rights and freedoms. The party advocates transforming Ukraine into a competitive nation-state based on a western Europe model of justice and welfare.

According to the party, only citizens of Ukraine will have the right to private ownership of land, but that "high concentration of land ownership by one person" will be forbidden.

The party sees Ukrainian membership in the European Union (EU) as a strategic goal. It favors visa-free travel for Ukrainians to the EU and wants to "cancel humiliating visa regimes". It would like to see "a mutually beneficial and equitable agreement on the establishment of free trade with Russia". In June 2013, the party's parliamentary faction voted for the denunciation of the 2010 Ukrainian–Russian Naval Base for Natural Gas treaty.

The party's 2012 election program did not mention NATO, but its 2014 program stated that the party wants to annul Ukraine's non-aligned status and that it wants Ukraine to become a member of NATO.

The party wants to prosecute "Law enforcement involved in political repression".

The party is in favor of party-list proportional representation elections with open lists. It Tymoshenko initiated a referendum on five issues: the supply of Ukrainian gas and nuclear electricity to the population with a 30% profitability; on the sale of agricultural land; on the sale of strategic property; the issue of legalization of cannabis; about the gambling business.

The party wants to empower local governance.

The party also states that government grants should be awarded to graduates who successfully passed testing for studies at Ukrainian universities.

It proposes a health system that has mandatory health inspections and gradual development of a voluntary health insurance system funded by employers.

The party wants to introduce jury trials into the Ukrainian law system and wants to "depoliticise" the process of appointment of judges. It also wants an independent judiciary that will increase the role of the Supreme Court of Ukraine. The Constitutional Court of Ukraine, "which has compromised itself with decisions that were ordered (by the Yanukovych administration)" should be liquidated. It wants the criminal code to be "Europeanized" and law enforcement brought under civil control.

The party wants to improve human rights in Ukraine.

The party regards the Holodomor as a genocide of the Ukrainian nation.

Before their removal of power in February 2014 the party sought to impeach former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych and his "anti-people regime" to "return Ukraine to the path of European integration", while trying to reverse the former Azarov Government policy of raising the status of the Russian language.

On 15 May 2016, "Fatherland" prepared a statement in the name of the new Prosecutor General in connection with offenses in the activities of the National Commission, which performs state regulation in the energy and utilities relative to the unjustified increase of gas prices for the population.

On 23 May 2016 All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland" launched a website called "Fair rates", which promotes the idea of establishing fair gas tariffs for the population.

In the parliament, Batkivshchyna advocates ban on agricultural land sales. The party also insists on adopting laws on development of Ukrainian agriculture. On 31 March 2016, Parliament adopted the law on family farms initiated by the party Batkivshchyna.

One of the party's priorities is improvement of social security of people, increasing of social standards.

The party advocates decreasing of tariffs on housing and utility services for people, because they are set up too high artificially. On 21 April 2015, Yulia Tymoshenko initiated a working group to check the validity of utility tariffs. "Fatherland" party has made the reduction of tariffs for housing and communal services.

Batkivshchyna advocates strengthening the struggle against corruption, namely deoffshorization and independence of anti-corruption government bodies.

The party is also against selling and privatization of the state's strategic objects.

On 1 March 2021, the "Fatherland" party in the Verkhovna Rada demanded to submit to parliament a draft law banning the import of electricity from Russia and Belarus. According to Tymoshenko, imports of Belarusian and Russian electricity threaten the country's national security.

Associated in electoral block

 * (2002–2012) Ukraine – Forward! as the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party
 * (2002–2006) Ukrainian Platform "Assembly" as the Ukrainian People's Party "Assembly"
 * (2002–2006) Ukrainian Republican Party (temporary merger with Assembly)
 * (2007–2012) Reforms and Order Party

Merged

 * 2001 Ukrainian Conservative Republican Party
 * 2005–2007 (temporary) Party of Free Democrats as Apple
 * 2012 Reforms and Order Party, People's Self-Defense, Front for Change, People's Movement of Ukraine, For Ukraine!, Social Christian Party, Civil Position (members of this party were on its election list in the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election)
 * 2013 Reforms and Order Party and Front for Change

Youth wing of the party – Young Batkivshchyna
The Young Batkivshchyna is the youth wing of the party. It was established in 2007, has cells in all regions of Ukraine and is a member of the International Union of Young Democrats (since 2009) and the youth of the European People's Party (since 2011). The head of the organization was Sergey Mitrofansky as of September 2021.

The leader of the Batkivshchyna party introduced a competition for talented Ukrainian students to receive a scholarship named after Yulia Tymoshenko, who will enter the Nova School of Business and Economics in Portugal.

title: Batkivshchyna


text:
Macon and Western Railroad

The Macon and Western Railroad was an American railway company that operated in Georgia in the middle of the 19th century. Originally chartered as the Monroe Railroad and Banking Company in December 1833, it was not until 1838 that it opened for business with a gauge line from Macon, Georgia Northwest to Forsyth. It was extended to Griffin in 1842. An economic depression halted building, but when the railroad started building again, it managed only another 11.25 mi towards Atlanta for a total of 81 mi before falling into bankruptcy.

It was bought in foreclosure and the name was changed to the Macon and Western Railroad in 1845. This new railroad completed the line into Atlanta in 1846 by adding 21 more miles (21 mi) for a grand total of 102 mi. This railroad was purchased by the Central Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia in 1872.

The stops available to riders in 1867 were:

Distances of depots from Atlanta
Trains departed from Atlanta at 7:15AM and 8:15PM and arrived there at 2:00PM and 4:35PM.

title: Macon and Western Railroad


text:
Leslie Fitzpatrick

Leslie "Tiger" Fitzpatrick (born November 11, 1978, in Port of Spain) is a former Trinidadian soccer player.

College
Fitzpatrick came to the United States to play college soccer, and spent four years at Columbia University, where he was named All-Ivy League his senior year. In 2016, Leslie received his Masters of Science in Education with a focus in Sports Administration from the University of Miami.

Professional
Fitzpatrick played with the A-League's Cincinnati Riverhawks in 2002, the Columbus Shooting Stars in 2003 and the Atlanta Silverbacks in 2004, before signing with Real Salt Lake prior to team's inaugural season in 2005.

Fitzpatrick only a year in MLS, and signed a short-term contract with the Puerto Rico Islanders at the end of 2006. In May 2007 he signed with TT Pro League club W Connection until the end of 2007., and signed for the Rochester Rhinos of the USL First Division in 2008.

International
After representing the country on various youth levels, Fitzpatrick made his debut for the Trinidad and Tobago national football team on November 24, 2004, against Puerto Rico. He scored his first and only international goal thus far against Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on January 5, 2005, at the Digicel Caribbean Cup 2005. He has earned 33 caps for the Soca Warriors as of June 23, 2008.

Coaching career
He became head coach of Toronto Skillz FC of League1 Ontario in Canada. In 2017, he used himself as a player. In 2018, he became the head coach of the George Brown College women's soccer team.

International Goals

 * Scores and results list T&T's goal tally first.

Source

title: Leslie Fitzpatrick


text:
Talk:Marth, Thuringia

Requested move

 * The following discussion is an archived discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. No further edits should be made to this section.

The result of the move request was: no consensus to move. Favonian (talk) 13:03, 13 August 2011 (UTC)

– Hi, I'm new to this, so I hope I do this correctly... (there's a lot to learn at once, so please forgive me if I'm mistaken). The page actually named "Marth" refers to a stub article about a german town of 350 people, while the page Marth_(Fire_Emblem) refers to a long and complete page about a well known video game character, Marth, hero of 4 Fire Emblem games, and present in 2 Super Smash Bros. games. I suggest we'd rename the page about the german town "Marth_(Thuringia)" after its german state, and that we rename the page about the video game character "Marth". I would then suggest we add a link to the Marth disambiguation page on the video game character page, since it currently has none. Thank you! Ceksie (talk) 03:25, 6 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Marth → Marth_(Thuringia)
 * Marth_(Fire_Emblem) → Marth
 * Support I would have to agree that many more readers know who Marth is over that German village. I am not sure why it gets priority. Blake (Talk·Edits) 13:35, 6 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Support. I recently come across a similar situation at Brony and took the opposite position due to the lack of any meaningful coverage of the apparent slang term. However, this is a case where the default page should be either the video game character's article or a disambiguation, depending on whether that meaning is "much more likely than any other, and more likely than all the others combined". John Slocum (talk) 09:24, 7 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Oppose. A mildly well-known (sorry to all the fans, but this character is not that well-known) fictional character against a real town? No contest as far as I'm concerned. Moving the article would provide perfect ammunition to those who say Wikipedia shouldn't be taken seriously because of its over-emphasis of pop culture. -- Necrothesp (talk) 22:05, 7 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Oppose per Necrothesp. This request is a text-book case of WP:RECENTISM. -- Mattinbgn (talk) 23:36, 7 August 2011 (UTC)
 * I disagree with your point of view. The character Marth has had a much more important cultural influence than the german town, or at the very least, the town's wikipedia article can in no way support the opposite. And considering the town's article has been updated 2 or 3 times in the last 3 years, I doubt it will provide more substantial information in a near future. --Ceksie (talk) 19:03, 8 August 2011 (UTC)
 * It's not about which is more important. The question is which people are more likely to be searching for, and on that basis, yes, a disambig is correct -- see my quote from the policy page. It's worth noting that several Wikipedias already have a disambig but others do not. I have imported several people with the surname from the French version. Regarding the recentism allegations, I cheekily note that the Italian Wikipedia thought the craters enough to displace the town. ;) Okay, so they had the astronomer listed as well. John Slocum (talk) 07:28, 10 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Oppose. The real town is the clear primary topic when compared to a minor character from a video game. Jenks24 (talk) 12:46, 8 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Support. I submit for additional consideration that a Google search of "Marth" provides hits related to the video game character for the first several pages, while the german entry does not make an appearance until page 6.  This is an indicator of the likely target when users look for "Marth" at wikipedia.  Further, the relative quality of the articles in question speaks measures to state of interest in the subject.  As a final note: Sales of the video game number in the hundreds of thousands.  Population of this municipality? Roughly 300 persons.-- Balcerzak (talk) 18:14, 8 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Yes, but that's real people! -- Necrothesp (talk) 18:31, 8 August 2011 (UTC)
 * I understand they're "real people", but I firmly believe the Marth character article brings more depth to Wikipedia than a one line stub that only explains the town's location and population (of about 350 persons). Marth may not be the most known video game character, but it's far from being a minor character, being the lead character in 4 of his own games (Fire Emblem 1, 3, 11 and 12) and being present in 2 blockbusters (Smash Bros. serie). --Ceksie (talk) 18:46, 8 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Support. Marth the character is exceedingly well known within the fandom of the Fire Emblem series, a fandom which is far greater than the size of this town. The overwhelming majority of people who search "Marth" on this site will do so looking for information about the character, and there is no reason to inconvenience them. Furthermore, the only information on the page for Marth the town is basic information that people familiar with the town would likely know anyway. On the other hand, the page for Marth the character has several pages of detailed information that would be sought after by people familiar with him. Furthermore, it must be noted that Marth has appeared as a prominent playable character in the two latest Super Smash Bros. games, well-known games that have sold in the millions, introducing his character to even people not directly familiar with the series. The result of this is that Marth's character is not obscure at all, and is known by millions of people, both players of his games and not, any of whom might search for more information about him. There is no reason to inconvenience potentially millions of people by sending them to the quite useless page for Marth the town. --TheOthin (talk) 19:14, 8 August 2011 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page. No further edits should be made to this section.

External links modified (January 2018)
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title: Talk:Marth, Thuringia


text:
Category:Iron–sulfur proteins

Iron-sulfur proteins are proteins characterized by the presence of polymetallic systems (iron-sulfur clusters) containing sulfide ions, in which the iron ions have variable oxidation states.

title: Category:Iron–sulfur proteins


text:
Talk:Explanatory style

Credible Source for CAVE
I was trying to figure out who marked the CAVE home page as a potentially unreliable source and why... it's maintained by the University of Pennsylvania... though it hasn't been updated since 1996 and looks weird today because it still looks like web sites looked in '96 (i.e. not very "professional" looking). But since I couldn't figure out why it was marked that way and assumed it was probably because of the unusual appearance of the page, I instead added another reference to a more modern-looking u-penn page with out-takes from several publications that mention CAVE. ike (talk) 01:06, 19 January 2009 (UTC)

Pessimistic and optimistic explanitory styles
At least according to this article, when a person feels that a negative event is thier own fault, they tend to believe that such problems will continue indefinitely, where if they hold others responsible for their problems, they tend to believe that such events will end quickly. It seems, however, that if one believed that they were the source of their problems, that they would also be inclined to believe that they themselves could stop the problem. Conversely, if one felt that there problems were the result of another's actions toward them, that they would therefore believe that the problem was beyond thier control, and as a result, be more inclined to believe that such negative events would continue to occur no matter what they do.66.24.236.62 05:08, 19 November 2006 (UTC)
 * The way I understand it, this is true *if* the Personal explanatory style (one's own fault or others) is couple with the other two being positive - in other words, the bad thing will not last/is not permanent and the extent is not pervasive.
 * However, even if one feels that a certain thing is one's responsibility (always missing that turn) is is still pessimistic if that person believe the situation is permanent (they will *always* miss that turn) and pervasive (they cause many more mistakes, too.) If that is the case, then even if the person believes they have control in that it was their fault, they will still be pessimistic because they will feel there is nothing they can do to change.
 * So, in essence, even if #1 is something one can control, the negative outlook of #2 and #3 (possibly just one of them) will negate #1.108.87.73.243 (talk) 11:40, 5 September 2012 (UTC)

list of components
i would suggest to replace the current list of components: with the one found in Learned_helplessness, which seems a lot easier to understand:
 * internality (whether the event is the person's responsibility or someone else's)
 * stability (whether the event will continue indefinitely or end soon)
 * globality (whether the event will affect every aspect of a person's life or only a few)
 * Personal - They may see themselves as the problem; that is, they have internalized the problem.
 * Pervasive - They may see the problem affecting all aspects of life.
 * Permanent - They may see the problem as unchangeable.

Pessimistic
personal and negative? Since when? ==

Does any of the research work ever state that a pessimistic outlook is strongly correlated with "personal" and "negative" explanatory styles? Because I know plenty of very pessimistic people who tend to blame the external world for all their problems. In fact, it can be argued that the pessimist thinks the world itself is wrong, and therefore outside his control. Since my opinion is POV, I'll refrain from changing the article. But that assertion definitely needs referencing. 200.32.121.66 (talk) 17:58, 11 October 2012 (UTC)
 * Also, the article about Pessimism contradicts the characterization in this article: "The study of pessimism has parallels with the study of depression. Psychologists trace pessimistic attitudes to emotional pain or even biology. Aaron Beck argues that depression is due to unrealistic negative views about the world." 200.32.121.66 (talk) 18:05, 11 October 2012 (UTC)

It might be worth comparing locus of control theory with attributional style. The locus of control theory, which simply rated people along a dimension of whether they saw themselves as being in control of events (internal) or seeing external factors as being the control of events in their lives, tended to view anxiety as correlated with an internal locus of control. However, attributional style tended to view an internal, stable and global attributional style as being linked with vulnerability to depression. Since attributional style theory adds two extra dimensions of attribution to internality-externality - stability-unstability and globality-specificity   this might explain why they may lack hope, even if they are internals (e.g. they may have a stable attribution for negative events). Vorbee (talk) 17:02, 18 August 2017 (UTC)

Attributional style
The first sentence of this article says that attributional (or explanatory) style is used to explain how individuals explain events, either positive or negative - but surely, one's attributional style may explain how people explain neutral events. Vorbee (talk) 16:53, 18 August 2017 (UTC)

title: Talk:Explanatory style


text:
Castle Coole

Castle Coole (from Cúl ) is a townland and a late-18th-century neo-classical mansion situated in Enniskillen, County Fermanagh, Northern Ireland. Set in a 1200 acre wooded estate, it is one of three properties owned and managed by the National Trust in County Fermanagh, the others being Florence Court and the Crom Estate.

The townland, which is 529 acre in size, is situated in the civil parish of Derryvullan, in the historic barony of Tirkennedy, as well as Fermanagh and Omagh district.

History
The Castle Coole estate was purchased in 1656 by the Belfast merchant John Corry, grandfather of the 1st Earl Belmore. The estate is named for Lough Coole (from Irish Gaelic cúil, 'seclusion'), a lake surrounded by the Killynure hills. A ráth here and a crannog in Lough Coole itself are reminders that the area has been settled since prehistoric times. Other lakes on the estate include Lough Yoan and Brendrum Lough. The site of a 17th-century house and bawn and formal garden at Castle Coole (grid ref: H2574 4333) are Scheduled Historic Monuments.

Castle Coole was constructed between 1789 and 1798 as the summer retreat of Armar Lowry-Corry, the 1st Earl Belmore. Lord Belmore was the Member of Parliament for County Tyrone in the former Irish Houses of Parliament in Dublin and a wealthy heir to 70000 acres of land throughout Ireland, acquired by ancestors with a successful background in merchantry. The income generated by the estates allowed Castle Coole to be constructed at a cost of £57,000 in 1798, equivalent to approximately £20 million today.

The siting on the comparatively small 1200 acre estate in County Fermanagh was primarily due to its unspoilt rural location and natural environment amongst ancient oak woodland and small lakes, yet with proximity to the market town of Enniskillen for the domestic labour necessary for a large mansion. Additionally, several smaller family residences had been built on the Castle Coole estate preceding the mansion, including a dwelling of the King James period (later deliberately destroyed by fire) and a Queen Anne house built in 1709. Following the passage in 1800 of the Act of Union, the law politically uniting Britain and Ireland, the family moved from their main residence – a small townhouse in Sackville Street, Dublin – to Castle Coole, as the reason for living in Dublin, to be close to the Parliament, no longer applied.

In 1951 the 7th Earl Belmore transferred the mansion to the National Trust, prompted by two sets of death duties or inheritance tax when the 5th and 6th Earls Belmore died without issue 18 months apart. However, the contents of the mansion, including much that is today shown to visitors, remain the Earl Belmore's property. The National Trust opens the mansion to visitors during the summer months, and the estate can be visited year-round.

Between 1980 and 1988, the mansion was closed to the public while the National Trust undertook major restoration work, including the dismantling the façade to replace metal anchors that hold the stone in place as these were corroding. This was done with such sensitivity and care that today the weathered stone looked quite undisturbed. To celebrate the re-opening, the Queen Mother was invited to Castle Coole. As part of the transfer of ownership to the National Trust there is an agreement that the Earl Belmore retains an apartment in the S wing, currently used by his heir and family. The Earl himself lives in a house elsewhere on the estate.

Architecture
Neo-classical in architectural style, Castle Coole was the work of two Georgian period architects who did not collaborate. Richard Johnston, an Irish architect, was initially commissioned and completed the basement. Johnston was dismissed in favour of the popular and fashionable English architect James Wyatt, who, rather than starting afresh, began where Johnston left off and completed the mansion on the same footprint. Wyatt adhered closely to the Neo-classical ideal of restraint, symmetry and meticulous proportions, with architectural features carefully scaled. An Ionic portico and flanking Doric colonnaded wings extend either end of the main block of the house. Wyatt probably never visited the site and sent drawings for the house from London. The very fine and varied plaster ceilings were all the work of the English artist Joseph Rose.

Notable aspects of the mansion include the Portland stone façades and sober portico with Ionic capitals. Inside there more restrained grandeur with the entrance hall boasting four massive scagliola columns. A double-return cantilever staircase leads to an unusual double-height saloon at first floor that rises up a further floor with a bedroom gallery overlooking. Both spaces are decorated amply with Doric columns in scagliola of diminishing scale from lower to higher.

Wyatt also designed some of the most important furniture in the mansion. Such architect-designed Neo-classical pieces still in the situation for which they are designed are rare, much of their aesthetic value arising from their surviving in the original location. Other furniture was placed by the second Earl, when the Regency style was in vogue and by later generations, so that the interior appearance today is many layered, not just neo-classical.

A state bedroom, prepared in 1821 for King George IV (un-used by the King, who failed to arrive), retains original furnishings, state bed and flock wallpaper. A drawing room furnished in a French Empire style, a Grecian staircase hall, and a ladies' workroom furnished in a Chinese style reflect the importance of worldly knowledge and awareness during the Regency period. Family motifs, engraved into Italian marble chimneypieces and adorning the plaster frieze of the Entrance Hall, reflect the first Earl's pride in his family heritage. The rooms to the mansion's garden front have views of Lough Coole.

Service areas
There is an extensive basement under the house and extending some way under the adjacent northwest lawns. This below-ground area is partially restored and open to the public and contains kitchens, servants' hall, larders, wine-cellars, laundry, a Roman style plunge-bath, a brewery and other offices. Castle Coole has no above-ground service door. Wyatt sought to give the impression—often sought by Neo-classical architects—of a perfect composition on ancient proportional principles, isolated in a "natural" landscape. Externally, the practical offices supporting the house are all accessed by a long inclined tunnel from the stable yard 80 metre away, so that tradesmen, servants and estate staff approached and left the house unseen, with the architect's Neo-classical ideal composition above ground left seemingly undisturbed by day-to-day business.

Numerous out-buildings can be found on the estate; those of interest include lodges, "Grand Yard", workshops, stables, and a "Tallow House" (originally used for candle-making, now a gift shop and reception area). The entrance to the service tunnel to the house is adjacent to the Grand Yard.

Estate
Much of the native oak, ash and beech planting of the landscape park remains, today grazed by cattle and sheep as originally intended. A considerable portion of the estate has been historically given over to agriculture and let to local farmers, a practice which continues today. A part to the South West has been taken by the Enniskillen Golf Club and here the original planting is compromised by modern golf course design. To the South East part of the estate was sold off for the Killyevlin Industrial Estate.

A 'ha-ha' – that is a ditch to control livestock movements without visual interruption to the landscape resulting from a fence or a wall – can be found near the mansion. Vestigial remains of the earlier extensive parterres of the earlier Baroque house can be seen in the park, but are difficult to discern today, in spite of interpretation panels installed by the National Trust.

Family
The Belmore earldom is named after the nearby Belmore Mountain, 7 mile west of Enniskillen. Corry had hoped to be named Earl of Enniskillen, until this title was given to the Cole family at Florence Court. Though the origins of the Corry side of the family can be found in Belfast, there is more uncertainty with the Lowry side. The Lowrys may originally have been from Dumfries in Scotland.

As a member of the peerage of Ireland, the earl of Belmore had a seat in the Irish House of Lords until it was abolished in 1801 when the kingdom of Ireland was merged into the United Kingdom. The second and fourth earls subsequently sat in the House of Lords at Westminster as Irish representative peers.

Workforce
At its peak, Castle Coole employed around 90 staff, both indoor and outdoor. The basement of the mansion was entirely the domain of the indoor staff, and accommodation for the outdoor staff was mainly found in the buildings surrounding the Grand Yard. During the early stages in the mansion's history when the main residence of the Belmore family was in Dublin, a caretaker staff of 5–10 servants remained in the mansion when the family were away. This may help explain the excellent condition of the mansion today; continuous occupancy prevented decay and may have helped prevent major disasters, such as fires.

As in many mansions, a hierarchy amongst servants formed. The Head Cook for instance enjoyed a two-room apartment above the warmth of the Kitchens. The Butler too enjoyed a personal apartment. A boot boy on the other hand had communal accommodation with other lower ranking servants.

New in 2006
Castle Coole re-opened to the public for the 2006 season on 17 March. A re-design of the Victorian Bedroom layout now commemorates four years of Australian influence at Castle Coole. Somerset Lowry-Corry, the 4th Earl Belmore, became the Conservative Governor of New South Wales on 8 January 1868 and served until 23 February 1872. At Government House, Sydney, the 4th Earl's first son was born on 1 May 1870, later to become the 5th Earl Belmore. Lady Belmore found the summer climate of Sydney oppressive and despite frequent retreats to Moss Vale, concern over his wife's health prompted the Lord Belmore to resign his governorship on 26 June 1871 allowing the Belmore family to return to Castle Coole the following year. Belmore Park, Sydney and Belmore Park, Goulburn testify to New South Wales railway developments brought about by Lord Belmore's governorship and his own personal popularity in Australia. As the bedroom of the 4th Earl and Countess at Castle Coole both prior to and following their four years in Australia, the Victorian Bedroom commemorates the connection.

Admission to Castle Coole is by guided tour only. Please consult the National Trust's webpage via the external link for opening times in 2017.

title: Castle Coole


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Dobson Cellular

Dobson Cellular Systems, Inc. now part of AT&T Mobility, was a wireless telecommunications provider operating in several regions of the United States, including Alaska, Arizona, California, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New York, Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Texas, Virginia, West Virginia and Wisconsin. Dobson Cellular Systems was a wholly owned subsidiary of Dobson Communications Corporation based in Oklahoma City. It was the provider of Cellular One-branded services in the United States. Dobson operated under the brand name of Cellular One, and provided service on a D-AMPS and GSM network. The company purchased the rights to the Cellular One name from Alltel in December 2005.

Corporate history
Formed in the 1920s, Dobson Communications originally operated a small wireline telephone network in Oklahoma. Over 70 years, Dobson evolved to become the nation's largest independent rural wireless provider to expand operations into 60 markets, following acquisitions over the last 10 years.

On June 29, 2007 AT&T Inc. announced that they had reached an agreement to purchase Dobson Cellular division. The closing price was $2.8B USD or $13 per share. AT&T also agreed to assume the outstanding debt of $2.3B USD.

The sale completed on November 15, 2007, with market transition beginning December 9, 2007. The Cellular One brand name was sold to Trilogy Partners in February 2008.

The Federal government prevented AT&T from taking certain Dobson markets In Texas, Oklahoma, and Kentucky along the Ohio border and the I-75 corridor, due to the potential monopoly this would create in this area. After placing these markets in a trust for one year, the Kentucky markets were sold to Verizon Wireless in November 2008 with market transition to be completed by November 2009, and the others, TX-10 and OK-5, were sold to affiliates of MTPCS, LLC, which concurrently adopted the Cellular One brand under a license agreement with Trilogy Partners.

Network
Dobson was, for the most part, a rural provider. It claimed to be the largest provider of cellular services in Alaska as well as in Michigan. It was also the exclusive provider of GSM technology in many of its markets and has a few resellers such as TracFone and smaller MVNOs in particular states. It also provided voice and data roaming capability for many AT&T and T-Mobile customers. Dobson had recently upgraded a majority of its GSM/GPRS towers with an EDGE overlay, providing an even faster data rate for their customers.

title: Dobson Cellular


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Rich uncle theory

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. Golbez 08:22, Jun 18, 2005 (UTC)

Rich uncle theory
Prank and/or unverifiable neologism. 5 hits for "Rich uncle theory", most of which are from kiro5hin.org, most uses of which are only accessible thru the google cache. Also, the text is mostly word for word, so either the WP article is a copyvio, or the Kiroshin version is a mirror, making it useless as a verification of the term. Niteowlneils 19:58, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Ha ha ha ha ha... delete. -- BD2412 talk 20:30, 2005 Jun 9 (UTC)
 * not funny delete--Doc (?) 23:06, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Unverifiable. Double Blue  (Talk) 01:14, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Unverifiable, classist poppycock. --Jeffrey O. Gustafson 02:07, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete original research. JamesBurns 06:16, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete for all the reasons above. Sjakkalle (Check!)  08:40, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete What kind of idiot would write an article like that? Alex Krupp 09:04, Jun 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * For those who haven't had their coffee yet, I'm the one who wrote the article. If you do a google search for "rich uncle" there are 40,600 hits, and there is even a site MyRichUncle.com. The name of the article is a neologism, I'll admit, but there really is a belief that in America everyone has a rich uncle. Rich Uncle Sam, Uncle Scrooge McDuck, Rich Uncle Pennybags, etc. On the Simpsons Monty Burns got his money from a rich uncle IIRC. Also, I'm the one who wrote the K5 post, so not it isn't a copyvio. Alex Krupp 02:19, Jun 11, 2005 (UTC)

 * Delete dull.     19:50, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * "there really is a belief that in America everyone has a rich uncle." And your evidence for this is...? Note that the website you reference  and all those Google hits don't add up to your claim, any more than the 752,000 Google hits for "red dog" mean that  everyone in the U.S. has a red dog.  --Dcfleck 14:34, 2005 Jun 11 (UTC)
 * Delete Original research. Unverifiable and thoroughly uninteresting for a hoax article -CunningLinguist 09:31, 14 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages.  Please do not edit this page .


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Talk:Panther Kallista

I own a 1988 Panther Kallista 2.3 and would like to interact with other owners who have one, particularly on what parts are used on the car. Mike Farr email mfarr@jist.com

title: Talk:Panther Kallista


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Talk:Red Squad

Assassination?
Really it's a bit much to claim the police were responsible for assassintations and not provide a source for the claim. "Citation needed" indeed. Perhaps this claim should be deleted until someone can substantiate it. 2601:7:E80:7ED:55EF:7519:37A7:DE3D (talk) 21:50, 7 October 2013 (UTC)

Jan 2001 7th Circuit Court of Appeals
The article contained mention of a case before the 7th Cr. Court in Jan 2001. The article claimed that the court ruled in favor of allowing police to investigate people who have not committed a crime. The only case reviewed by that court on that month that has anything to do with this is an appeal by the City of Chicago. The police video-taped demonstrators during the DNC. The demonstrators sued the city (and won) for being video-taped. The appeals court overturned the lower court's verdict, claiming that the police had the right to video-tape people in a public location. I feel that it is rather a stretch to claim that this ruling means that police can investigate people who have not committed a crime. Kainaw 19:58, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)

USA PATRIOT ACT
The USA PATRIOT ACT is an extension of the USA ACT, which is an extension of FISA which effectively made Red Squads illegal. It is simply confusing to claim that the USA PATRIOT ACT is legalizing Red Squads when it is an extension of the act that made them illegal. So, I removed the mention of the USA PATRIOT ACT until this logical leap of faith can be better explained. Kainaw 19:58, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Disambiguation needed?
I feel the paragraph:

 * During the 1981 Springbok Tour in New Zealand, riot police were formed into Red and Blue Squads to control protesters opposed to the tour.

is an orphan fact and probably deserves a separate section or perhaps is even a separate stub article. However, what is the best name for such a stub article? Red squad (New Zealand Police)? -- Cameron Dewe 03:54, 2 July 2006 (UTC)

 * Added an accompanying fact and an intro for the subsection. With just two facts, it doesn't warrant an article of its own (in my opinion). --Kainaw (talk) 15:02, 2 July 2006 (UTC)

NPOV

 * "Red Squads are police intelligence units that specialize in infiltrating, harassing, and gathering intelligence on political and social groups" and "The aftermath of the riots during Johnson's administration and Watergate during Nixon's administration led to public criticism of the Red Squads for illegal and harassing tactics. " these statements clearly show a POV using words like "harrassing" and "illeagal". The author does not jsutify the statements or cite specific references as justification.EMT1871 07:52, 12 February 2007 (UTC)
 * I think the use of 'harrassing' in the first example can be replaced with 'conducting counter-measures.' However, in the second sentence, the use of the same word seems to tie from a charge of harrassment, rather than an attempt to categorize such actions. In that case, I think it stands on its own as an allegation. I'll make the change to the first sentence. --LeyteWolfer (talk) 02:32, 28 February 2008 (UTC)

title: Talk:Red Squad


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Robert Ellenstein

Robert Ellenstein (June 18, 1923 – October 28, 2010) was an American actor. The son of Meyer C. Ellenstein, a Newark dentist, Ellenstein grew up to see his father become a two-term mayor from 1933 to 1941. He served in the United States Army Air Forces during World War II, earning a Purple Heart during his service.

Film and television career
A veteran of the "Golden Age" of live television (he played Quasimodo in a live Robert Montgomery Presents (1950) version of "The Hunchback of Notre Dame"), for the same show played the lead in "A Case of Identity", later turned into the film The Wrong Man (1956), he was the first actor to play Albert Einstein on television. Ellenstein made his first film in 1954 (MGM's Rogue Cop). He was featured in Alfred Hitchcock's North by Northwest. In 1961, he played the mobster Legs Diamond in an episode of NBC's 1920s crime drama The Lawless Years with James Gregory.

Among his television appearances, Ellenstein guest starred in three episodes of Perry Mason. In 1957 he played defendant John Addison in "The Case of the Vagabond Vixen." In 1959 he played murder victim Arthur Cartright in "The Case of the Howling Dog," and in 1960 he played Medical Examiner Dr. McBride in "The Case of the Madcap Modiste." In 1965 he played a character curiously of 65 years of age (in obviously inadequate makeup) in a second-season episode of The Man From U.N.C.L.E. He appeared in two episodes of the WWII drama, Combat!, first in 1965 in "The Tree of Moray" and in 1966 he was in the episode "Counterplay". He also made three guest appearances on The Untouchables, five appearances on The Wild Wild West, four on Ironside, and five on Mission: Impossible. He also directed television with an episode of the 1960s sitcom, Love on a Rooftop, and many live television episodes.

Ellenstein had over 200 television appearances. He performed hundreds of stage roles as an actor. He directed many theatre productions in New York, Los Angeles and in regional theater. He was artistic director of The Company of Angels and Founding Artistic Director of the Los Angeles Repertory Company.

Death
Ellenstein died in Los Angeles of natural causes on October 28, 2010, at age 87.

title: Robert Ellenstein


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United States District Court for the District of Hawaii

The United States District Court for the District of Hawaii (in case citations, D. Haw.) is the principal trial court of the United States Federal Court System in the state of Hawaii. The court's territorial jurisdiction encompasses the state of Hawaii and the territories of Midway Atoll, Wake Island, Johnston Atoll, Kingman Reef, Palmyra Atoll, Baker Island, Howland Island, and Jarvis Island; it also occasionally handles (jointly with the United States District Court for the District of Columbia and the High Court of American Samoa) federal issues that arise in the territory of American Samoa, which has no local federal court or territorial court. It is located at the Prince Kuhio Federal Building in downtown Honolulu, fronting the Aloha Tower and Honolulu Harbor. The court hears both civil and criminal cases as a court of law and equity. A branch of the district court is the United States Bankruptcy Court which also has chambers in the federal building. The United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit has appellate jurisdiction over cases coming out of the District of Hawaii (except for patent claims and claims against the U.S. government under the Tucker Act, which are appealed to the Federal Circuit). The United States Attorney for the District of Hawaii represents the United States in all civil and criminal cases within her district.

, the United States attorney is Clare E. Connors.

History
When the Territory of Hawaii was formed in 1900, jurisdiction was placed in the Ninth Circuit. On March 18, 1959, when the District of Hawaii was formed, the district had two judgeships for the court. On July 10, 1984, a third judgeship was added, and a fourth was added on December 1, 1990.

Judges of the United States District Court for the Territory of Hawaii
Prior to 1959, the United States District Court for the District of Hawaii was an Article IV tribunal in the Territory of Hawaii. The following is a partial list of Judges for that court.

"Recorder of Deeds" for the Territory of Palmyra Island
Since 1962, the court's clerk has filed or recorded the deeds and other land title documents for land located in the federal Territory of Palmyra Island, under, Executive Order No. 10967 and Order No. 2862 of the Secretary of the Interior.

U.S. Attorneys
See also: United States Attorney for the District of Hawaii