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Race and crime in the United States

In the United States, the relationship between race and crime has been a topic of public controversy and scholarly debate for more than a century. Crime rates vary significantly between racial groups; however, academic research indicates that the over-representation of some racial minorities in the criminal justice system can in part be explained by socioeconomic factors, such as poverty, exposure to poor neighborhoods, poor access to public and early education, and exposure to harmful chemicals (such as lead) and pollution. Racial housing segregation has also been linked to racial disparities in crime rates, as black Americans have historically and to the present been prevented from moving into prosperous low-crime areas through actions of the government (such as redlining) and private actors. Various explanations within criminology have been proposed for racial disparities in crime rates, including conflict theory, strain theory, general strain theory, social disorganization theory, macrostructural opportunity theory, social control theory, and subcultural theory.

Research also indicates that there is extensive racial and ethnic discrimination by police and the judicial system. A substantial academic literature has compared police searches (showing that contraband is found at higher rates in whites who are stopped), bail decisions (showing that whites with the same bail decision as blacks commit more pre-trial violations), and sentencing (showing that blacks are more harshly sentenced by juries and judges than whites when the underlying facts and circumstances of the cases are similar), providing valid causal inferences of racial discrimination. Studies have documented patterns of racial discrimination, as well as patterns of police brutality and disregard for the constitutional rights of African-Americans, by police departments in various American cities, including Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia.

Terminology
The term "Black-on-Black" violence has been criticized for being misleading and racially charged. One columnist writing in the wake of the murder of George Floyd has accused opponents of the Black Lives Matter movement of using "Blacks killing Blacks" rhetoric to avoid discussions about police brutality.

Researchers note that there are socioeconomic factors underlying these crime statistics, and that crime is often higher in low-income neighborhoods. Media coverage of "Black on Black" violence has been criticized for perpetuating racial stereotypes of violent Black people. Researchers have highlighted media language drawing connections between intracommunity violence in Black neighborhoods and supposed "moral bankruptcy" in Black family structures and communities. Edward A. Flynn has noted that African-Americans are disproportionately murdered, accounting for 80% of murder victims in Milwaukee. Researchers have noted these arguments but say that the term Black-on-Black crime is "inaccurate and vague" and "generally offensive to Black Americans".

Crime data sources
In the United States, crime data are collected from three major sources:
 * Law enforcement agency crime reports, collected monthly by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and processed annually as Uniform Crime Reports (UCR)
 * victimization surveys, collected biannually by the Bureau of Justice Statistics and processed annually in the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS)
 * self-report surveys

The Uniform Crime Reports represent the primary source of data used in the calculation of official statistics regarding serious crimes such as murder and homicide, which is supplemented by the information provided through the NCVS and self-report studies, the latter being the best indicator of actual crime rates for minor offenses such as illegal substance abuse and petty theft. These crime data collection programs provide most of the statistical information utilized by criminologists and sociologists in their analysis of crime and the extent of its relationship to race. Another form of data is that regarding the prison population.

Uniform Crime Reports (UCR)
Established in 1927, the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) program is a summary-based reporting system that collects data on crime reported to local and state law enforcement agencies across the US. The UCR system indexes crimes under two headings: Part I and Part II offenses. Part I offenses include: murder and non-negligent homicide; non-lethal violent crimes comprising robbery, forcible rape and aggravated assault; and property crimes comprising burglary, larceny/theft, motor vehicle theft and arson. Part II offenses include fraud, forgery/counterfeiting, embezzlement, simple assault, sex offenses, offenses against the family, drug and liquor offenses, weapons offenses and other non-violent offenses excluding traffic violations.

There are fundamental limitations of the UCR system, including:
 * Bias in sampling: UCR statistics do not represent the actual amount of criminal activity occurring in the United States. As it relies upon local law enforcement agency crime reports, the UCR program can only measure crime known to police and cannot provide an accurate representation of actual crime rates.
 * Misrepresentation: The UCR program is focused upon street crime, and does not record information on many other types of crime, such as organized crime, corporate crime or federal crime. Further, law enforcement agencies can provide inadvertently misleading data as a result of local policing practices. These factors can lead to misrepresentations regarding the nature and extent of criminal activity in the United States.
 * Manipulation: UCR data are capable of being manipulated by local law enforcement agencies. Information is supplied voluntarily to the UCR program, and manipulation of data can occur at the local level.
 * Race and ethnicity: The UCR tracks crime for the racial category of "White" to include both Hispanic and non-Hispanic ethnicities. According to the ACLU, with over 50 million Latinos residing in the United States, this hides the incarceration rates for Latinos vis-à-vis marijuana-related offenses, as they are considered "White" with respect to the UCR.

As a response to these and other limitations, a new system of crime data collection was established in 1988 as an outgrowth of the UCR system. The National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) is an incident-based reporting system that will collect more comprehensive and detailed data on crime from local, state and federal law enforcement agencies. As it is still under development, NIBRS coverage is not yet nationwide.

National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS)
The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) program, established in 1972, is a national survey of a representative sample of households in the United States which covers the frequency of crime victimization and the characteristics and consequences of victimization. The primary purpose behind the NCVS program is to gather information on crimes that were not reported to police, though information is also collected on reported crimes. The survey collects data on rape, assault, robbery, burglary, personal and household larceny and motor vehicle theft. The NCVS also includes supplemental questions which allow information to be gathered on tangentially relevant issues such as school violence, attitudes towards law enforcement or perceptions regarding crime.

There are fundamental limitations to the NCVS program, including:

 * Reliability: NCVS statistics do not represent verified or evidenced instances of victimization. As it depends upon the recollection of the individuals surveyed, the NCVS cannot distinguish between true and fabricated claims of victimization, nor can it verify the truth of the severity of the reported incidents. Further, the NCVS cannot detect cases of victimization where the victim is too traumatized to report. These factors can contribute to deficits in the reliability of NCVS statistics.
 * Misrepresentation: The NCVS program is focused upon metropolitan and urban areas, and does not adequately cover suburban and rural regions. This can lead to misrepresentations regarding the nature and extent of victimization in the United States.

Comparison of UCR and NCVS data
According to the NCVS for 1992–2000, 43% of violent criminal acts, and 53% of serious violent crime (not verbal threats, or cuts and bruises) were reported to the police. Overall, black (49%) and indigenous Americans (48%) victims reported most often, higher than whites (42%) and Asians (40%). Serious violent crime and aggravated assault against blacks (58% and 61%) and indigenous Americans (55% and 59%) was reported more often than against whites (51% and 54%) or Asians (50% and 51%). indigenous Americans were unusually unlikely to report a robbery (45%), as with Asians and a simple assault (31%).

Despite the differences in the amount of crime reported, comparisons of the UCR and NCVS data sets show there to be a high degree of correspondence between the two systems. This correspondence extends to the racial demography of both perpetrators and victims of violent crime reported in both systems.

Classification of Hispanics
The UCR classifies most Hispanics into the "white" category. The NCVS classifies some Hispanic criminals as "white" and some as "other race". The victim categories for the NCVS are more distinct.

According to a report by the National Council of La Raza, research obstacles undermine the census of Latinos in prison, and "Latinos in the criminal justice system are seriously undercounted. The true extent of the overrepresentation of Latinos in the system probably is significantly greater than researchers have been able to document. The lack of empirical data on Latinos is partially due to prisons' failures to document ethnic details at intake, or recording practices that historically have classified Latinos as white.

The FBI did not include a "Latino" or "Hispanic" category until the Uniform Crime Report for 2013, and 93% of Hispanics are classified as "white" by law enforcement officers (irrespective of their ancestry), often inflating the amount of crimes attributed to whites.

Crime statistics
Scholars have found that some racial and ethnic minorities, particularly African-Americans, are disproportionately represented in the arrest and victimization reports which are used to compile crime rate statistics in the United States. The data from 2008 reveals that black Americans are over-represented in terms of arrests made in virtually all types of crime, with the exceptions of "driving under the influence," "liquor laws," and hate crime. Overall, black Americans are arrested at 2.6 times the per-capita rate of all other Americans, and this ratio is even higher for murder (6.3 times) and robbery (8.1 times).

Homicide
According to the FBI 2019 Uniform Crime Report, African-Americans accounted for 55.9% of all homicide offenders in 2019, with whites 41.1%, and "Other" 3% in cases where the race was known. Including homicide offenders where the race was unknown, African-Americans accounted for 39.6% of all homicide offenders in 2019, with whites 29.1%, "Other" 2.1%, and "Unknown" 29.3%

Among homicide victims in 2019 where the race was known, 54.7% were black or African-American, 42.3% were white, and 3.1% were of other races. Homicides with white victims and black offenders were more than 2.3 times more common than the opposite (566 vs 246). Including homicide victims in 2019 where the race was unknown, 53.7% were black or African-American, 41.6% were white, 3% were of other races, and 1.7% were of unknown races.

The per-capita offending rate for African-Americans was roughly eight times higher than that of whites, and their victim rate was similar. About half of homicides are known to be single-offender/single-victim, and most of those were intraracial; in those where the perpetrator's and victim's races were known, 81% of white victims were killed by whites and 91% of black or African-American victims were killed by blacks or African-Americans.

Assault
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) keeps data on non-fatal injury emergency department visits and the race of victims. While non-Hispanic white victims account for approximately half of total non-fatal assault injuries, most of which did not involve any weapon, black and Hispanic victims account for the vast majority of non-fatal firearm injuries. There was a total of 17.3 million emergency department visits or hospitalizations for non-fatal assaults in the United States in the 10-year period between 2007–2016. For non-fatal assaults with recorded race, 6.5 million victims were white non-Hispanic, 4.3 million black, 2.3 million Hispanic and 0.4 million other (non-Hispanic) and for 3.8 million, the race was not recorded. There were a total of 603,000 emergency department visits in the US for non-fatal firearm assaults in the 10-year period between 2007–2016. For non-fatal firearm assaults with recorded race, 77,000 victims were white non-Hispanic, 261,000 were black and 94,000 were Hispanic, 8,500 were other non-Hispanic and for 162,000 the race was not recorded. Despite gun injuries only accounting for about 3.5% of serious assault injuries between 2007 and 2016, they accounted for nearly 70% of overall homicides.

While African Americans are highly overrepresented in murders and gun assaults, the disparity in arrests is smaller for the most common form of assault not involving any weapon or serious injury; blacks are arrested for non-aggravated assault at 2.7 times the white rate. Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites are arrested for non-aggravated assault in a similar ratio to their share of the US population. Of the 9,468 murder arrests in the US in 2017, 53.5% were black and 20.8% Hispanic. Of the 822,671 arrests for non-aggravated assault, 31.4% were black and 18.4% Hispanic.

According to the FBI Uniform Crime Reports, in 2008, black youths, who make up 16% of the youth population, accounted for 52% of juvenile violent crime arrests, including 58.5% of youth arrests for homicide and 67% for robbery. Black youths were overrepresented in all offense categories except DUI, liquor laws, and drunkenness. Racial disparities in arrest have consistently been far less among older population groups.

Robbery
According to the National Crime Victimization Survey in 2002, robberies with white victims and black offenders were more than 12 times more common than the opposite.

Victim surveys
In 1978, Michael Hindelang compared data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (then known as the National Crime Survey, or NCS) to data from the Uniform Crime Reports, both from 1974. He found that NCS data generally agreed with UCR data in regards to the percent of perpetrators of rape, robbery, and assault who were black. For instance, Hindelang's analysis found that both the NCS and UCR estimated that 62% of robbery offenders were black in the United States in 1974. A 2004 National Crime Victimization Survey report which analyzed carjacking over 10 years found that carjacking victims identified 56% of offenders as black, 21% as white, and 16% as indigenous American or Asian.

Gang membership
The National Gang Center, a project of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, Office of Justice Programs, and the Bureau of Justice Assistance, conducted annual surveys of law enforcement agencies between 1996–2012 to assess the extent of gang problems in the United States. The latest available data, from 2011, found that 46.2% of gang members are Hispanic/Latino, 35.3% are black, 11.5% are white, and 7% are of other races/ethnicities. Larger cities, suburban counties, and smaller cities are more likely to report Hispanic or Latino-Americans as the dominant racial/ethnic group among gang members. Rural counties are more likely to report Black or African-Americans as the dominant racial/ethnic group among gang members.

Hispanics
According to a 2009 report by the Pew Hispanic Center, in 2007 Latinos "accounted for 40% of all sentenced federal offenders ‒ more than triple their share (13%) of the total U.S. adult population". This was an increase from 24% in 1991. Between 1991 and 2007, enforcement of federal immigration laws became a growing priority in response to undocumented immigration. By 2007, among Hispanic offenders sentenced in federal courts, 48% were immigration offenses, 37% drug offenses, and 15% for other offenses. One reason for the large increase in immigration offenses is that they exclusively fall under federal jurisdiction.

Racially motivated hate crime
The federal government publishes an annual list of hate crime statistics as part of the FBI Uniform Crime Report. According to the 2019 Uniform Crime Report, of hate crime offenders identifiable by race, 61.5% were White, 28% were Black, 7.8% were groups of individuals of varying races, 1.2% were American Indian or Alaska Natives, 1.1% were Asian, and 0.4% were Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islanders. Including offenders of unknown race, 52.5% were White, 23.9% were Black, 6.6% were groups of individuals of varying races, 1.1% were American Indian or Alaska Natives, 0.9% were Asian, 0.3% were Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islanders, and 14.6% were unknown.

In the same 2019 report, when ethnicity of offenders was known, 73.5% were not Hispanic or Latino, 22.3% were Hispanic or Latino, and 4.2% were groups of individuals of varying ethnicities. However, the majority of offenders' ethnic backgrounds are unknown. Including offenders of unknown ethnicity, 33.1% were not Hispanic or Latino, 10% were Hispanic or Latino, 1.9% were groups of individuals of varying ethnicities, and 55% were of unknown ethnicity.

The report also states that 55.8% of all hate crime offenders were motivated by race, ethnicity, or ancestry. By comparison, the next highest categories are religion (19.3%) and sexual orientation (16.3%). Among hate crime offenses motivated by race, ethnicity, and ancestry, 48.4% were composed of anti-Black bias, 15.8% were of anti-White bias, 14.1% were of anti-Hispanic or Latino bias, and 4.3% were of anti-Asian bias.

Racial composition of geographic areas
Studies have examined that ethnic/racially heterogeneous areas, most often neighborhoods in large cities, have higher crime rates than more homogeneous areas. Most studies find that the more ethnically/racially heterogeneous an area is, the higher its crime rates tend to be.

Studies examining the relationship between percentages of different races in an area and crime rates have generally either found similar relationships as for nationwide crime rates or no significant relationships. Most often studied are correlations between black and Hispanic populations in a given area and crime. According to a study in the American Journal of Sociology, a positive correlation exists between the percentage of black males in a neighborhood and perceptions of neighborhood crime rates, even after controlling other correlating factors and neighborhood characteristics. The study was conducted amongst the perceptions of residents in neighborhoods in Chicago, Seattle, and Baltimore in comparison with census data and police department crime statistics. Survey respondents consistently rated African Americans as more prone to violence than the data and statistics stated leading to the conclusion that the stereotype of blacks as more likely criminals is deeply embedded in the collective consciousness and societal norms of Americans. Such data may reveal a possible connection, but is functionally inconclusive due to a variety of other correlating factors which overlap with race and ethnicity.

Trends
Some studies have argued for smaller racial disparities in violent crime in recent times. However, a study of government data from 1980–2008 found that the reduction in black violent crime relative to white violent crime may have been an artifact of those previous studies, which was due to Hispanic offenders being counted as White in the comparison. The Hispanic population has been increasing rapidly and Hispanics have violence rates higher than that of whites but lower than that of blacks.

Other data suggests a genuine decline in racial disparities in recent years. In the 1980s and early 1990s black/white (including Hispanics) imprisonment disparities increased peaking in the early 1990s when a slim majority of new admissions were blacks. Relative to 2000, disparities in prisons and jails have since declined modestly in recent decades between both blacks and whites and Hispanics and whites. Between 2000 and 2019, the ratio of disparity amongst male state and federal prisoners per capita declined between blacks and non-Hispanic whites from 7.7 to 5.7 and between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites from 2.7 to 2.5. Declines in disparities were more pronounced when considering jail inmates of both sexes between 2005 and 2018 with the ratio of disparity per capita declining from 4.8 to 3.2 between blacks and non-Hispanic whites and 1.6 to 1.0 between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites.

Similarly, declines in the racial disparity of homicide victimization can be seen although to a much greater extent between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites. Using CDC data between 1990 and 2019, the ratio of the murder rate between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites declined from 4.5 to 2.0 and between blacks and non-Hispanic whites from 9.9 to 8.3. When considering non-firearm homicide victimization rates racial disparities the ratio of decline is very significant between 1990 and 2019, falling between blacks and non-Hispanic whites from 7.0 to 3.3 and between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites from 3.4 to 1.3.

Discrimination by law enforcement
Research suggests that police practices, such as racial profiling, over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.

In-group bias has been observed when it comes to traffic citations following accidents, as black and white police in one state were found to be more lenient to suspects of their own race, resulting in a 3% discrepancy. A 2013 report by the American Civil Liberties Union found that blacks were "3.73 times more likely than whites to be arrested for marijuana possession," even though "blacks and whites use drugs, including marijuana, at similar rates." A 2020 study in the journal Nature found that black drivers were stopped more often than white drivers, and that the threshold by which police decided to search black and Hispanic drivers was lower than that for whites (judging by the rate at which contraband was found in searches). Analysis of more than 20 million traffic stops in North Carolina showed that blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to be pulled over by police for traffic stops, and that blacks were more likely to be searched following the stop. There were no significant difference in the likelihood that Hispanics would be pulled over, but Hispanics were much more likely to be searched following a traffic stop than whites. When the study controlled for searches in high-crime areas, it still found that police disproportionately targeted black individuals. These racial disparities were particularly pronounced for young men. The study found that whites who were searched were more likely to carry contraband than blacks and Hispanics. In-group bias by voters has also been suggested as possibly causing disparities, as voters discount criminal acts done by their in-group and thus will vote for higher enforcement in areas where the minority population is higher due to the lack of in-group leniency, allowing for racial disparities in the justice system even if the authorities are unbiased.

A 2018 study in the Journal of Empirical Legal Studies found that law enforcement officers in Texas who could charge shoplifters with two types of crimes (one more serious, one less so) due to a vaguely worded statute were more likely to charge blacks and Hispanics with the more serious crime.

A 2019 study, which made use of a dataset of the racial makeup of every U.S. sheriff over a 25-year period, found that "ratio of Black‐to‐White arrests is significantly higher under White sheriffs" and that the effects appear to be "driven by arrests for less‐serious offenses and by targeting Black crime types."

A 2019 study by the National Institute of Standards and Technology found that facial-recognition systems were substantially more likely to misidentify the faces of racial minorities. Some ethnic groups, such as Asian-Americans and African-American, were up to 100 times more likely to be misidentified than white men.

A 2018 study in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences found that tall young black men are especially likely to receive unjustified attention by law enforcement. The authors furthermore found a "causal link between perceptions of height and perceptions of threat for Black men, particularly for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more threatening than White people."

Childhood exposure to violence
Research shows that childhood exposure to violence significantly increases the likelihood to engage in violent behavior. When studies control for childhood exposure to violence, black and white males are equally likely to engage in violent behavior. White and black families have no major difference in child abuse except in the $6,000-$11,999 income range (which falls under the Poverty Threshold in the United States). A study in Australia showed a direct correlation to poverty in later life from childhood abuse. While poverty in the United States and Australia are not the same, a general understanding of the negative effects of childhood abuse later in life has been found, many of these effects being contributing factors to poverty.

A meta-analysis written by Anna Aizer examines the disadvantages children face when they are exposed to frequent neighborhood violence. In a survey of 2,248 sixth, eighth, and tenth graders in an urban public school system, “Schwab-Stone et al (1995) found that 40% of youth reported exposure to a shooting or a stabbing in the past year. Children exposed to high levels of violence were more likely to be black and/or Latino.” Using ANOVA to observe differences in child outcomes, it was found that exposure to violence is associated with willingness to use physical aggression, diminished perception of risk, lowered expectations of the future, substance use, and low academic achievement. The Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Study (LA FANS) studied a representative sample of all neighborhoods in Los Angeles and evaluated the conditions and circumstances in which each family was living under. Families were randomly selected within each neighborhood and interviews were conducted with adults, caregivers, and children. 21% of children reported having violent peers who were a part of gangs, 11% reported being robbed, and 8% reported witnessing a shooting within the past year.

Inability to post bail
According to a 2017 study in the Journal of Law and Economics evaluating arraignments in New York City, "Higher pretrial detention rates among minority defendants explain 40 percent of the black-white gap in rates of being sentenced to prison and 28 percent of the Hispanic-white gap." The majority of individuals held in pretrial detention are being held because they cannot afford to post bail. The individuals in pretrial detention face higher incentives to plead guilty (even if they are innocent) for a number of reasons, which leads to a higher sentencing rates for these individuals.

Socioeconomic factors
Evidence supporting the role of structural factors in high black crime rates comes from multiple studies. For example, Robert J. Sampson has reported that most of the reason violent crime rates are so high among blacks originates mainly from unemployment, economic deprivation, and family disorganization. Specifically, he found that "the scarcity of employed black men increases the prevalence of families headed by females in black communities" and that the increased prevalence of such families in turn results in family disruption that significantly increases black murder and robbery rates. Sampson, et al. and Phillips have reported that at least half of the black-white homicide offending differential is attributable to structural neighborhood factors like parents' marital status and social context. Multiple other studies have found a link between black crime rates and structural factors, such as single-parent families and structural inequality.

While there is a correlation between blacks and Hispanics and crime, the data imply a much stronger tie between poverty and crime than crime and any racial group, when gender is taken into consideration. The direct correlation between crime and class, when factoring for race alone, is relatively weak. When gender, and familial background are factored, class correlates more strongly with crime than race or ethnicity. Studies indicate that areas with low socioeconomic status may have the greatest correlation of crime with young and adult males, regardless of racial composition, though its effect on females is negligible. A 1996 study looking at data from Columbus, Ohio found that differences in disadvantage in city neighborhoods explained the vast majority of the difference in crime rates between blacks and whites, and two 2003 studies looking at violent offending among juveniles reached similar conclusions.

Housing segregation
A 1996 study found a strong association between black-white spatial isolation and rates of black violence, consistent with the hypothesis that segregation is responsible for higher rates of black crime. Multiple other studies have reached similar conclusions. However, correlation does not equal causation, and the disproportionately higher crime rates seen in black communities—as well as the reason for their segregation—can be attributed to a number of underlying symptoms.

Additionally, "Hagan and Peterson (1995) further propose that the segregation of racial minorities in sections of concentrated poverty contributes to inferior educational and employment opportunities, which, in turn, enhance the likelihood of crime and delinquency."

Sociocultural factors
Among American teens, black-white differences in violence are accounted for by differences in family income and socialization with deviant peers in school.

Criminological theories of causation
Historically, crime statistics have played a central role in the discussion of the relationship between race and crime in the United States. As they have been designed to record information not only on the kinds of crimes committed, but also on the individuals involved in crime, criminologists and sociologists have and continue to use crime rate statistics to make general statements regarding the racial demographics of crime-related phenomena such as victimization, arrests, prosecutions, convictions, and incarceration. Regardless of their views regarding causation, scholars acknowledge that some racial and ethnic minorities are disproportionately represented in the arrest and victimization reports which are used to compile crime rate statistics. There is, however, a great deal of debate regarding the causes of that disproportionality. Sociologist Orlando Patterson has explained these controversies as disputes between liberal and conservative criminologists in which each camp focuses on mutually exclusive aspects of the causal net, with liberals focusing on factors external to the groups in question and conservatives focusing on internal cultural and behavioral factors.

History
The relationship between race and crime has been an area of study for criminologists since the emergence of anthropological criminology in the late 19th century. Cesare Lombroso, founder of the Italian school of criminology, argued that criminal behavior was the product of biological factors, including race. He was among the first criminologists to claim a direct link between race and crime. This biological perspective, sometimes seen as racist, was criticized by early 20th century scholars, including Frances Kellor, Johan Thorsten Sellin and William Du Bois, who argued that other circumstances, such as social and economic conditions, were the central factors which led to criminal behavior, regardless of race. Du Bois traced the causes of the disproportional representation of blacks in the criminal justice system back to the improperly handled emancipation of black slaves in general and the convict leasing program in particular. In 1901, he wrote:

"There are no reliable statistics to which one can safely appeal to measure exactly the growth of crime among the emancipated slaves. About seventy percent of all prisoners in the South are black; this, however, is in part explained by the fact that accused Negroes are still easily convicted and get long sentences, while whites still continue to escape the penalty of many crimes even among themselves. And yet allowing for all this, there can be no reasonable doubt but that there has arisen in the South since the [civil] war a class of black criminals, loafers, and ne'er-do-wells who are a menace to their fellows, both black and white."

The debate that ensued remained largely academic until the late 20th century, when the relationship between race and crime became a recognized field of specialized study in criminology. Helen T. Greene, professor of justice administration at Texas Southern University, and Shaun L. Gabbidon, professor of criminal justice at Pennsylvania State University, note that many criminology and criminal justice programs now either require or offer elective courses on the topic of the relationship between race and crime.

Conflict theory
Conflict theory is considered "one of the most popular theoretical frameworks among race and crime scholars". Rather than one monolithic theory, conflict theory represents a group of closely related theories which operate on a common set of fundamental assumptions. As a general theory of criminal behavior, conflict theory proposes that crime is an inevitable consequence of the conflict which arises between competing groups within society. Such groups can be defined through a number of factors, including class, economic status, religion, language, ethnicity, race or any combination thereof. Further, conflict theory proposes that crime could be largely eliminated if the structure of society were to be changed.

The form of conflict theory which emphasizes the role of economics, being heavily influenced by the work of Karl Marx and sometimes referred to as Marxist criminology, views crime as a natural response to the inequality arising from the competition inherent in capitalist society. Sociologists and criminologists emphasizing this aspect of social conflict argue that, in a competitive society in which there is an inequality in the distribution of goods, those groups with limited or restricted access to goods will be more likely to turn to crime. Dutch criminologist Willem Adriaan Bonger, one of the first scholars to apply the principles of economic determinism to the issue of crime, argued that such inequality as found in capitalism was ultimately responsible for the manifestation of crime at all levels of society, particularly among the poor. Though this line of thinking has been criticized for requiring the establishment of a utopian socialist society, the notion that the disproportionality observed in minority representation in crime rate statistics could be understood as the result of systematic economic disadvantage found its way into many of the theories developed in subsequent generations.

Culture conflict theory, derived from the pioneering work of sociologist Thorsten Sellin, emphasizes the role of culturally accepted norms of conduct in the formation of cultural groups and the conflicts which arise through their interaction. Culture conflict theory argues that the group with the most power in any society ensures that their values, traditions and behaviors, which Sellin referred to as "conduct norms", are those to which all other members of society are forced to conform, and any actions which conflict with the interests of the dominant group are identified as deviant and/or criminal in nature. Sellin's original ideas continued to be developed throughout the 20th century, most notably by George Vold in the 1950s and Austin Turk in the 1960s, and continue to influence the contemporary debate. The recent work of Gregory J. Howard, Joshua D. Freilich and Graeme R. Newman applies culture conflict theory to the issue of immigrant and minority crime around the world. According to their research, while culturally homogeneous groups experience little to no cultural conflict, as all the members share the same set of "conduct norms", culturally heterogeneous groups, such as modern industrial nations with large immigrant populations, display heightened competition between sets of cultural norms which, in turn, leads to an increase in violence and crime. Societies which have high levels of cultural diversity in their population, it is claimed, are more likely to have higher rates of violent crime.

According to conflict theorists such as Marvin Wolfgang, Hubert Blalock and William Chambliss, the disproportionate representation of racial minorities in crime statistics and in the prison population is the result of race- and class-motivated disparities in arrests, prosecutions and sentencing rather than differences in actual participation in criminal activity, an approach which has also been taken by proponents of critical race theory. This line of argumentation is generally seen as part of a wider approach to race-related issues referred to as the Discrimination Thesis, which assumes that differences in the treatment received by people of minority racial background in a number of public institutions, including the criminal justice, education and health care systems, is the result of overt racial discrimination. Opposed to this view is the Non-Discrimination Thesis, which seeks to defend these institutions from such accusations.

At the time it was first proposed, conflict theory was considered outside the mainstream of more established criminological theories, such as strain theory, social disorganization theory and differential association theory. Barbara D. Warner, associate professor of criminal justice and police studies at Eastern Kentucky University, notes that conflict theory has been the subject of increasing criticism in recent years. Recent studies claim that, while there may have been real sentencing differences related to non-legal characteristics such as race in the 1960s, sentencing discrimination as described by the conflict theorists at that time no longer exists. Criticism has also pointed to the lack of testability of the general theory. While much research has been done to correlate race, income level and crime frequency, typically of less serious criminal behavior such as theft or larceny, research has shown there to be no significant correlation between race, income level and crime seriousness. Thus, conflict theory encounters difficulties in attempting to account for the high levels of violent crime such as murder, homicide and rape, in minority populations.

Strain (anomie) theory
Strain theory, which is largely derived from the work of Robert K. Merton in the 1930s and 1940s, argues that social structures within society which lead to inequality and deprivation in segments of its population indirectly encourage those segments to commit crime. According to strain theory, differences in crime rates between races are the result of real differences in behavior, but to be understood as an attempt to alleviate either absolute or relative deprivation and adapt to the existing opportunity structure.

A more recent approach to strain theory was proposed by Steven F. Messner and Richard Rosenfeld in the 1990s. In their version of the theory, which they refer to as institutional anomie theory, Messner and Rosenfeld argue that the dominance of materialistic concerns and measurements of success manifested in the American Dream weakens the effectiveness of informal social control mechanisms and support processes, which encourages economic gain by any means, legal or illegal. In those segments of the population which experience the greatest relative deprivation, therefore, there is readiness to turn to crime to overcome inequality and eliminate relative deprivation.

Critics of strain theory point to its weaknesses when compared with actual criminal behavior patterns. Michael R. Gottfredson and Travis Hirschi argue that strain theory "misconstrue(s) the nature of the criminal act, supplying it with virtues it does not possess." They further point out that, while strain theory suggests that criminals should tend to target people in a more advantageous economic situation than themselves, they more often victimize individuals who live in the same economic circumstances.

General strain theory
Multiple studies have found evidence that Agnew's general strain theory explains much of the difference in crime between blacks and whites.

Social disorganization theory
Social disorganization theory proposes that high rates of crime are largely the result of a heterogeneous and impoverished social ecology. Proponents of the theory point to the process of urban decay as a major contributing factor to the breakdown of healthy urban communities which would normally curb the spread of many forms of criminal behavior. The diversity of minority cultures present in poverty-stricken neighborhoods prevents the formation of strong social bonds and leaves inhabitants uninterested in maintaining positive community relationships. This has been observed to increase the likelihood of crime in certain urban areas, which can lead to increased policing and a further breakdown of familial structures as a result of arrests, which, in turn, precipitates more crime. Social disorganization theory has been instrumental in establishing the notion that stable, culturally homogeneous communities have lower rates of delinquency and crime regardless of race.

Macrostructural opportunity theory
Phillippia Simmons reports that many of the studies which have investigated intra- and interracial crime seek to explain this through a theory of macrostructural opportunity which states that interracial violence is primarily a function of opportunity and access. According to this theory, intraracial crime rates remain relatively high due to the fact that much of the US remains residentially segregated. She notes that this theory predicts that, if residential areas were more racially integrated, intraracial crime would decrease and interracial crime would increase correspondingly. However, she also notes that not all researchers on the topic of intraracial crime agree with this result, with some pointing to other macrostructural factors, such as income and education, which may negate the effect of race on inter- and intraracial crime.

Anthony Walsh criticizes the attempt to use the macrostructural opportunity model to explain interracial rape as has been done in studies conducted in the past few decades, pointing out that such a defense is directly contradicted by the data related to homicide. Walsh argues that the macrostructural opportunity model helps explain why black murderers almost always choose black victims. There are disparities in rates of reporting rape where victims of some races are statistically less likely or more likely to report their rape, especially depending on the race of the offender. Black women in America are more likely to report sexual assault that has been perpetrated by a stranger. Black women are more likely to under-report rapes overall as they are more likely to blame themselves, feel they will be blamed or feel they will not be believed.

Social control theory
Social control theory, which is among the most popular theories in criminology, proposes that crime is most commonly perpetrated by individuals who lack strong bonds or connections with their social environment. Based upon Travis Hirschi's Causes of Delinquency (1969), social bonding theory pioneered the notion that criminologists can gain useful insight into the motives behind criminal behavior by examining what normally motivates individuals to refrain from crime. From this, it is argued that, in those segments of the population where such motivation is lacking, crime will be more prevalent. Hirschi was explicit in mentioning that he believed his theory held true across all racial boundaries, and subsequent research—both in the US and abroad—seems to confirm this belief. The core idea of social control theory is elaborated upon in several other theories of causation, particularly social disorganization theory.

Subculture of violence theory
As a theory of criminal behavior, subculture of violence theory claims that certain groups or subcultures exist in society in which violence is viewed as an appropriate response to what, in the context of that subculture, are perceived as threatening situations. Building upon the work of cultural anthropologist Walter B. Miller's focal concerns theory, which focused on the social mechanisms behind delinquency in adolescents, sociologists Marvin Wolfgang and Franco Ferracuti proposed that the disproportionally high rate of crime among African Americans could be explained by their possessing a unique racial subculture in which violence is experienced and perceived in a manner different from that commonly observed in mainstream American culture.

As to the origins of this subculture of violence among African Americans, sociologists promoting the theory have pointed towards their Southern heritage. As noted in several studies conducted throughout the 1960s and 1970s, there is a traditional north–south discrepancy in the distribution of homicide in the US, regardless of race, and this, it was argued, indicates that lower-class Southern blacks and Whites share the same subculture of violence.

The empirical basis for the subculture of violence theory, however, has been described as "extremely limited and unpersuasive". Very little has been done to attempt an adequate assessment of supposedly criminogenic subcultural values, and several studies conducted in the late 1970s claimed to falsify the assumptions upon which the subculture of violence theory depends. More recently, scholars have criticized the theory as potentially racist in nature in its implication of one given ethnicity or culture supposedly being less fit for or less worthy of being qualified as "civilized", the built-in implication of which in turn would denote stereotypically "white" behavior as an objective norm for all societies to follow. The hypothesis was reconsidered recently by Barry Latzer, who suggested that black Americans had inherited a subculture of violence from white Southern American honor culture (who themselves had developed that culture from the brutal and lawless border region of northern Britain) and that difference in crime rates could be partially explained by this contemporary manifestation of Southern honor culture. Latzer's argument was criticized by German Lopez for not adequately demonstrating the alleged causality between culture and crime, and for not accounting for the decrease in crime rates in the 20th century or clearly defining the limits of what would constitute "culture" for the purposes of Latzer's argument.

title: Race and crime in the United States


text:
Victoria Wells Wulsin

Victoria Elizabeth Wells Wulsin (born October 27, 1953) is an American physician and political candidate who specializes in epidemiology, and AIDS research among women in Africa. She has also been involved in politics, and in 2006 and 2008 ran as the Democratic candidate for Ohio's 2nd congressional district, losing twice to Jean Schmidt.

Early life and education
Wulsin was born in Elyria, Ohio, the daughter of a teacher and a social worker. She attended high school in Ohio, and earned a B.A. from Harvard University. After college, she returned to Ohio and earned a medical degree from Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland in 1980.

She earned a master's degree in Public Health (1982) and a doctorate in Epidemiology (1985), both from the Harvard University School of Public Health. Wulsin has obtained medical licenses in Massachusetts (1981) and Ohio (1989).

Career
From 1989 to 1995, Wulsin was Director of Epidemiology in the City of Cincinnati's Health Department. From 1986 to 2001, she worked in various capacities for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

In April 2003, Wulsin founded SOTENI International, a non-profit organization to fight AIDS in Africa. It has its headquarters in Cincinnati and an office in Kenya. SOTENI assists those women and orphans who have been most affected by the AIDS pandemic. Soteni is a Swahili word which translates as "all of us". On January 26, 2011, during the award of a charter to the Mount Kenya University in Thika, Wulsin was installed as its first Chancellor.

Politics
Her interest in public health and larger social issues led her into politics, and she has run for office as a representative of her district to Congress three times, but has not been elected.

2005 special election for Congress
Wulsin was a candidate for the Democratic nomination for Congress to replace Rob Portman in the Second District of Ohio in the special primary held June 14, 2005. In the Democratic primary, Wulsin finished second behind Paul Hackett. She received 3,800 votes (27.35%).

She had campaigned to reform health care to provide every citizen with coverage, promised to protect Social Security and the environment, said the Iraq War "has not been worth the cost of American service personnel or the dollars we have spent", and said America needed "fair trade" in the proposed CAFTA agreement. She also defended contraception, legal abortion and reproductive rights.

2006 election for Congress
In 2006, Wulsin sought the Democratic nomination again. With Paul Hackett having announced he would not run again, she faced health care administrator James John Parker and civil engineer Jeff Sinnard, who both ran in 2005, and newcomers Gabrielle Downey, a high school teacher, and Thor Jacobs, a building contractor. Wulsin won the May 2 primary by nearly 15 percentage points and received the Democratic nomination for the 2nd District.

Facing the incumbent Rep. Jean Schmidt (R) in the November 2006 general election, she was defeated by a narrow margin: 2,517 votes out of almost 240,000 votes cast. This is the closest in 42 years that a Democrat has come to winning a full term in the historically Republican 2nd District. The last Democrat to win this district for a full term was future Governor Jack Gilligan, who held it for one term after being swept into office by the Democratic landslide of 1964.

Wulsin carried Pike and Scioto counties by wide margins and narrowly carried Brown County. She defeated Schmidt in the 2nd's share of Hamilton County, by far the largest portion of the district. Schmidt had won Hamilton County during her special election victory against Hackett. Schmidt carried her home Clermont County by over 8,000 votes, enabling her to keep the seat.

2008 election for Congress
In the 2008 election cycle, Wulsin ran as the Democratic candidate for the Second District of Ohio after winning the primary. She defeated Cincinnati attorney Steve Black by 28 points in the March 4 primary.

In the general election, Wulsin faced two opponents, Republican incumbent Jean Schmidt and independent candidate David Krikorian. Polls showed the race to be close between Wulsin and Schmidt, with Krikorian attracting a significant amount of support for an independent candidate.

The three candidates engaged in three debates. The first took place at the Anderson Community Center on October 6, 2008, the second was aired on WCET on October 22, and the third was aired on Channel 12's Newsmakers program on October 26. All three debates focused mainly on the economy, the financial crisis, and local issues.

On November 4, the incumbent Representative Schmidt defeated Wulsin in the general election.

2005 Malariotherapy controversy
During the 2006 and 2008 electoral campaigns, Wulsin's participation in a 2004 study for Cincinnati's Heimlich Institute was criticized by her opponents. Henry Heimlich had directed a three-year study in China, ending in 1996, that evaluated the use of malaria infection in fighting AIDS. In 2008 ABC News, in discussing Wulsin, noted that this theory had been debunked.

In 2004, Wulsin was hired as an epidemiologist by the Heimlich Institute to conduct a four-month literature review on "malariotherapy", the AIDS treatment based on infecting HIV+ patients with malaria. Wulsin wrote a draft report for the Heimlich Institute summarizing her findings, entitled "Immunotherapy and Beyond". It has not been published. She concluded that "the preponderance of evidence indicates that neither malaria or immunotherapy will cure HIV/AIDS." and recommended that the Institute wait for results of other studies. The day after Wulsin submitted the report, Heimlich fired her. Wulsin said: "I challenged the science and ethics of immunotherapy, malaria therapy. I didn't realize how much it was a challenge to his ethics and his science until he fired me."

The following year, Dr. Robert S. Baratz of the National Council Against Health Fraud filed a complaint with the State Medical Board of Ohio of Wulsin's work for the Heimlich Institute. After its review, the State Medical Board issued a letter on April 28, 2008, saying that "no further action was required by the board and the complaint has been closed."

That year the Republican candidate, Jean Schmidt, in a tight race with Wulsin, tried to capitalize on the controversy in a fundraising letter that incorrectly suggested that the doctor had been directly involved in experiments using malariotherapy. This was a distortion of her literature review study.

Personal life
She married Lawson Wulsin, a psychiatrist on the faculty of the University of Cincinnati, in 1978. They have four sons. She is a resident of Indian Hill, a suburb of Cincinnati.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Victoria Wells Wulsin


text:
Fowell Buxton

Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, 1st Baronet Buxton of Belfield and Runton (1 April 1786 – 19 February 1845), was an English Member of Parliament, brewer, abolitionist and social reformer. He married Hannah Gurney, whose sister became Elizabeth Fry, and became a great friend of her father Joseph Gurney and the extended Gurney family.

Early life
Buxton was born at Castle Hedingham, Essex. His father, also named Thomas Fowell Buxton, died young, leaving three sons and two daughters. His Quaker mother's maiden name was Anna Hanbury. He completed his education at Trinity College Dublin, graduating in 1807.

Through his mother's influence Buxton became associated with the Gurney family of Earlham Hall, Norwich, especially with Joseph John Gurney and Gurney's sister, the prison reformer Elizabeth Fry. He married their sister Hannah in May 1807. He lived at Belfield House, Weymouth, Dorset in the constituency he represented as an MP, and later at Northrepps Hall in Norfolk, where he died aged 57,

In 1808, Buxton's Hanbury connections led to an appointment to work at the brewery of Truman, Hanbury & Company, in Brick Lane, Spitalfields, London. In 1811 he was made a partner in the business, renamed Truman, Hanbury, Buxton & Co, and later its sole owner.

Although he was a member of the Church of England, Buxton attended Quaker meetings with some of the Gurneys, and so became involved in the social reform movement, in which Friends were prominent. He helped to raise money for the weavers of London, who were being forced into poverty by the factory system. He provided financial support for Elizabeth Fry's prison reform work and joined her Association for the Improvement of the Female Prisoners in Newgate.

Buxton was elected to Parliament for Weymouth and Melcombe Regis in 1818. As an MP he worked for changes in prison conditions and criminal law and for the abolition of slavery, in which he was helped by his sister-in-law Louisa Gurney Hoare. He also opposed capital punishment and pushed for its abolition. Although he never accomplished that, he worked to restrict the crimes for which capital punishment could be meeted, whose number eventually fell from more than 200 to eight (8). Other moves for which Buxton argued were the suppression of lotteries and abolition of suttee, the practice of burning widows in India.

Thomas and Hannah Buxton had eight children, but four died of whooping cough over a five-week period around April 1820. Another died of consumption some time later. Hannah would send boxes of toys to the missionary Anna Hinderer in Nigeria in 1855. By 1866, her grandchildren were parcelling them up.

Abolitionism
The slave trade had been abolished in 1807, but existing slavery remained and Buxton joined in the campaign to abolish it. In 1823, he helped to found the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (later the Anti-Slavery Society). In May 1823, Buxton introduced in the House of Commons a resolution condemning the state of slavery as "repugnant to the principles of the British constitution and of the Christian religion", and called for its gradual abolition "throughout the British colonies". He also pressured the government to send dispatches to the colonies to improve the treatment of slaves.

Buxton took over as leader of the abolition movement in the British House of Commons after William Wilberforce retired in 1825. The petition he presented to the House of Commons bore 187,000 signatures. This had been partly organised by Priscilla Buxton in 1833; she and Amelia Opie were the first two signatories.

He largely achieved his goal when slavery was officially abolished in the British Empire with the passage of his Slavery Abolition Act of 1833, except in India and Ceylon. Buxton held his seat in Parliament until 1837.

In 1839, Buxton urged the British government to make treaties with African leaders to abolish the slave trade. The government in turn backed the Niger expedition of 1841 (not including Buxton) put together by missionary organizations, which was also going to work on trade. More than 150 people were part of the expedition, which reached the Niger Delta and began negotiations. The British suffered such high mortality from fevers, with more than 25 per cent of the group dying rapidly, that the mission was cut short in 1841. David Livingstone was strongly influenced by Buxton's arguments that the African slave trade might be destroyed through the influence of "legitimate trade" (in goods) and the spread of Christianity. He became a missionary in Africa and fought the slave trade all his life.

On 30 July 1840, Buxton was created a baronet. His health failed gradually – according to some, due to disappointment over the failed mission to Africa. He died five years later at his home, Northrepps Hall, near Cromer, Norfolk and was buried at Overstrand, Norfolk. He also owned farms and woodland at Runton nearby (now the Runton Old Hall estate).

Founding RSPCA chairman
On 16 June 1824, a meeting was held at Old Slaughter's Coffee House, St Martin's Lane, London, at which was created the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals – it became the RSPCA when Queen Victoria gave royal assent in 1840.

The 22 founding members included William Wilberforce, Richard Martin, Sir James Mackintosh, Basil Montagu and Reverend Arthur Broome. Buxton was appointed chairman for the year 1824.

Legacy and honours

 * A monument to Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton stands in Westminster Abbey.
 * A memorial to the emancipation of slaves, dedicated to Buxton, was installed in Victoria Tower Gardens. Commissioned by his son Charles Buxton MP, the Buxton Memorial Fountain was designed by Samuel Sanders Teulon and installed in Parliament Square. In 1940 it was removed during the German bombings of London in World War II. It was installed at its present location in 1957.
 * A plaque is dedicated to him in Norwich Cathedral and another at the Norwich Friends Meeting House.
 * A bust of him by John Bell appears in St. George's Cathedral, Freetown, Sierra Leone.
 * Fowell Close in Norwich is named after him.
 * A representation of Buxton was printed on the English five-pound note used between 2002 and 2017. He is the figure wearing glasses in the group to the left of Elizabeth Fry.
 * In Weymouth, Dorset, which he served for 19 years as MP, the main route to the Isle of Portland is named Buxton Road. It runs past Belfield House, his former home in Wyke Regis.
 * A permanent memorial to him was unveiled in 2017 on Bincleaves Green in Weymouth.

The memorial on Bincleaves Green:

Descendants
Buxton had a number of notable descendants through his five sons and six daughters:

Sir Edward North Buxton, 2nd Baronet (1812–1858) married Catherine Gurney (1814–1911). They had seven sons and five daughters.
 * Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, 3rd Baronet (1837–1915) married Lady Victoria Noel (1840–1916).
 * Sir Thomas Fowell Victor Buxton, 4th Baronet (1865–1919)
 * Noel Edward Noel-Buxton, 1st Baron Noel-Buxton (1869–1948)
 * Charles Roden Buxton (1875–1942)
 * Harold Jocelyn Buxton (1880–1976)
 * Leland William Wilberforce Buxton (1884–1967)
 * Samuel Gurney Buxton (1838 – February 1909) of Catton served as High Sheriff of Norfolk in 1891–1892.
 * Edward North Buxton, MP (1840–1924)
 * Henry Edmund Buxton (1844–1905)
 * Charles Louis Buxton (1846–1906)
 * Francis William Buxton (1847–1911)

Thomas Fowell Buxton (1822–1908) married Rachel Gurney (1823–1905) and had six sons and five daughters.
 * Elizabeth Ellen Buxton (later Barclay) (1848–1919)
 * John Henry Buxton (1849–1934), director of Truman, Hanbury, Buxton Brewery, chairman of the London Hospital
 * Arthur Buxton (1882–1958), Rector of All Souls Church, Langham Place, and Chaplain to the Forces
 * Margaret Katherine Buxton (1885–1974)
 * David Charles McClintock (1913–2001), natural historian, botanist, horticulturist and author
 * Geoffrey Fowell Buxton (1852–1929), a director of Barclays Bank
 * Alfred Fowell Buxton (1854–1952), chairman of London County Council
 * Barclay Fowell Buxton (1860–1946), missionary
 * Murray Barclay Buxton (1889–1940)
 * Alfred Barclay Buxton (1891–1940)
 * George Barclay Buxton (1892–1917)
 * Barclay Godfrey Buxton (1895–1986)

Charles Buxton, MP (1823–1871) married Emily Mary Holland (1824–1908) and had two sons and four daughters.
 * Bertram Henry Buxton (1852–1934)
 * Sydney Buxton, 1st Earl Buxton, MP (1853–1934)

Andrew Robert Fowell Buxton CMG b.1939- Chairman of Barclays Bank

Priscilla Buxton (1808–1852) married Andrew Johnston, MP (c. 1798–1862) and had two sons and four daughters.
 * Andrew Johnston, MP (1835–1895)
 * Fowell Buxton Johnston (1839–1914), army officer, married Alice Douglas (1846–1891).
 * Edward Johnston (1872–1944), calligrapher

Thomas Mark Buxton (born 1874)

Writings

 * An Enquiry, Whether Crime and Misery are produced or prevented by our present system of Prison Discipline (1818)
 * The African Slave Trade and Its Remedy (London: J. Murray, 1839)

title: Fowell Buxton


text:
Category talk:African-American film directors

Untitled
Does anybody else disagree with the existence of this category? Don't these people have a nationality or any other distinguishing feature? It may sound a little extrimist, but isn't this a bit on the nonsense side? I mean, there isn't a "white film director" category... Paulo Oliveira 16:56, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * Very much extremist. African-American and Black culture is an important field with many distinct characteristics of its own. Also, the fact that there are very few Black filmmakers in the world makes it important to recognize those who are. THere's no need for a "White film director" category, because in most English speaking countries, white people are the privilaged majority and the "default" race. THe systematic bias at Wikipedia has already resulted in a drastic undercoverage of Black-related articles, which is one reason why I don't contribute or want to contribute anymore--it's an overwhelming task that isn't being properly handled. Don't disrupt Wikipedia just to prove a point. --FuriousFreddy 2 July 2005 16:16 (UTC)

 * You didn't understand the message I tried to convey and I didn't convey the message I wanted to... the right way, at least. American film makers are American film makers. If I were to be called a Portuguese/Black movie director I wouldn't be glad, but offended (just talking about minority makes it look as if we were special people and needed special attention: were not, we just want opportunities). I mean, my distinguishing feature isn't that I'm black, that's not what defines me, even if I am part of some minority (as you put it). People just don't fight for what they don't want to. In the States also there was Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, in Portugal (10% of the population is black) there was no suck movement: if we want work, we can get it (I see tons of opportunities everywhere): if you apply hard to a subject you'll get there! That's my point of view, but... it's the fact that I'm a citizen of Portugal that makes my movies look more "European", not me being black. My intention wasn't to disrupt anything but to hear from other people. Sorry if any of this sounded racist! Paulo Oliveira 12:19, 1 August 2005 (UTC)

 * There's a naming problem with this category anyway. Are these directors "African-American" or are they "black"? Because they don't mean the same thing. 81.131.249.202 11:43, 11 August 2005 (UTC)

 * "African-American" is a U.S. Census-approved term used to identify persons whose ancestry lies with the indigenous peoples of sub-Saharan Africa (a white person from South Africa, for example, is not an "African-American", as their ancestry lies in Europe, not Africa). The term "Black" can be considered offensive by some (as can "white"; no one is actually colored black or white), which explains why "African-American" is used. This category was named as it was apparently so that non-American black people (Carribeans, native Africans, European black people) could be included. --FuriousFreddy 15:50, 11 August 2005 (UTC)
 * For these reasons I think a title like 'African-descended film directors' would be better. African-American culture is starting to dominate other black cultures - in some cases it is communicating feelings of oppression, alienation and suffering (which are undoubtedly prevalent among African-Americans) into other black communities. --MartinUK 18:04, 8 May 2006 (UTC)


text:
Pannonian language

Pannonian language may refer to:

 * Pannonian Romance language, a distinctive Romance language in Pannonia
 * Pannonian Rusyn language, a linguistic variety of Rusyn language
 * extinct language of ancient Pannonians from the pre-Roman era

title: Pannonian language


text:
Carrion's disease

Carrion's disease is an infectious disease produced by Bartonella bacilliformis infection.

It is named after Daniel Alcides Carrión.

Signs and symptoms
The clinical symptoms of bartonellosis are pleomorphic and some patients from endemic areas may be asymptomatic. The two classical clinical presentations are the acute phase and the chronic phase, corresponding to the two different host cell types invaded by the bacterium (red blood cells and endothelial cells). An individual can be affected by either or both phases.

Acute phase
It is also called the hematic phase or Oroya fever. The most common findings are fever (usually sustained, but with temperature no greater than 102 °F (39 °C)), pale appearance, malaise, painless liver enlargement, jaundice, enlarged lymph nodes, and enlarged spleen. This phase is characterized by severe hemolytic anemia and transient immunosuppression. The case fatality ratios of untreated patients exceeded 40% but reach around 90% when opportunistic infection with Salmonella spp. occurs. In a recent study, the attack rate was 13.8% (123 cases) and the case-fatality rate was 0.7%.

Other symptoms include a headache, muscle aches, and general abdominal pain. Some studies have suggested a link between Carrion's disease and heart murmurs due to the disease's impact on the circulatory system. In children, symptoms of anorexia, nausea, and vomiting have been investigated as possible symptoms of the disease.

Most of the mortality of Carrion's disease occurs during the acute phase. Studies vary in their estimates of mortality. In one study, mortality has been estimated as low as just 1% in studies of hospitalized patients, to as high as 88% in untreated, unhospitalized patients. In developed countries, where the disease rarely occurs, it is recommended to seek the advice of a specialist in infectious disease when diagnosed. Mortality is often thought to be due to subsequent infections due to the weakened immune system and opportunistic pathogen invasion, or consequences of malnutrition due to weight loss in children. In a study focusing on pediatric and gestational effects of the disease, mortality rates for pregnant women with the acute phase were estimated at 40% and rates of spontaneous abortion in another 40%.

Chronic phase
It is also called the eruptive phase or tissue phase, in which the patients develop a cutaneous rash produced by a proliferation of endothelial cells and is known as "Peruvian warts" or "verruga peruana". Depending on the size and characteristics of the lesions, there are three types: miliary (1–4 mm), nodular or subdermic, and mular (>5mm). Miliary lesions are the most common. The lesions often ulcerate and bleed.

The most common findings are bleeding of verrugas, fever, malaise, arthralgias (joint pain), anorexia, myalgias, pallor, lymphadenopathy, and liver and spleen enlargement.

On microscopic examination, the chronic phase and its rash are produced by angioblastic hyperplasia, or the increased rates and volume of cell growth in the tissues that form blood vessels. This results in a loss of contact between cells and a loss of normal functioning.

The chronic phase is the more common phase. Mortality during the chronic phase is very low.

Cause
Carrion's disease is caused by Bartonella bacilliformis. Recent investigations show that Bartonella ancashensis may cause verruga peruana,  although it may not meet all of Koch's postulates. There has been no experimental reproduction of the Peruvian wart in animals apart from Macaca mulatta, and there is little research on the disease's natural spread or impact in native animals.

Diagnosis
Diagnosis during the acute phase can be made by obtaining a peripheral blood smear with Giemsa stain, Columbia blood agar cultures, immunoblot, indirect immunofluorescence, and PCR. Diagnosis during the chronic phase can be made using a Warthin–Starry stain of wart biopsy, PCR, and immunoblot.

Treatment
Because Carrion's disease is often comorbid with Salmonella infections, chloramphenicol has historically been the treatment of choice.

Fluoroquinolones (such as ciprofloxacin) or chloramphenicol in adults and chloramphenicol plus beta-lactams in children are the antibiotic regimens of choice during the acute phase of Carrion's disease. Chloramphenicol-resistant B. bacilliformis has been observed.

During the eruptive phase, in which chloramphenicol is not useful, azithromycin, erythromycin, and ciprofloxacin have been used successfully for treatment. Rifampin or macrolides are also used to treat both adults and children.

Because of the high rates of comorbid infections and conditions, multiple treatments are often required. These have included the use of corticosteroids for respiratory distress, red blood cell transfusions for anemia, pericardiectomies for pericardial tamponades, and other standard treatments.

Society and culture
The disease was featured in an episode of The WB supernatural drama Charmed that aired on February 3, 2000. In the episode Piper Halliwell becomes infected with the condition after importing a crate of Kiwano for her club, P3. She is bitten by a sandfly that was alive in the crate, infecting her. Piper slowly begins to die of the condition as her sisters Prue and Phoebe rush to find a magical way to save her.

title: Carrion's disease


text:
Talk:Rules of Engagement (film)

From the ending of this film
The producer and director and writer say that all of these events are based on a true story. We should find out, if these events really happened. Perhaps someone at Wikileaks knows. LOL This article should be classified as Fiction. I cannot recall any embassy shootout and rescue in Sana Yemen. Seeing this movie, makes it look like it was a planned Al Qaeda attack. similar to the USS Cole attack.

69.121.74.52 (talk) 14:03, 17 February 2011 (UTC)

 * Where did the filmmakers say it was based on a true story? This says, "The original—entirely fictional—story, written by James Webb, secretary of the US navy in the Reagan administration, placed the events in an unnamed Latin American country." The story was re-located. Erik (talk | contribs) 15:21, 17 February 2011 (UTC)

This is 'Benghazi' and cover-up, but troops fight back; it was prescient for its time ...

References to use
References to use. Erik (talk | contribs) 15:39, 17 February 2011 (UTC)
 * Review of "Rules of Engagement" by Mark Freeman, Senses of Cinema
 * 'Rules' soldiers on, variety.com
 * Arab Americans Denounce Paramount's Racist Film "Rules of Engagement", adc.org
 * Film; Friedkin Tries Again for the A-List, nytimes.com

Was this possibly based on a true story? Go back to 1968 in Saigon and you might find your answer.

Fictional Movie
In the introduction it should be explained that the movie is entirely fictional, especially since the end looks like it would be based on a real case! 79.204.61.253 (talk) 20:48, 27 March 2011 (UTC)
 * Aren't most people smart enough to know that movies are fictional unless told otherwise? Most movies I've seen that are based on real events tell you that with a little note at the start. And since this obviously isn't a documentary, the presumption would be fiction. Niteshift36 (talk) 00:03, 28 March 2011 (UTC)

This is 'Benghazi' and cover-up, but troops fight back; it was prescient for its time ... — Preceding unsigned comment added by 66.81.249.226 (talk) 19:02, 20 June 2013 (UTC)
 * This is wholly unrelated. Niteshift36 (talk) 19:59, 20 June 2013 (UTC)

Not even close to Benghazi...movie was made in 2000, Benghazi happened under Obama's administration. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 74.51.215.120 (talk) 14:30, 26 February 2018 (UTC)

Plot
The film opens with Operation Kingfisher, a disasterous American advance in the Vietnam War, and shows Lt. Terry Childers (Samuel L. Jackson) execute an unarmed prisoner to intimidate an NVA officer into calling off an ambush of American marines, thereby saving the life of Lt. Hays Hodges (Tommy Lee Jones).

The movie jumps to 1996; Childers and his Marine Expeditionary Unit are called to evacuate the United States Ambassador to Yemen from the embassy grounds, after a routine demonstration against American influence in the Gulf turns into rock-throwing and sporadic fire from nearby rooftops. After escorting the Ambassador to a waiting helicopter, Childers returns to the embassy to retrieve the American flag; meanwhile several Marines are killed by the Yemeni snipers on nearby rooftops. Childers orders his men to open fire on the crowd (many are firing weapons at his men) and "waste the motherfuckers", resulting in the death of 83 civilian protesters.

Back in the United States, the National Security Adviser decides to proceed with a court martial to try and deflect negative public opinion about the United States, shouldering all the blame for the incident onto Childers, and salvage American relations in the Arabian Gulf. Childers finds Hodge,whose life he saved, is now serving in the JAG Division and asks him to be his defence attorney at the upcoming tribunal.

The film closes with Childers found Not Guilty, and suggests that the National Security Advisor was convicted of failing to produce a surveillance tape that may have shown armed protesters, and the ambassador charged with perjury for suggesting that Childers had acted negligently during the evacuation. The film closes, stating that Childers retired honorably from the Marines Corp.

Ltchilders (talk) 22:02, 27 May 2011 (UTC)

Box office hit?
A movie that cost $61 mi, and returned $71 mi, is far from a hit (it's actually a flop). Shouldn't something be said of Friedkin's self-serving description of the movie's commercial performance. Rafe87 (talk) 05:32, 4 January 2019 (UTC)

 * In his defence it did open at number one, and was top at the box-office for that week - the big problem is that its international box-office was tiny. It largely depends on the timing of Friedkin's comment. -Ashley Pomeroy (talk) 21:22, 12 August 2020 (UTC)

Not Arabs
It seems to me that the article should point out that, when Friedkin defends the movie against accusations of being anti-Arab by saying that Arabs in Morocco did not object to the script, he fails to understand that Morocco is not an Arab country. Óli Gneisti (talk) 10:08, 18 August 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Rules of Engagement (film)


text:
Hungarian Army (disambiguation)

Hungarian Army may refer to:

 * The armies of the Kingdom of Hungary (1000–1526)
 * Hungarians in Austrian service participating the Hungarian Revolution of 1848
 * Royal Hungarian Honvéd (1867-1918)
 * Royal Hungarian Army (1920-1945)
 * Hungarian Ground Forces (1946-present)
 * As a pars pro toto, the Hungarian Defence Force and its predecessors

title: Hungarian Army (disambiguation)


text:
Time Variance Authority

The Time Variance Authority (TVA) is a fictional organization appearing in American comic books published by Marvel Comics. It is depicted as a group of timeline monitors tasked with preventing the existence of certain timelines that are deemed too dangerous to the Multiverse.

In the Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU), Chronicoms, based on the lower-ranked TVA Chronomonitors, are introduced in the fourth season finale of Agents of S.H.I.E.L.D. in 2017, recurring through to its series finale in 2020, while the TVA is featured in the Disney+ series Loki (2021 & 2023) (and the promotional The Simpsons short film The Good, the Bart, and the Loki). It is set to appear again in the film, Deadpool & Wolverine (2024).

Publication history
The Time Variance Authority (TVA) first appeared in Thor #372 (October 1986). Created by Walt Simonson and Sal Buscema, the TVA originally paid homage to long-time Marvel writer/editor and continuity expert Mark Gruenwald: the TVA staff were all visually designed as clones of Gruenwald (the classification system for alternate realities—the Marvel multiverse—was devised, in part, by Gruenwald).

Squadron Sinister/Squadron Supreme
Writer Roy Thomas and Sal's brother, artist John Buscema, had previously explored the concept of a Marvel multiverse with Marvel's evil Justice League correlates, called the Squadron Sinister, in Avengers #69 (1969). Thomas later introduced a heroic version of the Squadron Sinister named the Squadron Supreme, which first appeared in Avengers #85–86 (February–March 1971), and which was co-created with John Buscema.

In 1985–1986, Mark Gruenwald wrote a deconstructionist multiverse storyline featuring the Squadron Supreme in a self-titled twelve-issue limited series.

Captain Britain and the Dimensional Development Court
The concept of a timeline monitoring organization had previously been explored in a Captain Britain story arc originally published in the Marvel UK series The Daredevils #6–8 (1983). Written by Alan Moore and Alan Davis, Captain Britain is brought outside of time to the Supreme Omniversal Tribunal in Eden Place to testify before Lord Mandragon, Majestrix of the Dimensional Development Court, on behalf of the former majestrix, Opal Luna Saturnyne. Saturnyne is accused of failing to protect the multiverse from the creation of a deviant version of Earth-238.

Before Captain Britain's testimony, Mandragon declares that the Earth-238 universe must be "removed" from the multiverse before it destroys the continuums of the other universes. Saturnyn's legal counsel, a faceless being referred to as Lord Chancellor, objects, as the destruction of the Earth-238 universe will destroy material evidence of Saturnyne's innocence. Lord Mandragon overrules the defense's objection, citing Ominversal Writ clause 723-801-(d). He then proceeds to remove the dangerous deviant timestream using crystal technology.

It is revealed during the trial that the prime Earth that exists in Marvel Comics is Earth-616. (Because of this story, Alan Moore is usually credited with naming the mainstream Marvel Universe "Earth-616." However, Alan Davis has said that it was invented by Dave Thorpe, the previous writer of the UK-published Captain Britain stories.)

TVA as homage to Gruenwald and Captain Britain
While Captain Britain's 1983 story arc does not mention the Time Variance Authority, the Dimensional Development Court contains elements that were plainly retconned by Walt Simonson and Sal Buscema and in subsequent incarnations (such as the TVA employees—chronomonitors—functioning and appearing in new universes in the same manner as the Captain Britain Corps). According to Mark Gruenwald's widow Catherine, Gruenwald's 1985 Squadron Supreme limited series was the work about which he was the proudest.

Fictional background
The TVA claims responsibility for monitoring the multiverse and can prune timelines if they are deemed too dangerous to exist. They also take action to prevent other beings from altering the past or future. They were first seen allowing Justice Peace, a lawman from the future, to travel to the 20th century in order to stop the killer. Peace is able to succeed in his mission thanks to the assistance of Thor.

Despite their claims, the TVA's influence over time is not absolute. The scope of their influence is bordered by Alioth in the distant past as well as Kang the Conqueror, the Delubric Consortium, and Revelation at different eras throughout the timescape. There have also been numerous incidents of time travel or reality tampering where the TVA has failed to interfere.

At the End of Time, the last Director of the TVA, known as He Who Remains, creates the Time-Keepers, the last three beings who exist in the remaining timeline in the universe, who subsequently enslave Immortus. The process also ends up creating the Time Twisters, a trio of beings who imperiled all realities until stopped by Thor and other members of the Avengers.

The TVA are next seen using the law-firm that She-Hulk works for. Jurors for cases are plucked from time soon before they actually die, minimizing the effects on the time stream. This also establishes the tendencies for time-travelers to go through genetic scrambling, also to minimize the effect on the time-stream. Notably, the scrambling tends to cause similar appearances among various males who undergo the process. A defendant who is found guilty in one of these trials is executed with a weapon called the Retroactive Cannon, or Ret-Can (a reference to retroactive continuity, or "retcon", a practice used by storytellers to add previously unknown material to an event or remove previously established material from an event in a previous story), which erases the victim, deleting their existence from the universe by undoing their birth and entire history. She-Hulk herself was handed this harsh sentence, but it was overturned as a reward when she helped defeat the villain Clockwise.

Employees
Lower-ranked TVA employees, called Chronomonitors, are literally faceless. They are created artificially, using "quantum technology". The moment a new reality appears, a new faceless agent is created to monitor it, along with the necessary equipment (a personal computer-like device, plus a desk and a chair) to do so. Cloned managers of the Chronomonitors resemble Mark Gruenwald—and, later, Tom DeFalco—both longtime Marvel Comics writers. The most frequent recurring manager is Mobius M. Mobius, a Gruenwald clone.

On occasion, the TVA hires mercenaries for use in the more dangerous missions, such as Justice Peace and Death's Head. These mercenaries often lose limbs which the TVA replaces with clunky robotic parts. Another example of their seemingly anachronistic technology is a time machine shaped like an old locomotive. Professor Justin Alphonse Gamble, a pastiche of the Doctor, is a renegade from the TVA.

Known staff members

 * Mr. Alternity – Upper management
 * First Secretary
 * – A former employee, resigned and stole one of the time capsules
 * Justice Mills – A member who appears briefly in a flashback.
 * – The last survivor of the Time Variance Authority who is present at the end of time.
 * Mobius M. Mobius – A bureaucrat and middle management, attempted to discipline the Fantastic Four for violations of the TVA's laws
 * Mr. Ouroboros – A future clone of Mr. Paradox, ceased to exist when Clockwise used the Retro-Active Cannon on Paradox
 * Mr. Paradox – He ceased to exist when Clockwise blasted him with the Retro-Active Cannon
 * Mr. Tesseract (Junior Management) – A subordinate to Mobius, he was assigned to reconstruct the lost data from Earth-616
 * Time Zone Manager
 * Time Variance Authority Police Department – A time police group that accompanied Justice Peace in effort to capture Godwulf
 * Justice Peace – A former freelance agent. He was punished for infractions of time travel. Currently a member of the Federal Police and Special Services Units that are based in Brooklynopolis
 * Justice Might, Justice Truth, and Justice Liberty – Three time police officers who aided Mobius in recapturing the Fantastic Four while they were running loose inside the Null-Time Zone.
 * Justice Love – A TVA agent and Justice Peace's partner. She appears to have legal training.
 * Justice Goodwill – A court officer. He ceased to exist when Clockwise blasted him with the Retro-Active Cannon.
 * – A group of beings created by He Who Remains to protect time.
 * – The armored agents of the TVA who are assigned to guard the TVA's facilities from the Null-Time Zone and extract the disruptive entities that come from the other time periods. Each of its members are either a clone, a cyborg, or a robot.

Marvel Cinematic Universe

 * The Time Variance Authority (TVA) appears in the Disney+ series Loki (2021 & 2023), with Mobius M. Mobius portrayed by Owen Wilson, He Who Remains portrayed by Jonathan Majors, a variant of Kang at the end of time, (who also provided the uncredited voices of the Time-Keepers), and exclusive members Hunter B-15 portrayed by Wunmi Mosaku, Hunter C-20 portrayed by Sasha Lane, receptionist Casey portrayed by Eugene Cordero, and Ouroboros "O.B." (who is loosely based on Mr. Ouroboros) portrayed by Ke Huy Quan. In addition, Ravonna Renslayer (portrayed by Gugu Mbatha-Raw ) a former commander and partner of He Who Remains, who becomes a judge within the TVA before betraying and leaving the TVA. The organization has an animated anthropomorphic clock entity named Miss Minutes (voiced by Tara Strong ) who was created by He Who Remains.
 * This version of the organization was created by He Who Remains, who sought to stop evil variants of himself from coming into being after a "multiversal war" waged between them led to him destroying the multiverse to stop them, by keeping the "Sacred Timeline", a collection of universes that did not have a variant of himself in it, such as Earth-616, isolated and in check. In building the TVA, he pulled variants of various people from across time, erased their memories, made them believe they and the TVA were created by the Time-Keepers, and built androids to serve as the Time-Keepers. He Who Remains, wanting a replacement, laid the foundation for a variant of 616-Loki to be brought into the TVA headquarters and to help the TVA find Sylvie, a female Loki variant. In the first season finale "For All Time. Always.", He Who Remains meets Loki and Sylvie, but is murdered by Sylvie, which creates a new multiverse to form, causing the Sacred Timeline to be exposed to it. Unprepared for dealing with the multiverse, the TVA becomes in danger of destruction, until Loki, who believes the TVA is the best protection against the infinite variants of Kang, finds a way to save it.
 * The logo of the TVA appeared in "Whose Show Is This?", the ninth episode of the Disney+ series, She-Hulk: Attorney at Law (2022).
 * The TVA will appear in Deadpool & Wolverine (2024), with Paradox (who is loosely based on Mr. Paradox) portrayed by Matthew Macfadyen. In the first official trailer, released in February 2024, TVA officials are shown hunting Deadpool with the assistance of Wolverine, portrayed by Hugh Jackman. The trailer also includes Easter eggs hinting at various Deadpool variants, such as Lady Deadpool and Dogpool.

Film

 * The Time Variance Authority (TVA), modeled after the MCU version, appears in The Good, the Bart, and the Loki.

title: Time Variance Authority