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The Thick of It

The Thick of It is a British comedy television series created, written and directed by Armando Iannucci that satirises the inner workings of British government. It was first broadcast for two short series on BBC Four in 2005, initially with a small cast focusing on a government minister, his advisers and their party's spin-doctor. The cast was significantly expanded for two hour-long specials to coincide with Christmas and Gordon Brown's appointment as prime minister in 2007, which saw new characters forming the opposition party added to the cast. These characters continued when the show switched channels to BBC Two for its third series in 2009. A fourth series about a coalition government was broadcast in 2012, with the last episode transmitted on 27 October 2012.

The series has been described as the 21st century's answer to Yes Minister. It highlights the struggles and conflicts between politicians, party spin doctors, advisers, civil servants and the media. In similar fashion to Yes Minister, the political parties involved are never mentioned by name, and in series 1 and 2 most policies discussed are fairly generic and non-ideological. Iannucci describes it as "Yes Minister meets Larry Sanders". Journalist and former civil servant Martin Sixsmith was an adviser to the writing team, adding to the realism of some scenes. The series became well known for its profanity and for featuring storylines which have mirrored, or in some cases predicted, real-life policies, events or scandals.

A feature film spin-off, In the Loop, was released in the UK on 17 April 2009. A pilot for a U.S. remake of the show was unsuccessful, but Iannucci was subsequently invited to create Veep for HBO, a programme with a very similar tone and political issues, with the involvement of some The Thick of It writers and production members.

Background
Armando Iannucci originally conceived of a modern political satire after "arguing the case" for Yes Minister in a 2004 Best British Sitcom poll for BBC Two. His idea was commissioned by Roly Keating, the controller of BBC Four, who granted Iannucci limited budget, telling him to "turn that into what you can." Iannucci created the first series of three episodes, which aired in May–June 2005, and a second series, also of three episodes, which followed in October.

Writing
The series was written by a team of writers led by Armando Iannucci, who also directed the series, with Jesse Armstrong, Simon Blackwell, Roger Drew, Sean Gray, Ian Martin, Will Smith and Tony Roche. Some of the dialogue was improvised rather than scripted (with the cast credited as providing "additional material"), and included some very strong language. Peter Capaldi said "Fundamentally 80% of the final cut is the script that we started with. The improvisation just makes it feel more real and not written." Prior to rehearsals, the scripts were sent to a "swearing consultant" in Lancaster called Ian Martin, who added some of the more colourful language. The programme's producer was Adam Tandy, who had produced all of Iannucci's television projects since 2000. The programme was shot with hand-held cameras to give it a sense of vérité or fly-on-the-wall documentary. The documentary style was furthered by the absence of any incidental music or laughter track.

Plot
The action centres on the fictional Department of Social Affairs and Citizenship ("DoSAC" – previously the Department of Social Affairs, or "DSA", prior to the reshuffle of episode five), which supposedly came out of the prime minister's passing enthusiasm for "joined-up government". Thus it acts as a "super department" overseeing many others, with some similarities to the Cabinet Office. This concept enables different political themes to be dealt with in the programme, similar to the Department of Administrative Affairs in Yes Minister.

Hugh Abbot, played by Chris Langham, is a blundering minister heading the department, who is continually trying to do his job under the watchful eye of Malcolm Tucker (Peter Capaldi), Number 10's highly aggressive and domineering "enforcer". The programme also features James Smith as senior special adviser Glenn Cullen, Chris Addison as junior policy adviser Ollie Reeder, and Joanna Scanlan as civil service press secretary Terri Coverley.

The beginning of the third series saw Hugh Abbot replaced as head of DoSAC by Nicola Murray (Rebecca Front), who arrives without her own staff, so Ollie and Glenn find themselves keeping their jobs.

From series 4, after a general election which results in a coalition government, Peter Mannion MP (Roger Allam) is the new Secretary of State for DoSAC, supported by his team of special advisers, commanded by Number 10's director of communications Stewart Pearson (Vincent Franklin) and thwarted by his new coalition partner, DoSAC's junior minister Fergus Williams MP (Geoffrey Streatfeild). Nicola Murray MP is now leader of the opposition, and opposition spin doctor Malcolm Tucker is desperate for a return to power.

Series 1 (2005)
The first series of three episodes tracks the installation of Hugh Abbot as the new Minister for Social Affairs following the orchestrated ousting of Cliff Lawton in response to press pressure. Subsequently, these episodes follow Abbot's attempt to make his mark as a member of the cabinet whilst simultaneously avoiding the ire of Malcolm Tucker, the Government's Director of Communications. Abbot begins his tenure by misinterpreting the Prime Minister, assuming his support for developing a benefit fraud detection unit known colloquially as the 'Snooper Force'. Malcolm learns of concern that the Treasury were bypassed in the announcement decision, however, leaving Hugh and his advisors Oliver Reeder and Glenn Cullen forty minutes to improvise a policy to a press briefing. Later, Abbot is forced by Malcolm to enhance his cultural knowledge by watching clips from EastEnders and The Bill, only to discover that one of the extras was a member of a focus group that drove the decision to choose one of two contradictory policies. In the series finale, the press learn Abbot is intentionally keeping a second property empty for his use by listing it on the market and rejecting all offers, bringing him close to resignation.

Series 2 (2005)
The second batch of episodes takes place before a cabinet reshuffle, and follows Hugh's attempts to keep his job. Ollie Reeder is seconded to number 10 "to phone his girlfriend" Emma Messinger, a member of the shadow defence policy team, where he is under the close eye of enforcer Jamie. Meanwhile, Terri Coverley is on compassionate leave following the death of her father, leaving her role to Robyn Murdoch, a senior press officer. The department also has to contend with the interference of the prime minister's "blue skies" adviser Julius Nicholson. The minister and the department survive the reshuffle, with the department being rebranded as the "Department of Social Affairs and Citizenship" and moved to a new building. However, the mistakes and compromises continue.

Specials (2007)
In the two specials, following the Christmas break, Hugh Abbot is in Australia and the department has to "babysit" junior minister for immigration Ben Swain, who is described as a "Nutter" (a term used for supporters of prime-minister-in-waiting Tom Davis). The first special ("Rise of the Nutters") revolves around a computer problem at Immigration, which is exacerbated by the junior minister appearing in a disastrous Newsnight interview. The opposition policy adviser, Emma Messinger, capitalises on the error by stealing an idea from her boyfriend, Ollie Reeder, to send the shadow minister Peter Mannion on a fact-finding mission at an immigration centre. Meanwhile, Tucker is concerned about his position in the government after speculating that the prime minister's handover to Tom Davis is expected in less than six months. Tucker conspires with Ollie to leak the prime minister's "legacy programme" (the PM's plan to move the handling of immigration policy to a non-political executive board) in the hope of stalling his departure, inadvertently leading the PM to resign early. The next episode ("Spinners and Losers") follows a single night of "spin", as advisers, junior politicians and enforcers all try to better their position during the transition, but only Malcolm gets anywhere.

Series 3 (2009)
In series 3, Hugh Abbot is replaced as minister by Nicola Murray, played by Rebecca Front. She is an unexpected, last-minute choice for the position, and given her inexperience and lack of staff, she is forced to retain Ollie and Glenn as her advisers. The series continues to focus on the general running, or mis-running, of DoSAC, with Murray's attempts to formulate her "Fourth Sector Pathfinder Initiative" being a running thread throughout the series. With the cloud of the forthcoming general election and tension at 10 Downing Street looming, the series also broadens its scope to include episodes set at the annual party conference and BBC Radio 5 Live. We also see more of Murray's opposite number, Peter Mannion, and other members of the opposition first seen in the 2007 specials. The gradual breakdown of Malcolm Tucker and appearance of new threats to his control, in particular Steve Fleming (David Haig), are also major plotlines. The series ends with Fleming forcing Malcolm's resignation, only to be ousted himself a matter of days later. Having regained dominance, Malcolm decides to call an election immediately to seize the initiative from his enemies in the opposition and his own party.

Series 4 (2012)
In series 4, the government and opposition have switched places following the election, as a result of a hung parliament and there is therefore a coalition government with a smaller third party. Peter Mannion has been made the Secretary of State for Social Affairs and Citizenship but has to contend with Fergus Williams, his junior partner in the coalition. Meanwhile, following Tom Davis's defeat and resignation, Nicola Murray had been elected by her party, apparently on a technicality, over Dan Miller, her opponent, as leader of the opposition, although she resigns at the end of episode four and is replaced by her deputy, Miller. A running thread throughout the series is an ongoing "Leveson-style public inquiry" which takes place in episode six. While the first four episodes each focuses solely on one side (episodes one and three focusing on the coalition, and episode two and four focusing on the opposition), each episode thereafter cuts between the parties. The final three episodes of series four show all parties trying to cover their tracks regarding a public health care bill which has led to the public eviction and consequent suicide of Douglas Tickel, a nurse with a history of mental illness. All three main parties have some level of responsibility and have participated in the illegal leaking of documents, in particular Tickel's medical records, which is the reason for the Goolding Inquiry being launched.

Cast and characters
Most episodes focus on the department's incumbent minister and a core cast of advisers and civil servants, under the watchful eye of Number 10's enforcer, Malcolm Tucker. Over its run, the series has developed a large cast of additional characters, who form the government, opposition, as well as members of the media.

 * Malcolm Tucker (Peter Capaldi) – Series 1–4 – The aggressive, profane and feared director of communications for the government. He serves two main roles: acting as the prime minister's chief enforcer to ensure the cabinet ministers all follow the party line, and managing the government's crisis management PR, usually in the form of spin. He regularly uses smears or threats of violence to achieve his ends. Tucker also appears in In the Loop. The Guardian used the character in its coverage of the 2010 general election and the Labour leadership contest in a column written by Jesse Armstrong. The character is patterned on real-life government director of communications Alastair Campbell, as well as Hollywood producers such as Harvey Weinstein.
 * Rt Hon Hugh Abbot MP (Chris Langham) – Series 1–2 – He is the Secretary of State for Social Affairs (later Social Affairs and Citizenship). He is an inept cabinet minister who is generally out of touch with the electorate. While he believes he has some influence, he often finds himself at the mercy of events and bearing the brunt of Tucker's vitriol. He reads the New Statesman and has two children, Alicia and Charlie, whom he barely sees. He is replaced by junior minister Nicola Murray in a reshuffle at the beginning of series 3 without appearing on screen.
 * Rt Hon Nicola Murray MP (Rebecca Front) – Series 3–4 – Nicola replaces Hugh Abbot from series 3. She is promoted to Social Affairs and Citizenship Secretary as a last-minute choice in a government reshuffle in the run up to a general election. Inexperienced and naive, she begins her tenure poorly with a number of public embarrassments over her husband's career. She also finds it difficult to maintain a healthy balance between her home and work lives, conflicting with Tucker when he demands that she send her daughter to a state comprehensive school, rather than her preferred choice of a private school. Relatively powerless in the cabinet, her dour public image, largely encouraged by Tucker, leads her to be referred to as "glummy mummy". Although she and Tucker regularly clash, he is occasionally shown to be much more sympathetic towards her than to her predecessor, particularly when he suggests that the government might quietly accede to her wishes regarding her choice of school for her daughter "in a term or two". Though little improved as a political operator and unpopular within her party, Nicola is elected as leader of the opposition on a technicality before the start of Series 4, and is hounded throughout the series by calls for her to resign.
 * Glenn Cullen (James Smith) – Series 1–4 – Glenn is senior special adviser to the minister. A long-standing friend of Hugh's since the campaign days, he acts as his chief adviser. He is generally politically adept, often being a voice of sense within the series, although due to his age is often ignored and emasculated by younger members of staff. Despite a number of mishaps, such as swearing at a member of the public who confronts Abbot, he keeps his job due to his loyalty to Hugh. Following Hugh's departure, he expects to retire, but is unexpectedly kept on as adviser to Nicola Murray. His home life is troubled, being divorced and with a disabled son. Originally intending to stand for parliament at the next election, his association with Nicola leads to him failing to receive enough support to become a prospective parliamentary candidate. He switches party following the election, and in series 4 stays on in DoSAC as an adviser to the junior minister, who is a junior partner in coalition government. Despite his generally unfortunate experiences, he is possibly the only major character to whom Malcolm shows any (if occasional) warmth; Tucker deliberately implied Glenn's usefulness after his mini-breakdown in "Spinners and Losers" and expresses what appears to be genuine remorse after punching Glenn in series 3, episode 3.
 * Terri Coverley (Joanna Scanlan) – Series 1–4 – Terri acts as director of communications for the department. Notionally responsible for press relations at DoSAC, Coverley was head of press recruited from supermarket chain Waitrose as part of an ill-advised scheme to make government run like a business. Professional but prudish, she is often left to "mop up" the bad press garnered by the department. As a civil servant, compared with the MPs and advisers she is relatively safe in her job, a fact which she repeatedly states to their annoyance. She takes a leave of absence during series 2 due to the death of her father.
 * Oliver "Ollie" Reeder (Chris Addison) – Series 1–4 – Ollie is a special adviser to the Secretary of State (formerly junior policy adviser). An Oxbridge graduate from Lincolnshire, he is arrogant, inept, inexperienced, somewhat gawky, and often inadvertently the cause of departmental mistakes. However, the minister often takes up his ideas believing them to be vote-winners. During series 1 it is revealed that he once had a relationship with journalist Angela Heaney (Lucinda Raikes) who makes occasional appearances through the first three series. He was seconded to the Prime Minister's Office after he slept with opposition party worker Emma Messinger (Olivia Poulet) and was told to use his relationship to gather information on opposition party policy. He is described by Terri as "a little bit morally bankrupt and massively self centred and a tiny bit dangerously unreliable". In series 4, he is an adviser to Nicola Murray in her capacity as leader of the opposition, but schemes with Malcolm to try to force her resignation. In the series conclusion, he takes over from Malcolm as his party's senior communications adviser.

Broadcast history
The first run of three episodes screened on BBC Four from 19 May 2005. A further three episodes were transmitted 20 October until 3 November 2005. The six episodes were repeated on BBC Two in early 2006, and later on BBC America together as a single series. The subsequent DVD release of all six episodes describes the episodes as The Complete First Series.

An hour-long Christmas special, "The Rise of the Nutters", aired in January 2007 with a further ten episodes planned for later on in the year. Chris Langham did not reprise his role as Hugh Abbot, due to his arrest and later conviction on charges of possession of child pornography, ruling him out of any further roles. To fill this void, Iannucci introduced new characters into the series forming the opposition.

Another one-off hour-long episode "Spinners and Losers" aired on 3 July 2007. It was followed by a 15-minute extra episode through BBC Red Button, following the same story from the opposition's point of view.

For series 3, transmission switched to BBC Two, with subsequent repeats on BBC Four. The series ran for eight episodes from 24 October 2009 to 12 December 2009. As a Red Button extra, each episode had an accompanying 10-minute documentary titled Out of The Thick of It broadcast immediately afterwards and on the BBC Comedy website, which featured cut scenes, specially written scenes and, later, discussion of the programme by the series' writers, makers and with figures involved in British politics.

Internationally, series 1 and 2 aired back-to-back in Australia on ABC1 each Friday at 9:40 pm from 21 November 2008 and has since been repeated on ABC2 and UKTV. Later, the two hour-long specials along with series 3 premiered consecutively on the lower-rated ABC2 channel from 7 July 2011 each Thursday at 10:15 pm and again repeated, this time on ABC1 and UKTV.

A fourth series was commissioned in March 2010. Work began on the scripts in March 2011, filming began in March 2012 and airing started on BBC Two on 8 September 2012. The fourth series is co-produced by Hulu. Iannucci stated that the coalition government, in particular the role of the Liberal Democrats, would remain the target of the next series. In an interview with The Guardian, he stated his idea was for Peter Mannion to have become a minister "but there will be someone from the other party in the coalition in his office, so a lot of the comedy will come from that tension between duplicated ministers." Press for the fourth series partially focused on the applicability of the show to real life, with Will Smith commenting that the use of the word "omnishambles", coined in the third series, becoming a political meme in the months before transmission being a "baffling" example of life imitating art.

Series 3
No ratings available.

Critical reception
The Thick of It received critical acclaim during its original run. On Metacritic, the first series of the show holds a score of 90 out of 100 based on 4 reviews, indicating "[u]niversal acclaim". Entertainment Weekly gave the series a grade of A−, with reviewer Alynda Wheat calling the "sly Britcom [...] a C-SPAN spin-off of [...] The Office." Margy Rochlin in The New York Times described it as "urgently authentic. Visually, the series has a news-as-it-is-happening feel, where actors are often only half in the frame or partly obscured while reciting a line of dialogue. The cameras will skitter restlessly from character to character, sometimes bouncing so crazily that the result looks like a foot chase from "Cops."" The DVD of the first two series received a perfect score from the UK's Empire magazine, with critic William Thomas calling it "the finest shot of pitch-black comic vitriol to be aimed at Whitehall in many a moon." A DVD of the post-series 2 specials also received a perfect score from Gary Andrews of Den of Geek, who wrote: "What makes The Thick Of It so watchable is the feeling that what you're watching could well have happened at one point or another behind the scenes at Westminister. Even the minor characters are perfectly drawn and everybody gets at least one good line, with classic quotes popping up in virtually every line of dialogue. Yes Minister may have set the bar for political sitcoms but The Thick Of It adds gratuitous swearing and a group of utterly unlikeable yet immensely watchable characters."

The third series of the show has a Rotten Tomatoes score of 83% based on 6 reviews, with an average score of 10/10. The day its first episode aired, Caitlin Moran wrote an article for The Times calling The Thick of It the "best show ever made" and a show that "has changed the way we see politics." Verne Gay of Newsday gave the series a highest possible grade of A+, calling it "[o]ne of the flat-out funniest half-hours of television in the English-speaking world." His review, published in 2012, posited that Ianucci's semi-spin-off of the show—the U.S.-based Veep—was a "pallid knockoff" compared to The Thick of It because of Capaldi's role as Malcolm Tucker in the latter, "a human blowtorch who doesn't merely dress down subordinates but rips their clothes off to pour sulfuric acid—figuratively speaking, though barely—on their still-smoldering skin." The A.V. Club 's David Sims' retrospective assessment of the series was also mostly positive, though he opined that Malcolm's "thrilling" "fall from grace" towards the end was a bit rushed. In his review of the first episode, Michael Deacon of The Daily Telegraph felt that Tucker's character was "overdone", but admitted that this criticism was "silly" and "tantamount to saying the show's too funny." A negative review came from The Guardian, whose Michael White felt that the show "lacked heart, lacked sympathy, lacked good guys, let alone honest ambitions. In that sense it's the exact opposite of another highly professional show about politics, The West Wing. [...] But I can't stand The West Wing either: too sentimental, just as The Thick of It is much too cynical. I can see that it's funny, but I rarely laugh."

The fourth and final series of the show has a Rotten Tomatoes score of 88% based on 16 review, with an average score of 7.30/10. It is also the only series to have a critical consensus on the site, which reads: "Armando Ianucci's gloriously profane satire concludes at the peak of its dyspeptic hilarity, combining its withering eye for political machinations and its Shakespearean flow of curse words to deliver a harrowingly funny sendoff." James Poniewozik, writing for TIME, found that "the political specificity" of the show's situations "give it bite. And the way it draws its various characters gives it a kind of poignance for all its hard-hearted cynicism. Political satires like to depict pols as self-interested, cold professionals who have traded in their ideals, and that's plenty true here. But Mannion and the various staffers are also simply imperfect people, fallen short of their ambitions and stuck in what are—for all the perks and access to power—often lousy, exhausting, crappy jobs, which grind them down and smother their personal lives." Anthony Paletta of New York magazine also wrote positively of the show's characterizations, noting their "genuine consciences" at various points. He also praised the show for its "startlingly versatile obscenity." A few critics, however, expressed reservations regarding the final series. Graeme Thornson of The Arts Desk, for example, felt that "[t]ime [had] rounded off some of the sharp edges" of the show, but conceded that "it still delivers a highly generous helping of belly laughs per minute." Sam Wollaston of The Guardian was more critical, writing: "There is an unsubtlety, a too-obviousness, about it that makes me wonder whether Armando Iannucci, what with all his other projects like [ sic] taking over America and the world, had let his eye off this one."

Awards
The series has been the recipient of a number of awards, particularly from the BAFTA. Series 1 won both "Best Situation Comedy" and Chris Langham won "Best Comedy Performance" at the 2006 BAFTA Television Awards, with Peter Capaldi being nominated for the same award in 2006 and 2008. Capaldi won the BAFTA for "Best Male Comedy Performance" at the 2010 awards, with Rebecca Front winning "Best Female Comedy Performance". The series was also declared the "Best Situation Comedy". Additionally, the series won "Best Situation Comedy" from the Royal Television Society in 2006 and 2010, and won Broadcasting Press Guild Awards in 2006 and 2010 for "Best Sitcom" and "Best Writing Team".

Legacy
The Thick of It has often been ranked as one of the greatest TV shows of all time. In 2019, The Guardian ranked it the 4th greatest show of the 21st century, with Phil Harrison writing that the "craven, idiotic likes of Peter Mannion and Nicola Murray would be paragons of probity and wisdom in today's parliamentary landscape. But at the time, Armando Iannucci's scabrous comedy felt like an indictment of everything wrong with the spin and cynicism of British politics." Empire included it at No. 81 on their list of "The 100 Best TV Shows Of All Time", calling it "one of the sharpest, fastest-witted comedies ever, skewering Britain's political class via a tornado of creative cursing." Digital Spy readers voted it the 66th greatest show of the 21st century. The following year, BBC Culture polled 206 "critics, journalists, academics and industry figures" from around the world to compile the 100 greatest television series of the 21st century; The Thick of It came in at No. 20. The website also selected it as one of 25 shows that defined the century, with Turkish film critic Ali Arikan writing: "The early part of the new century was marked by a heinous trend of 'new optimism' in US comedy, where spiritual redemption was available to even the least deserving. On the opposite end of the spectrum was The Thick of It, Armando Iannucci's caustic UK satire, the central premise of which was that everyone involved in government were contemptible halfwits interested purely in self-preservation. Showcasing ever more inventive ways in which powerless politicians and useless civil servants can create monumental crises out of molehills, the show made a star of Peter Capaldi (years after he had won an Oscar for a short film he directed), whose scathing spin doctor Malcolm Tucker frantically rampaged through Westminster like a foul-mouthed Godzilla. Any faith in politics was confidently and certainly rebuked."Many commentators have written about the show's continued relevance in the years following its final series. In 2016, NME published an article titled "Eight Times Brexit Made British Politics Look Like The Thick Of It". The following year, Ianucci revived Malcolm Tucker for a 4-page Brexit debate against Alan Partridge (another character he'd co-created) for The Big Issue. Gavin Haynes wrote in Vice in 2019: "Time and again, The Thick of It led and reality fell in behind. Eighteen months after 'Do you know what it's like to clean up your own mother's piss?' we had The Gillian Duffy Incident. Nick Clegg used to bang on about 'alarm clock Britain'. Season four's Nicola Murray had her own target market: 'the quiet bat-people'. Murray's came first. The term 'omnishambles', coined on the show in 2009, leapt from the screen into politics after George Osborne's flaky 2012 budget. By the following year, Malcolm Tucker's phrase had entered the OED."Adam Miller, writing for Herald Scotland, wrote that it has become a "cliche" to compare modern political developments to the show, noting: "rarely has a Tory story in the last few years not led to 'The Thick of It' trending on Twitter." Collider's Joe Hoeffner wrote in 2022: "Just as any vaguely dystopian technological development is compared to an episode of Black Mirror, people can't help but wonder what Malcolm Tucker would have to say whenever someone in Whitehall makes a fool of themselves, which, in recent years, is more or less on a daily basis."

In the Loop
In May 2008, the BBC issued a press release stating that filming had commenced on a feature-length adaptation named In the Loop starring Tom Hollander, James Gandolfini, Chris Addison, Peter Capaldi, Gina McKee and Steve Coogan. The film followed the plight of the International Development minister as an inadvertent comment in an interview leads to him being used as a puppet by the president of the United States and the prime minister who are looking to launch a war in the Middle East. The film follows the officials and advisers in their behind-the-scenes efforts either to promote the war or prevent it.

Although many of the TV series cast returned, the only actual returning characters are Malcolm Tucker, Jamie McDonald and Sam Cassidy, with series regulars Chris Addison, James Smith, Joanna Scanlan, Alex MacQueen, Olivia Poulet, Eve Matheson and Will Smith playing new characters altogether. The film premiered in the US at the 2009 Sundance Film Festival and in the UK at the 2009 Glasgow Film Festival. It was released on 17 April 2009 in the United Kingdom. In The Loop was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay in 2010. Several cast members later played similar roles in Veep.

U.S. remake (2007)
On 27 October 2006, it was announced that The Thick of It would be adapted for American television, focusing on the daily lives of a low-level member of the United States Congress and his staff. Arrested Development creator Mitch Hurwitz would be the executive producer, along with Iannucci and Richard Day. The pilot was directed by Christopher Guest, and produced by Sony Pictures and BBC Worldwide. The cast included John Michael Higgins, Oliver Platt, Henry Winkler, Michael McKean, Alex Borstein, and Wayne Wilderson.

ABC did not pick up the show for its 2007 Autumn schedule. Iannucci distanced himself from the pilot, saying: "It was terrible ... they took the idea and chucked out all the style. It was all conventionally shot and there was no improvisation or swearing. It didn't get picked up, thank God." Other networks including HBO, Showtime, and NBC expressed interest in the show, and in April 2009, Iannucci re-entered talks with HBO over the possibility of an American adaptation.

Veep
In November 2010 it was announced that HBO had ordered a pilot for a new series called Veep, to be written, directed and produced by Iannucci. It stars Julia Louis-Dreyfus in the leading role as vice president of the U.S. and also includes several of the American cast members who played similar characters in In the Loop, most notably series co-star Anna Chlumsky. The series began airing in April 2012. Although it is not a direct spin-off, Veep shares a similar tone and style with The Thick of It. Veep began showing in the UK on Sky Atlantic beginning in June 2012. Justin Edwards and Rebecca Gethings appear in the Veep episode "Special Relationship" as different characters.

Media releases
On 2 April 2007, a UK DVD of the first six episodes was released as "The Complete First Series". It also included audio commentary, deleted scenes, and photo galleries. The two specials were released on a second UK DVD in April 2009. The third series was released on UK DVD in April 2010, followed by a "complete series" to date box set. Although the third series was filmed and broadcast on the BBC in high-definition video there has been no release to date on Blu-ray. A North American "Series One to Three" DVD box set was briefly scheduled for release in late 2012, but the release was delayed until 6 August 2013, in order to allow all four seasons (plus specials) to be included in what was now a "Complete Series" release. The release date was announced by BBC Worldwide early in 2013, but coincidentally ended up occurring only two days after Peter Capaldi was announced as the new star of Doctor Who. (Even more coincidentally, a cast commentary included as part of a photo gallery featurette for the episode "Rise of the Nutters" included in the DVD set, recorded several years earlier, has several cast members jokingly deciding to start a rumour that Capaldi is to be the next Doctor.)

Books and newspaper columns
The Thick of It: The Scripts, a book containing the scripts from the first two series and the 2007 specials, was published on 1 September 2007.

A tie-in book, The Thick of It: The Missing DoSAC Files, was published on 4 November 2010. An iPhone app, based on the DoSAC Files book and named 'Malcolm Tucker: The Missing Phone', was released in 2010, and was nominated for a New Media award at the 2011 Television BAFTAs.

In the run-up to the 2010 general election, the column 'Malcolm Tucker's election briefing' appeared weekly in The Guardian, written by Jesse Armstrong.

A one-off column written by Ian Martin in the character of Stewart Pearson—'Stewart Pearson's Media Notebook'—appeared in The Guardian in November 2010.

title: The Thick of It


text:
Watch Hill Light

The Watch Hill Lighthouse in Watch Hill, Rhode Island has served as a nautical beacon for ships since 1745, when the Rhode Island colonial government erected a watchtower and beacon during the French and Indian War and Revolutionary War. The original structure was destroyed in a 1781 storm, and plans were discussed to build a new lighthouse to mark the eastern entrance to Fishers Island Sound and to warn mariners of a dangerous reef southwest of Watch Hill. President Thomas Jefferson signed an act to build the lighthouse in 1806, and construction was completed in 1807. The first lighthouse stood 35 ft tall.

In 1827, a rotating light was installed to differentiate it from the Stonington Harbor Light in Connecticut. Erosion forced it to close in 1855 and move farther away from the bluff edge. The next lighthouse opened in 1856 and remains as the present structure, standing 45 ft tall.

The steamer Metis crashed off Watch Hill in 1872, killing 130 people. In 1873, lighthouse keeper Captain Jared Starr Crandall was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal for rescue operations involving the Metis. In 1879, Capt. Crandall's widow Sally Ann (Gavitt) Crandall became the first woman lighthouse keeper there. A United States Life-Saving Service station was built next to it where it operated until the 1940s, but it was destroyed in 1963.

In 1907, the steamer Larchmont collided with a schooner, killing 200 people four miles from the lighthouse. The Hurricane of 1938 caused severe damage to the structure. The Leif Viking ran aground a few hundred feet from it in 1962; there were no injuries, although the ship was stranded for nine days. The light was automated in 1986 and leased to the Watch Hill Lightkeepers Association.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Watch Hill Light


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Talk:Transport in Denmark

I added a section "cycle tracks" (the term used by the city of Copenhagen to describe the city's bike-only lanes). -Brenna May 30/05

Improving the article
This article is basically just a list from the CIA factbook, and there is incorrect and missing information. How do we improve it the best way? -Ghent 23:32, 25 June 2006 (UTC)
 * Mmmm, I gave the page a layout fix. Information is still from 2001, even though the CIA page is updated. --80.63.213.182 22:26, 6 January 2007 (UTC)

CIA data
The data needs to be updated. The CIA factbook has been updated and the data should just be injected. --80.63.213.182 22:32, 6 January 2007 (UTC)

Bridge picture
The bridge at the top of the page is actually the Øresund bridge, not the Great Belt bridge. I have changed the text, but perhaps the owner of the image would like to change the name of the image file as well? -fcel April 2 2009 —Preceding unsigned comment added by Fcel (talk • contribs) 20:35, 2 April 2009 (UTC)

title: Talk:Transport in Denmark


text:
Đỗ Mười

Đỗ Mười (2 February 1917 – 1 October 2018) was a Vietnamese communist politician. He rose in the party hierarchy in the late 1940s, became Chairman of the Council of Ministers in 1988 and was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) at the 7th Congress in 1991. He continued his predecessor's policy of ruling through a collective leadership and Nguyễn Văn Linh's policy of economic reform. He was elected for two terms as General Secretary, but left office in 1997 at the 3rd plenum of the 8th Central Committee during his second term.

Đỗ Mười was an advisor to the Central Committee from 1997 until 2001, when the institution of Advisory Council of the Central Committee was abolished. He was a delegate to the 9th, 10th and 11th Congresses. While he officially retired from politics in 1997, Đỗ Mười continued to influence decision-making. He died on 1 October 2018 at Central Military Hospital 108.

Early life and career
Đỗ Mười, also known as Đỗ Bảo, was born on 2 February 1917 in Dong Phu, Thanh Trì, Hanoi as Nguyễn Duy Cống and was the son of Nguyen Xeng. He began his life by working as a house painter, before he began working in nationalist politics in his teens. At the age of 14, he joined the popular front against Colonialism. At 18 years of age, he married Hằng Phạm. Đỗ Mười joined the Communist Party of Vietnam in 1939, but was arrested by French authorities in 1941 or 1942 and was sentenced for 10 years to forced labour at the Hoa Lo Prison. He managed to escape in 1945, when the Japanese overthrew French rule of Indochina and established the Empire of Vietnam. After escaping from prison, Đỗ Mười became a member of the Viet Minh.

During the First Indochina War Đỗ Mười served in several provincial level positions before he was promoted to Brigadier General. Đỗ Mười was the commander at the Battle of Haiphong at the end of the war. During the war, he also served as a political commissar for the party. From May 1955 to December 1956, Đỗ Mười served as chairman of the party's People's Military and Administrative Committee of Hai Phong. Đỗ Mười was appointed to the Central Committee in 1955 and at the 3rd Party Congress, he was elected to full member of the Central Committee. He was appointed Deputy Minister of Domestic Trade in December 1956 and held that post until April 1958, when he succeeded Phan Anh as Minister of Domestic Trade. Đỗ Mười held this post until February 1961, when he was forced to leave politics for a while due to bad health; he was succeeded by Nguyễn Thanh Bình. He returned to politics in November 1967 as Chairman of the Economic Board (later renamed the State Pricing Commission) and in 1969 Đỗ Mười was assigned to the building and construction sector. It is believed that Đỗ Mười was a Soviet liaison during the construction of the Hồ Chí Minh Mausoleum. In December 1969, he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Construction in Phạm Văn Đồng's Government.

At the 4th Party Congress, the first since the reunification of Vietnam, Đỗ Mười was elected to the Politburo as an alternate member. In July 1977, the Committee for the Transformation of Industry and Trade was established with Nguyễn Văn Linh serving as chairman and Đỗ Mười serving as deputy chairman. The goal of the committee was to initiate the socialist transformation of southern Vietnam by socialising the economy through nationalisation and collectivization. The codename for the campaign was X2. Linh did not serve long as chairman and he was accused of "Rightism" and was replaced by Đỗ Mười in February 1978. Đỗ Mười was given the post because the Party leadership had been impressed by his work in the socialist transformation drive of North Vietnam in the 1950s. At the time, Đỗ Mười was renowned by his motto; "Capitalists are like sewer rats; whenever one sees them popping up one must smash them to death!" On 31 March 1978 Đỗ Mười signed a decree, on the behalf of Prime Minister Phạm Văn Đông, on forbidding private property in Vietnam. On his command, more than 60,000 youth groups were sent across Vietnam to close down private businesses.

In November 1977, Đỗ Mười was succeeded as Minister of Construction by Đồng Sĩ Nguyên. Đỗ Mười was elected to the Politburo in the aftermath of the 5th Party Congress. In the Politburo he served as a protege of Lê Duẩn, the General Secretary and the dominant leader of Vietnam. By 1984 Đỗ Mười was subscribing to the view that the Vietnamese economic system needed to be reformed; his original plan was to reform the price and wage system and to abolish subsidies for state enterprises. However, he did not support the view that radical reforms were needed and he still firmly believed in the superiority of the planned economy over the market economy. In 1985 Đỗ Mười was assigned with the task of reviewing the accomplishments of various General Departments.

Lê Duẩn died on 10 July 1986 and was briefly succeeded by Trường Chinh. Chinh proved to be a temporary replacement and at the 6th Party Congress, held in December 1986, he was deposed and replaced by Nguyễn Văn Linh. Linh initiated the reform programme Đổi Mới (meaning "renovation") to establish a socialist-oriented market economy. When Premier Phạm Hùng died on 10 March 1988, the Central Committee nominated Đỗ Mười for the position of Chairman of the Council of Ministers (the official title of head of government) to the National Assembly of Vietnam, certain delegates of the National Assembly responded by nominating Võ Văn Kiệt for the post instead. The reason was that Đỗ Mười was ideologically conservative and was skeptical of the Đổi Mới policies, while Kiệt, in contrast, was reform-minded. Đỗ Mười won the election, but Kiệt managed to win 36 percent of the votes – a high percentage for an opponent in Vietnam.

Premiership
As Premier Đỗ Mười supported implementation of the reform program. In April 1987 farmers in southern Vietnam began protesting against collectivised agriculture, with some even occupying government offices. The response of the authorities varied; Đỗ Mười claimed that low productivity in agriculture was an organisational problem and not systemic. He claimed that productivity was influenced by resource availability, but since that varied regionally, the solution would be decentralisation. The farms would rely on detailed local planning, regular inspections and good management and organisation. This solution would, he believed, solve the wasteful expenditure on agriculture and inappropriate allocation and land utilization.

Đỗ Mười was appointed Chairman of the Socio-economic Drafting Subcommittee of the Council of Ministers in 1989 or 1990. The committee was tasked to draft a socio-economic strategy for the Vietnamese economy until the year 2000. Its members also discussed the Fifth Five-Year Plan (1991–1995).

At the 10th Plenum of the 6th Central Committee (held September 1990), Đỗ Mười's report to the plenum stressed the substantial drop of Soviet and Eastern Bloc assistance levels to Vietnam, the concurrent increase in imports, the level of national debt and "natural calamities" in agriculture. Đỗ Mười laid emphasis on political stability, repair of the financial system, controlling inflation and "wasteful spending" and "excessive capital construction plans." In his plans for 1991, Đỗ Mười sought to:

 * develop export markets and draw increased foreign investments to Vietnam and to obtain foreign technology;
 * eliminate state subsidies in production, business and capital construction;
 * rationalise state policies by privatising inefficient state-run enterprises;
 * encourage family-based economic units; and
 * undertake regional development, creating employment and reducing unemployment.

Domestic policy
At the 7th National Congress, Nguyễn Văn Linh stepped down as General Secretary because of poor health. Đỗ Mười was appointed the party's General Secretary at the 1st plenum of the 7th Congress. Đỗ Mười became the de facto leader of the conservatives; party officials, ideologues and supporters of state-owned domination of the economy supported his tenure. In the meantime, Võ Văn Kiệt, the premier, became the head of the reformist faction, while Lê Đức Anh as president, represented the military faction.

The split in executive power led to the writing of the 1992 Constitution. The constitution reduced the General Secretary's powers and while the constitution referred to him as the party's leader, he had no executive or legislative powers. However, Article 4 enshrines the role of the Communist Party as "the leading force in the State and society", giving the general secretary authority on the overall direction of policy. The 1992 Constitution led to the disappearance of party strongmen such as Lê Duẩn. In the words of Đỗ Mười; "In the leadership over the building of the state apparatus and appointment of state officials, the party sets forth views, principles and guiding orientations related to the organization of the state apparatus; it considers and makes suggestions about the points raised by the state, which is [then] left to make decisions."

At the 7th Congress, the majority of Politburo seats were filled by conservatives. Together with the emerging military/security group in the Politburo and the Central Committee, the new party leadership was more focused on security and stability than its predecessor. In 1994, four new members were appointed to the Politburo, all of whom opposed radical reform. Despite conservative maneuvering, the economic reforms proved highly successful and economic growth between the 7th and 8th Party Congresses averaged 8 percent. This growth rate was not sustainable in the long run without more reforms. However, the conservatives believed this would lead to instability and possibly even threaten the Party's hold on power. The reformers supported change, believing that faster growth would better enhance security. However, with the Asian financial crisis of the late-1990s, growth plummeted to 2 percent.

Factional infighting emerged between the 7th and 8th Party Congress, crippling the country's leadership. While the reformers led by Võ Văn Kiệt wanted to open Vietnam to the global economy by neo-liberal means – which meant a total break with Leninist economics – the conservatives wanted the socialist-oriented market economy to be dominated by Vietnam's state-owned enterprises, pointing to the success of South Korea's Chaebol model. The party's approach of consensual decisions was rapidly ending. In a 1995 letter to the Politburo, later leaked to the press, Võ Văn Kiệt wrote "in order to mobilize the genius of all within party, there must be uncompromising democracy." Võ Văn Kiệt lambasted the conservatives, claiming that the state-owned sector had to shrink in favor of the private sector. He stated that Vietnam had to forsake its relations with the remaining socialist states, stop the party from meddling in government affairs and put national affairs in front of government affairs. In response, the conservatives sent Nguyễn Hà Phan around the country to criticise Võ Văn Kiệt, who he claimed was deviating from socialism. As the power struggle continued, Chief of Staff Đào Đình Luyện was demoted from his post because his support of reforms and Nguyễn Hà Phan was dropped from the Politburo and put under house arrest on charges of treason in April 1996.

The conservatives launched a campaign led by Đào Duy Tùng, the editor-in-chief of Communist Review (Vietnamese: Tạp chí Cộng Sản). Thanks to his support within the party, he attained unprecedented control over personnel appointments and the drafting of the Political Report to the 8th Congress, however, at the 10th Central Committee meeting of the 7th Congress, he was accused of "anti-democratic behaviour" and abuse of power and was not reelected to the Politburo, gaining only 10 percent of the vote. The fall of Đào Duy Tùng, Đỗ Mười's planned successor, led to a compromise: the general secretary, prime minister and president were reelected at the 8th Congress without a majority because of the conservative – reformist power struggle. However, significant turnover within the party leadership occurred and for the first time in years, the central party figures lost ground to the provincial party branches and bureaucrats – only 8.9 percent of the new Central Committee members came from the central party apparatus, while 67 percent of the new members had either an immediate provincial or government background.

Foreign policy
At the 3rd plenum of the 7th Central Committee (held 14–18 July 1992) Đỗ Mười reaffirmed the importance of the party's foreign policy. He further emphasized "foreign policy plays a more and more important role .... We have realized that in the present era, no country – regardless of its high degree of development – can close its doors to the world. For a country with a very poor starting point like Vietnam, it is very important for it to strive to gain outside sources of strength." While seeking relations with Western and capitalist countries, Đỗ Mười affirmed the importance of good relations with the "socialist countries, the communist and international workers movement, the movement for national independence, the Non-Aligned Movement and all other peaceful and progressive forces worldwide." He expressed the Party's concern that such an open foreign policy would weaken national security, but stated "Over the past several years, hostile forces have relentlessly carried out acts of sabotage against our country. However, their dark schemes and maneuvers have all been foiled by our people." Meaning, that while Vietnam would seek to strengthen its international presence, these contacts would not be allowed to change the character of Vietnamese socialism.

Following the failed August coup in the Soviet Union and its country's dissolution, Đỗ Mười formally acknowledged the changes, stating to a group of cadres "Socialism no longer exists in the Soviet Union and the activities of the Communist party have been banned." While mourning the Soviet Union's dissolution, Vietnam recognized the Commonwealth of Independent States on 27 December 1991 and developed ties with the newly independent states.

On 27 June, following Đỗ Mười's election as General Secretary, Jiang Zemin, the Chinese Communist Party General Secretary, used the occasion to congratulate Đỗ Mười and stated that he hoped that relations between China and Vietnam would be normalized, on a state-to-state and a party-to-party basis. In a series of July meetings, relations between the two countries further improved and Lê Đức Anh was invited to China by CPC. Normalization arrived in November when Đỗ Mười and Võ Văn Kiệt visited China and held discussions with Jiang and Premier Li Peng that later led to an 11-point communique. Relations would further improve in 1992, when several CPV and CPC cadres met.

With the "fall of communism" in Eastern Europe Deng Xiaoping, the China's paramount leader, began advocating the creation of a loose new socialist alliance consisting of China, the Soviet Union, North Korea, the Mongolian People's Republic and Vietnam among others. A report circulating in China in August 1991 supported forming a loose international socialist federation of the remaining socialist states. The VCP shared the CPC's sentiments and moved to strengthen relations with the remaining socialist states; relations with Cuba were emphasized and Vietnam signed an economic and trade protocol with North Korea in 1991. The feasibility of a loose socialist federation would depend on the remaining socialist states ignoring their differences and emphasising their common interests – however, tensions between China and Vietnam cast doubt. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in December 1991, China abandoned its idea.

While relations between Vietnam and Laos had stopped being "special" after Vietnamese troop withdrawal, the two countries still shared ideology. Đỗ Mười and Võ Văn Kiệt made separate trips to Laos in 1992. Đỗ Mười led a delegation to Kaysone Phomvihane, the former Chairman of the Central Committee of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP). However, at the 5th LPRP Congress Lao leaders referred to its relations with China as their most important foreign partner.

In February 1992, China passed a law claiming the whole of the South China Sea. When the matter was discussed at the Vietnam National Assembly, a stormy, private debate took place. While some called for economic sanctions or even military intervention, on the advice of the Central Committee's Commission for External Relations, it adopted a declaration as the best response to the issue. Nguyễn Văn Linh visited China to discuss the law, but during the visit Chinese officials signed an agreement with Crestone Energy Corporation for exploratory drilling on Vietnam's continental shelf. At the 3rd plenum of the 7th Central Committee, criticism of China was harsh and Đỗ Mười accused China of expansionism. In 1995 Đỗ Mười led a delegation to China. He met with Jiang, Li and others.

Domestic policy
Before the 8th National Congress, the stalemate between the conservatives and reformers continued. While rumors circulated that the 8th National Congress would be postponed, the conservatives and the reformers were able to compromise at the 11th Central Committee plenum of the 7th Congress. The 8th Central Committee was elected by the Congress and 54 percent of the elected members were incumbents. Of the 19-member, 9 resigned from their posts at the 8th Congress. The Secretariat was abolished at the congress and replaced by the Politburo Standing Committee (PSB); Đỗ Mười was one of five members. While the PSB was originally conceived to replace the Politburo as the party's highest decision-making body, protests from the Central Committee accused the Politburo of behaving in an anti-democratic behavior, leaving the PSB approximately as powerful as the former Secretariat. The 8th Congress failed to respond to the power struggle which developed during the 7th Central Committee. In the aftermath, Đỗ Mười told reporters during the Congress, "I think we will have to accelerate our development. Slow development means hunger, don't you think? But at the same time I want to see efficiency and stability. If reform is too fast we will make mistakes. If you run too fast and there is something in the road you may fall down."

Foreign policy
Đỗ Mười attended the 6th LPRP Congress (held in 1996).

Resignation
At the 4th plenum of the 8th Central Committee on 26 December 1997, Do Muoi decided to retire his posts as General Secretary and Secretary of the Central Military Commission, succeeded him was Lê Khả Phiêu. According to Carlyle Thayer "The fourth plenum brought to an end to the period of leadership transition that had been under way since the Eighth National Party Congress in 1996, but did not resolve internal party factionalism between reformers and conservatives." Đỗ Mười, together with Võ Văn Kiệt and Lê Đức Anh, was appointed to the Advisory Council of the Central Committee, where he remained until the body's dissolution in 2001. He remained an influential figure in Vietnamese politics and exercised considerable influence.

Leadership
Under Đỗ Mười, at least three Central Committee plenums were held each year. He introduced order, routine and predictability into the party's political system. Each plenum centered on key issues and discussions took place in an intensive environment. Under Đỗ Mười, the Central Committee plenae focused on national issues rather than on the party as had been the case under Nguyễn Văn Linh. According to Louis Stern, "Muoi introduced into the plenary session a process of small group work in preparing specific policy assessments that drew on the recommendations of participating technical specialists, unidentified 'scientific groups,' 'intellectuals at home and abroad' (possibly a reference to overseas Vietnamese investors, businessmen and economists), veterans, as well as the conventional assortment of party cadres, members and party committee representatives". These groups were given the power of preparing and receiving reports intended for the Central Committee beforehand and to prepare proposals or comments on specific documents generated by a plenum.

Throughout his rule, Đỗ Mười tried to lead Central Committee plenum debates toward consensus. He avoided backing controversial issues to avoid splits within the Central Committee. When a consensus failed to materialize, as was the case with the 8th plenum of the 7th Central Committee when it failed to devise a suitable wording on the direction of ideological work, the task of revising and amending the Central Committee's resolution was transferred to the 7th Politburo.

In contrast to Nguyễn Văn Linh, Đỗ Mười sought common ground with the Central Committee rather than campaigning for his own views. In his speeches and in his debate participation, Đỗ Mười was less controversial and when speaking, he supported traditional party principles. According to Louis Stern, "Unlike Nguyen Van Linh, Muoi did not seek to plot out unique alternatives to nagging problems, propose unconventional approaches to issues, or forge a new consensus on critical matters. Much less forceful than his predecessor in urging support for his views, Muoi was, if anything, on the conservative side of the equation on several matters", such as securing state domination over the economy and retaining strong party control over the country.

Political views
Đỗ Mười believed in the "evolutionary progression of the political renovation" which began at the 6th National Congress. Reform in the economic sphere was of utmost importance, while political reform was secondary. However, he believed that the implementation of economic reforms often revealed weaknesses in the political system. Đỗ Mười did not want to transform the political system, but to improve it. Changes made to laws and governing practices should, according to him, be grounded in the ideology of Marxism–Leninism and Hồ Chí Minh Thought. He opposed what he called "demagogic arguments" that called for an end to the party's "monopolistic leadership and returning all power to the people under the pretext of renewing democracy." At the same time, he supported democratization of the party's decision-making process, but firmly believed in the principles of democratic centralism.

Đỗ Mười supported the idea of selling preferential shares in state-owned enterprises to employees, profit sharing schemes, "and the sales of percentages of state enterprises to 'outside organizations and individuals' to create conditions for workers to become the real owners of enterprises." He often stressed the importance of industrialization as not just the means of production, but as a comprehensive socio-economic change. He often emphasized the need to "catch up with world progress" by emphasizing economic strategies that played on Vietnam's strengths. He claimed that the industrialization program would be run by the market mechanism, but that the state-owned sector would in turn guide and control the market process.

While Đỗ Mười never opposed freedom of the press, criticism, debate and diversity, he attacked those against the socialist cause. At the 4th Congress of the Writers Union, Đỗ Mười stated certain literature aimed "to smear the party and state leadership and erode the people's confidence in the party and state." At a press conference in 1992 he stated that "information must be guided" and the press had to "remain the shock force on the ideological and cultural front." He further criticized the media for taking advantage of greater press freedom by criticizing the party and socialism. By 1993, Đỗ Mười claimed that the press had been "commercialized" by the economic reforms.

Death and legacy
To many outsiders, Đỗ Mười was a bland leader, but within the party his stature is such that he is still referred to as the "Godfather of Vietnamese politics" by party officials. In the Western world there has been little writing on him, or his contributions. An explanation is that the study of political leadership has become out of fashion within political science. Vietnamese sources obscured his involvement in the reform process and his party activities. According to Sophie Quinn-Judge, Đỗ Mười's leadership "was marked by a reassertion of the Communist Party's primacy and its heroic past. It was in 1991 that 'Ho Chi Minh Thought'—ideas extracted from Ho's writings—became one of the country's guiding ideologies, along with Marxism–Leninism. Biographies of early communists such as Nguyen Son and Nguyen Binh, who had been too Maoist for the 1970s, were printed in historical journals, with attestations of popular affection." He turned 100 on 2 February 2017. On 12 April 2018, Đỗ Mười was admitted to the Central Military Hospital 108 in Hanoi. He died on 1 October 2018 at the age of 101, just 7 months after Phan Văn Khải died from a severe illness before Lunar New Year 2018.

Awards and honors

 * Vietnam:
 * Vietnam_Gold_Star_ribbon.png Gold Star Order (1997)

 * 🇯🇵 Japan:
 * JPN_Kyokujitsu-sho_1Class_BAR.svg Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun (2018, posthumously)

title: Đỗ Mười


text:
Talk:Regional policy of the European Union

Untitled
Some of the terminology used in this article requires updating to reflect changes introduced for the 2007-2013 programming period. (written by User:TobyJ on 08/05/08)--Le Petit Modificateur Laborieux (talk) 13:40, 27 March 2009 (UTC)

Great Article!!!!!! —Preceding unsigned comment added by 119.153.53.158 (talk) 15:45, 9 January 2010 (UTC)

map needed
I've added a list of regions that get funding. I think a map would be really useful as well though. There's a good one here (http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/atlas2007/index_en.htm) but I'm not aboutcopyright status.

Sdrawkcab (talk) 00:34, 16 March 2011 (UTC)sdrawkcab

Convergence Explanation
"With the addition of the newest member countries in 2004 and 2007, the EU average GDP has fallen. As a result, some regions in the EU's "old" member states, which used to be eligible for funding under the Convergence objective, are now above the 75% threshold. These regions now receive transitional, "phasing out" support until 2013. Regions that used to be covered under the convergence criteria but are now above the 75% threshold even within the EU-15 are receiving "phasing-in" support through the Regional competitiveness and employment objective.[1]"

Can someone reword this paragraph (second one in the Convergence section) to better clarify the difference between 'phasing out' and 'phasing in'? Not being very familiar with how the EU works, I find this very confusing, and imagine many other readers would as well.

Thanks. Reade (talk) 10:58, 5 December 2012 (UTC)

Updating
This page is now out-of-date as the policy has now been updated for the 2014-2020 funding period. Can someone change this for the new policy, including a new map.

Magicolo (talk) 17:37, 11 January 2014 (UTC) — Preceding unsigned comment added by 144.32.128.73 (talk)

I work for the European Commission's DG for Regional and Urban Policy. I would be happy to provide some information, maps etc. in order to help you update this and other related pages. --Tonylbxl (talk) 09:11, 4 July 2014 (UTC)

requires updating
Info on here is outdated to the extent it is no longer correct. Needs updated to reflect changes made in the 2021-2027 programming period

Current map (2021-2027) available
The map and list of regions need updating - they are now 8 years out of date.

A current map is available, e.g., from the EIB.

Any objection to updating the SVG with the new data? 2620:10D:C092:500:0:0:7:E094 (talk) 14:06, 6 January 2023 (UTC)


text:
Marcus Maxwell

Marcus James Maxwell (born July 8, 1983) is a former American football wide receiver. He was drafted by the San Francisco 49ers in the seventh round of the 2005 NFL Draft. He played college football at Oregon.

Maxwell was also a member of the Hamburg Sea Devils, Cincinnati Bengals, Baltimore Ravens, Tampa Bay Buccaneers, Florida Tuskers, Seattle Seahawks, and Sacramento Mountain Lions.

Early life
As a senior at Pinole Valley High School in Pinole, California, Maxwell caught 42 passes for 866 yards (20.61 yards per reception average) and 13 touchdowns alongside teammate Jack Chu who was devastated with a shoulder injury.

College career
Maxwell attended Diablo Valley College before attending the University of Oregon. As a sophomore at Diablo Valley Junior College, he received 40 passes for 601 yards (15.04 yards per reception avg.), and won first-team All-Golden Gate Conference honors. At the University of Oregon, he received 36 passes for 401 yards (11.1 yards per reception avg.), and two touchdowns. He was a sociology major.

San Francisco 49ers
Maxwell was drafted by the 49ers in the seventh round (223rd overall) in the 2005 NFL Draft. He was released by the 49ers on September 2, 2006. On September 26, 2006, he was again signed to the practice squad of the 49ers. He was allocated to the Hamburg Sea Devils of NFL Europa for the 2007 season where he led his team, and won World Bowl XV scoring the last touchdown in NFL Europe history. Maxwell failed to make it out of the 49ers training camp in 2007.

Cincinnati Bengals
On October 4, 2007, he was signed to the practice squad of the Cincinnati Bengals, and elevated to the active roster. He went appeared in five games for the Bengals that year, catching one pass for five yards.

Maxwell suffered a groin injury after practice during the 2008 training camp and was placed on season-ending injured reserve on August 22. He had stayed after practice to run what he called "the 9 route" and suffered an injury to his groin when leaping too far for a ball. He was released on October 15.

Baltimore Ravens
Maxwell was signed by the Baltimore Ravens on November 11, 2008. He did not appear in any games with the team that season and was placed on injured reserve on December 31.

Though he was non-tendered as a restricted free agent in the 2009 offseason, Maxwell was re-signed by the Ravens on March 2, 2009. He was waived on May 18.

Tampa Bay Buccaneers
Maxwell was signed by the Tampa Bay Buccaneers on August 17, 2009 after punter Josh Bidwell was placed on injured reserve.

Seattle Seahawks
Maxwell signed with the Seattle Seahawks on May 18, 2010. He was waived/injured on August 10.

Sacramento Mountain Lions
Maxwell was signed by the Sacramento Mountain Lions on September 28, 2010.

title: Marcus Maxwell


text: User talk:210.49.12.108

title: User talk:210.49.12.108


text:
Talk:UK rebate

largest net contributor
The article mentions under History "Currently the rebate is worth £3bn (GBP) a year and the UK remains the second largest net contributor after Germany." I've always heard the Netherlands is the largest net contributor. So I tried to find out and the BBC agrees:, see graph halfway through the page. What it does say in the BBC article though, is that the UK likes to compare itself to like-sized countries and then it's second after Germany. But that isn't clear in this article. Mtcv 23:47, 16 December 2005 (UTC)

 * How could Germany be a beneficiary of the UK rebate when it it is also a net contributer to the EU [budget? I am not sure what the graph means, can you explain.--Silverback 07:31, 18 ''December 2005 (UTC)

 * Perhaps the difference is because of the total amount of money a country contributes, and the amount of money per capita. Per capita the Netherlands currently are the largest net contributor (at least till 2007), but I would presume that Germany pays a lot more as it is a lot bigger. However, I do think one should state clearly whichever method is used in determing 'the greatest net contributor'.
 * Yes, the sentence is clumsy. 'Despite the rebate, the UK remains the second largest net contributor after Germany.' I am currently looking for some sensible figures on different countries contributions. There are some somewhere, I saw them once.

''If France, and Britain continue to veto changes to the rebate and the CAP, what would be the position of countries' net contributions in, say, five years' time? David Jones, Aldershot, England

''The European Commission says that between 2008-13, if the same system is used, the average net contributions would range from 0.56% of gross national income (GNI) for the Netherlands to 0.54% for Germany, 0.41% for Italy, 0.38% for Austria, 0.37% for France and Cyprus, 0.31% for Denmark and 0.25% for the UK and Finland.

''You can see why the UK likes the rebate. Without it, it would be the biggest net payer at 0.62% of GNI.''

There is another graph from the BBC at, showing a different figure. It is captioned net givers and takers 2004, but it is not clear to me if it includes the rebate, and it is certainly not definitive since the rebate is only finally calculated retrospectively 4 years later.Sandpiper 22:20, 22 December 2005 (UTC)

 * Yes, Netherlands is, in percentage of GNI, the largest net contributor to the EU budget. In 2002, the net contribution was equal to -0,51% of its GNI, but Germany is the largest net contributor in absolute terms with, in 2002, -5067,8 Millions Euros, againts -2187,7 M€ of the Netherlands (which is actually the fourth largest after germany, italy and the UK). In some year (i.e. 1997) Germany has been the largest net contributor also in percentage of GNI.

I think it's important to remember that the net contribution is a relative concept, since it's basically related to accounting and doesn't take into account other real and indirect benefits (i.e.: Polish highways, financed by EU funds, have been built by German firms, or: ERASMUS funds go to the students of a country, say, spain, but then those students spend their money in the host country, say, germany). About the rebate and its possible solution: it has been introduced in the 70s, when the UK was the second poorest country in the EEC, because of UK's small gains despite its large contributions to the CAPs, at the price of a large distortion in the EU budget. Nowadays the situation has drastically changed and the UK is far above the EU average GDP, but, obviously, the british don't want to leave their privilege, unless the CAPs, which are the source of their 'loss' in the contribution are cancelled, thing that makes France, the largest beneficiary, worse off. Until unanimity on the financial perspective is required, i think it's hard to solve this dispute unless France or Britain give in some of their national interest for the good of the all European Union --Nebu87 (talk) 12:08, 12 April 2008 (UTC)
 * And as reported in the article, Tony Blair & the British were will to do this, but due to a lack of reciprocation a poor compromise was reached instead.Jamesbloke (talk) 15:53, 23 November 2012 (UTC)

This article is clearly biased on this subject, eg " popular view in the UK is that if the UK rebate were reduced with no change to the CAP, then the UK would be paying money to keep an inefficient French farming sector in business - to many British people, such an injustice would be seen to be grossly unfair. However, this argument ignores that France remains a net payer to the EU budget". 137.111.13.200 (talk) 01:25, 6 March 2009 (UTC)
 * You're ignoring the fact that without the UK rebate, France would no longer be a net contributor. It is not biased because without the UK rebate, France would no longer be a net payer to the EU despite being a wealthy country. France has tricked Germany and tried to trick the UK into paying for a farming policy that France itself could not afford, but the British government would not have it. If the UK rebate is removed then France will have succeeded. From a game theory perspective, the only way to resolve this is to cancel the UK rebate and modify the CAP simultaneously. The Brits know the French won't ever modify the CAP and therefore they use their veto, creating a deadlock. AadaamS (talk) 10:57, 7 September 2010 (UTC)

 * France being a net contributor means it can indeed afford its farming policy. Politically, it wouldn't be a problem at all, French people love their farmers, supposedly good products, etc. It's economic liberalism, pushed by the UK above all, that would prevent each country subsidizing their farmers that way. Even the US subsidizes its farmers greatly ! Aesma (talk) 18:04, 14 March 2013 (UTC)

Just the facts
Both the article and this talk page are getting politically loaded, with mixed comparisons between contributions, net contributions and with/without UK rebate. I'd like to make some major changes to shift the political content into the history section and keep the remaining area to consistent facts.

I also don't think the use of the Deutsche Bank report is appropriate given that the source data is available (http://ec.europa.eu/budget/figures/interactive/index_en.cfm), and is more up-to-date.

 * I haven't been following this article very closely, but the DB Research report has several advantages over official figures:
 * It is a secondary source that provides a competent discussion of the figures, which is what Wikipedia prefers, because the average reader may not be qualified to assess the unexplained figures.
 * It is a third-party source, independent of the EU institutions and the British government.
 * It is also neutral in the sense that it shows several different ways of looking at the figures, rather than a particular view.
 * On the other hand, the up-to-date figures should be provided, if they can be shown in such a way that the reader is unlikely to be misled by the manner in which they are provided and the choice of figures. Some sort of commentary is probably necessary, and this should be provided with reference to a reliable secondary source. --Boson (talk) 23:19, 3 February 2014 (UTC)
 * I appreciate your points regarding the DB report, but it is based upon data supplied by the EU and it compares a single non-representative year as far as the UK is concerned.
 * The graphs below were created using the source data from EU showing a comparison over a number of years and can easily be recreated:

 * These give a comparison of four similar sized economies by GNI, their Net Contribution to the EU including and excluding the UK rebate and the respective comparison based on the contribution as percentage of GNI.
 * What these graphs show is that the rebate brings UK net contribution into line with France, that if anyone is overpaying, it is or rather was Germany and that ultimately, the amounts are small by national standards.
 * I'd rather present the data this way, as can be seen in the article, people cherry pick the statistics to suit their arguement - eg: France is a bigger contributer than the UK - true, but this is a gross figure and the rebate was to address the net contribution.Jamesbloke (talk) 12:22, 4 February 2014 (UTC)

Given the upcoming referendum in the UK I'd suggest it's really time to update the figures in this article. The net contribution claimed in this article by the UK is out of date and way below the actual one. Indeed it remarks that the UK's net contribution without rebate and reform to the CAP would be €10bn. It was £11.3bn, that's Sterling, not Euros, in 2013. The remark regarding it being a popular view that the UK is paying to keep an inefficient French farming sector in business carries no citations at all and, frankly, contributes nothing to this dicussion. It is very clear that the CAP hasn't been reformed in response to Tony Blair surrendering part of the UK's rebate, simply because the necessary legal changes haven't happened.

This is from The Guardian, a paper hardly famed for its adoration of Eurosceptic points of view, but it nonetheless notes the rapidly increasing net contribution by the UK. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 79.78.174.178 (talk) 00:06, 11 November 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just added archive links to 2 one external links on UK rebate. Please take a moment to review my edit. If necessary, add after the link to keep me from modifying it. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20070206074157/http://www.defra.gov.uk/environment/statistics/land/download/xls/ldtb08.xls to http://www.defra.gov.uk/environment/statistics/land/download/xls/ldtb08.xls
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20060928112500/http://www.swisscore.org/Policy%20docs/general_research/sapir_report_en.pdf to http://www.swisscore.org/Policy%20docs/general_research/sapir_report_en.pdf

When you have finished reviewing my changes, please set the checked parameter below to true to let others know.

Cheers.—cyberbot II  Talk to my owner :Online 17:17, 10 January 2016 (UTC)

title: Talk:UK rebate


text:
Talk:European Health Insurance Card

Untitled
Most important; who pays for the treatment? The receiving country? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 84.120.171.30 (talk) 20:21, 29 May 2013 (UTC)

Comment "Beware of commercial sites that charge to 'review and forward' applications to the official EHIC site." is subjective and possibly spurious. Johnson8981 (talk) 23:56, 21 May 2009 (UTC)

 * It is advice from the UK NHS "You can apply for the card free of charge on the official EHIC website (www.ehic.org.uk). Other unofficial websites may charge you if you apply through them." http://www.nhs.uk/NHSEngland/Healthcareabroad/EHIC/Pages/Introduction.aspx, seems good enough to include. --81.97.59.215 (talk) 22:43, 11 September 2011 (UTC)

 * You are naive if you think this warning is spurious. It's a major problem that thousands of people have fallen foul of. The unwary search on Google for 'EHIC' and the first site that comes up offers to fast-track their application, with monitoring from the beginning to the end of the process. What this actually means is that the site takes up to £20 from the victim, forwards the application to the NHS, then mails the victim to inform them that they have finished their business and shouldn't be contacted again. Despite saying that they will check the details, the forwarding is clearly automated. In effect the company has done nothing but left the victim worried about having given their national insurance number, d.o.b., address and credit card details to a dubious private company. This is a scam and to say this is naive is itself naive - or more likely, sympathetic towards the scammers. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.17.211.22 (talk) 22:03, 19 July 2012 (UTC)

 * Inflation has kicked in since 2012. The scammers now charge £35 for an EHIC application: https://www.ehic.co.uk/apply/  SandJ-on-WP (talk) 21:14, 10 October 2019 (UTC)

title: Talk:European Health Insurance Card


text:
Rakovník

Rakovník (, Rakonitz) is a town in the Central Bohemian Region of the Czech Republic. It has about 16,000 inhabitants. The historic town centre is well preserved and is protected by law as an urban monument zone.

Administrative parts
Rakovník is made up of two town parts: Rakovník I and Rakovník II.

Etymology
According to legend, the name was derived from rak (meaning 'crayfish'), which was eaten here during a famine. Therefore this animal was adopted on the town's coat of arms and flag. However, the name was more likely derived from type of vegetation in wetlands by a stream, which gave the name to the stream and later to the town.

Geography
Rakovník is located about 41 km west of Prague and 45 km northeast of Plzeň. It lies in the Rakovník Uplands, on the border of the Křivoklátsko Protected Landscape Area. The highest point is at 397 m above sea level. The stream Rakovnický potok flows through the town.

History
The first written mention of Rakovník is from 1252. Křivoklát was the administrative centre at this time. Rakovník was a market village which together with other villages lies in and adds to the surroundings of Křivoklát Castle.

In the second half of the 16th century, the town was rapidly developing. Town walls with town gates were built, the Church of Holy Trinity with a cemetery was established, and the beer brewing prospered and became known in whole kingdom. In the 17th century, the town suffered from Thirty Years' War, plague and floods, which depopulated the town.

A great development of the town was fulfilled in the 19th century. It was the beginning of independent offices, new houses and a time when new streets were built. Some new roads were built and old roads repaired and Rakovník was connected to the surroundings towns. A grammar school was opened in 1833, where the writer Zikmund Winter used to teach in 1874–1884.

Until 1918, the town was part of Austria-Hungary, in the district of the same name, one of the 94 Bezirkshauptmannschaften in Bohemia.

With the 20th century the development of social and cultural life increased dramatically. Masaryk's Business Academy, gymnasium and hospital were also built. The two world wars did change life in Rakovník at all. There were no actual fights in Rakovník itself but a lot of people died in concentration camps. The most affected were Jewish families. In 1950 Rakovník became a district town. When Rakovník got over the crises of the wars a lot of people came to the town.

Economy
The Rakovník Brewery was founded in 1454. It is one of the oldest breweries in the country. The beers are marketed under the brand Bakalář.

In 1875, Otta's soap factory was opened. It was later called "Rakona" and today it is owned by Procter & Gamble.

In 1883, a ceramic factory was established, known as Rakovnické keramické závody (Rakovník Ceramic Plants). Today the brand is owned by Lasselsberger and it is the biggest producer of sanitary ware in the country.

Transport
Rakovník is the terminus and start of railway lines heading from Prague, Kladno, Beroun, Osek, Žlutice, Bečov nad Teplou and Blatno.

Sights
The historical core of the town is the 400 metre-long Husovo Square, which is the second longest square in the Czech Republic. On the square is located the 16th-century town hall with a late Baroque façade. The interior of the town hall is decorated with a ceiling fresco depicting the town of Rakovník as it was 250 years ago.

The eastern part of the square is dominated by the high Gothic Deaconal Church of St. Bartholomew, a 14th-century structure. The church was built on the site of an older church dedicated to St. Nicholas. Adjacent to the church stands a bell tower dating from 1495. It is considered as the most precious gothic bell tower in the Czech Republic and one of the most precious in Europe. The bell has a diameter of 1.6 metres.

Other notable buildings in Rakovník include Church of Holy Trinity from the end of the 16th century and Gothic Church of Saint Giles.

The former synagogue serves for cultural and social purposes. It contains the Václav Rabas Gallery.

Notable people

 * Karel Burian (1870–1924), operatic tenor
 * Emil Burian (1876–1926), operatic baritone
 * Miloslav Ransdorf (1953–2016), politician
 * Joseph Kott (born 1957), spree killer
 * Pavel Steidl (born 1961), guitarist
 * Jan Bidrman (born 1966), swimmer and swimming coach
 * Kateřina Jalovcová (born 1978), operatic mezzo-soprano
 * Tomáš Kaberle (born 1978), ice hockey player
 * Jana Pechanová (born 1981), swimmer
 * Petr Tatíček (born 1983), ice hockey player
 * Veronika Khek Kubařová (born 1987), actress

Twin towns – sister cities
Rakovník is twinned with:
 * 🇩🇪 Dietzenbach, Germany
 * 🇵🇱 Kościan, Poland
 * 🇸🇰 Kráľovský Chlmec, Slovakia

title: Rakovník


text:
Rakovnik

Rakovnik may refer to:

In the Czech Republic:
 * Rakovník, a town in the Central Bohemian Region

In Slovenia:
 * Rakovnik, Medvode, a settlement in the Municipality of Medvode
 * Rakovnik, Šentjernej, a settlement in the Municipality of Šentjernej
 * Rakovnik pri Birčni Vasi, a settlement in the Municipality of Novo Mesto
 * Rakovnik pri Šentrupertu, a settlement in the Municipality of Šentrupert

title: Rakovnik


text:
Milkcaps

Milkcaps may refer to:

 * Milk caps (game), a game
 * Milk-cap, several species of mushroom-forming fungi

title: Milkcaps


text:
Talk:Arcaicam Esperantom

Fixed Link
I found some problems with the link to PDF file (Arkaika Esperanto, la Verda Pralingvo) so I rewrited it. I hope that now is fixed, please, test it. Patillotes (talk) 08:24, 26 June 2009 (UTC)

Not Public Domain
Unlike most of my contributions, this article is not public domain. It is based on a translation of the German Wikipedia article, which is GFDL only, so this article may only be used on other sites by submitting to the GFDL.Almafeta 00:49, 31 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Everything on Wikipedia is necessarily in the same license. Once in, it's in. Sai Emrys   ¿?   ✍  21:59, 30 October 2007 (UTC)
 * All wikipedias publish texts in GFDL, public domain is not topical. ... said: Rursus (bork²) 11:00, 27 February 2009 (UTC)

Nice!!
A better artauxlang than Esperanto! All others are inferior to Esperanto, because they are designed acc2 ill-considered criteria. Very nice! ... said: Rursus (bork²) 11:00, 27 February 2009 (UTC)

-aŭ adjectives, or adverbs?
I'd never heard about Arcaicam Esperantom till now, so I'm reluctant to make an edit. But I do know that in Esperanto there are no -aŭ adjectives, but -aŭ adverbs. If I'm right, this should be changed in the article accordingly (two places). 188.169.229.30 (talk) 19:45, 24 December 2011 (UTC)

 * Fine aux, in eseperanto's an adverb. 194.199.143.58 (talk) 10:45, 23 March 2022 (UTC)

La Sociolekta Triopo
Tried to clarify the purpose of "La Sociolekta Triopo". "Arkaika Esperanto" (original title of Halveliks book, not "Arcaicam Esperantom" - although is also correct in Arkaika Esperanto) is NOT an Esperantido, but explicitly an auxilary sociolect FOR literature translated into Esperanto.

Perhaps the example of Lord of the Rings (Arkaika Esperanto - Elvis; popido - Hobbits) illustrates it best. Although Manuel Halvelik gives the "Nibelungenlied" as an example of medieval poetry that can be translated into Arkaika Esperanto ENTIRELY, he also mentions Balzac and Scott that both created "Rabelais-era-alike hybrids" to catch the style, whilst not able to write truly original Middle-English/Middle-French.

Halvelik himself:
 * Por tiu kiu deziras pli ampleksan kaj detalan pritrakton pri miaj tri proponoj, mi referencas al mia anglalingva kontribuo “Planning nonstandard language” en la profesinivela kompilaĵo Interlinguistics, aspects of the Science of Planned Languages, sub redakto de d-ro Klaus Schubert Trends in Linguistics nr.42 – Mouton De Gruyter, Berlin 1989.

I jettisoned the "original sources"-part. For god's sake, it is a CONSTRUCTED LANGUAGE!!! NOBODY would in their right minds set such a tag for Quenya because its sources are all from J.R.R. Tolkien, or to Klingon!!! - Instead of Tolkien and Klingon, La Sociolekta Triopo HAS a purpose going beyond the works of their creators, namely to give normative rules BY A LINGUIST to translators of Mark Twain, Carl Zuckmayer, Walter Scott, Rabelais, Balzac... illustrated by the example translations given by Halvelik himself and making up for more than half of each tome of "La Sociolekta Triopo".

Relevance comes from the purpose (making the translations of literary works retaining different sociolects to reflect the society possible). I have yet to read criticism of Halveliks "Sociolekta Triopo" and other proposals.

As sociolects, the three "languages" - Popido, Gavaro, Arkaika Esperanto - are parte of Esperanto and have the same ISO-abbrevations. --217.224.138.240 (talk) 02:30, 10 July 2017 (UTC)

Pronunciation
In the Infobox, I changed templates from IPA-eo to IPA, since the phrase "Esperanto pronunciation" produced by the IPA-eo template gives the misleading impression that the pronunciation given is that of "ordinary" Esperanto. But in ordinary Esperanto, the letter 'c' is pronounced as /ts/, not as /k/.

This article could benefit from a section called Pronunciation, or "Sound Values", perhaps immediately following the section on Spelling. Dotyoyo (talk) 21:55, 24 March 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Arcaicam Esperantom