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Martial law in Poland

Martial law in Poland (Stan wojenny w Polsce) existed between 13 December 1981 and 22 July 1983. The government of the Polish People's Republic drastically restricted everyday life by introducing martial law and a military junta in an attempt to counter political opposition, in particular the Solidarity movement.

Since the late 1970s, communist Poland had been in a deep economic recession. Edward Gierek, First Secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), had obtained a series of large loans from foreign creditors to achieve better economic output, but they instead resulted in a domestic crisis. Essential goods were heavily rationed, which acted as a stimulus to establishing the first anti-communist trade union in the Communist Bloc, known as Solidarity, in 1980. Gierek, who permitted the trade union to appear per the Gdańsk Agreement, was dismissed from his post less than a month later and confined to house arrest. Following countless strikes and demonstrations by employees of chief industrial regions, Poland was heading towards bankruptcy. The new First Secretary, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, was determined to put an end to the demonstrations by force if necessary.

On 13 December 1981, Jaruzelski announced the introduction of martial law in a televised speech, following the vote of the Council of State the previous day which formally authorised its introduction. An extraconstitutional military junta, the Military Council of National Salvation (WRON), was formed to rule Poland during the time. The Polish People's Army, Citizens' Militia (MO), ZOMO special paramilitary units, and tanks were deployed on the streets to demoralize demonstrators, begin regular patrols, control strategic enterprises, and maintain curfew. Intercity travelling without a permit was forbidden, food shortages intensified, and censorship was placed on all media and correspondence. The secret services (SB) wiretapped phones in public booths and state institutions. Thousands of opposition activists were imprisoned without trial, and although martial law was lifted in 1983, many political prisoners were not released until a general amnesty in 1986. The crackdown on the opposition led the Reagan Administration to introduce economic sanctions against Poland and the neighbouring Soviet Union, further worsening the former's economy.

Some protests appeared in response to the introduction of martial law. On 16 December, the ZOMO squads pacified the pro-Solidarity miners' strike in the Wujek Coal Mine in the industrial city of Katowice, killing nine demonstrators. Other demonstrations across Poland were dispersed by the military or paramilitary units, which utilized water cannons, tear gas, batons, truncheons, and clubs, killing 91 people in total, though this figure is uncertain and is still debated among historians. Martial law succeeded in marginalising the Solidarity movement, which would largely remain on the sidelines until the late 1980s. As fewer people engaged in anti-government demonstrations, martial law was suspended on 31 December 1982, and was formally lifted on 22 July 1983, a state holiday.

Reforms of Edward Gierek (1970–1975)
When Edward Gierek succeeded Gomułka as the head of state in 1970, he took decisive measures to boost economic growth and develop modern infrastructure. Gierek, a more liberal figure than his predecessor, was determined to make Poland the wealthiest and most economically significant communist country of the Eastern Bloc. However, these ideas prompted resistance from hardline communist leadership as the reform would effectively abandon the fundamental principles of a centrally planned Marxist economy. The grip and emphasis on state-owned enterprises and state-controlled prices or trade were eventually loosened. Small private businesses began to appear and Poland recorded temporary growth in GDP and an improvement in living conditions.

Gierek maintained close ties with the United States, which he subsequently used for diplomatic and economic purposes. In order to continue with the reforms, large sums of money were borrowed from creditors in the Western Bloc. These sequential and uninterrupted loans were primarily targeted at establishing heavy industry, mines or manufacturing facilities that would produce goods for export. The projected income from the exports would then be used to pay off the debt. Apart from financing the economic sector, the money was spent on social housing and on expanding road connections, for example the first fully operational highway linking Warsaw with industrial Silesia was opened for traffic in 1976. Furthermore, over 1.8 million plattenbau flats were constructed to house the growing population. Agricultural output rose by nearly 22% between 1971 and 1975, and industrial production by 10.5% annually. Gierek also initiated the construction of Warszawa Centralna, Europe's most modern railway station at the time.

Crisis; debt, rationing and shortages (1976–1981)
As expenditures increased and debts accumulated, foreign creditors refrained from granting Poland loans. Moreover, the 1973, June 1976 protests and 1979 oil crises affected the fragile economy. Due to previous GDP growth, higher income and expanded industries, the demand for certain goods and consumption surged. New factories and state enterprises required imported fuel, materials and a workforce to operate production lines. Soon, the country started exporting locally-produced stock designated for the Polish populace, thus resulting in widespread shortages. Because the remaining assets were directed at production, exports and debt repayment, the state also reduced imports to minimize expenses.

In 1976, the communist government introduced ration cards for sugar, meat, processed food and dairy followed. Confectionery, cocoa, coffee, rice, tobacco and other goods not produced in Poland were so heavily rationed that they were almost permanently unavailable. Due to the constant lack of tobacco, ordinary cigarettes became a form of new currency on the black market. The living standards began to sharply decline; the supply of imported goods was kept to a low minimum and the country was forced to export everything it could, including coal necessary for basic heating and power plants. Power outages were commonplace. By 1980, the debt accounted to over US$23 billion, then almost half of Poland's nominal GDP.

At the same time, the newly-founded Solidarity movement encouraged farmers to refrain from selling agricultural products (wheat, grain, fruit and others) to the state as a sign of protest. The shortage of goods on the market and in stores was worsened by the production being occasionally halted due to the strikes organized by Solidarity. In 1980, the national income fell by 6% compared to previous year, and in 1981 by 12%. The number of exports declined by 4.2%. Mismanagement and wastefulness were abundant.

On 6 September 1980, Gierek was dismissed from his office, expelled from the Polish United Workers' Party (possibly under the pressure from the Soviet Union) and falsely charged with corruption. A year later, on 10 September 1981, the Soviet authorities informed the Polish government that in connection with the prevailing situation in Poland the USSR would cut oil supply to Poland by 64% and gas by 47%. The import of diesel from the Soviet Union was terminated immediately. This action was intended to force the Polish communist authorities to suppress the demonstrations and dissolve Solidarity. The situation was already dire and gradually worsened, which only fueled anti-communist sentiment. A civil war was hanging by a thread.

In 1981, Poland notified Club de Paris (a group of Western-European central banks) about its insolvency, which caught the attention of the entire world.

Secret preparations and provocation
After the short tenure of Stanisław Kania, General and Minister of Defence Wojciech Jaruzelski was chosen as the new first secretary. Before assuming office, Jaruzelski ordered the Polish General Staff to update plans for a nationwide martial law on 22 October 1980. In November 1980, the Ministry of Internal Affairs planned to potentially facilitate thousands of oppositionists in state prisons and places of internment.

On 5 December 1980, Kania spoke of the preparations relating to martial law at the Warsaw Pact Summit in Moscow. He presented his own view of how to weaken Solidarity and insisted that a "psychological-operational method" would be most appropriate to prevent violence. This method entailed strong propaganda against the movement and deploying secret services (SB) to go undercover and infiltrate Solidarity headquarters in the hope of creating internal conflicts within the opposition. General Jaruzelski was not fully satisfied with the plan, and, in case of failure, already planned radical actions involving the army. Stanisław Kania warned Brezhnev that an armed intervention from the Soviet side to aid Jaruzelski would be met "with a violent reaction, or even with a national uprising" that would shake the politics of the Eastern Bloc.

Zbigniew Brzezinski, chief security advisor to US president Jimmy Carter, stated that if the Soviet Union would undertake an armed intervention in Poland, the US would strike back in a riposte manner. According to historian and publicist Paul Kengor, then-US president Ronald Reagan considered sending American troops to Poland to scare off the Soviets. This claim was not supported by Brzezinski nor by Richard Pipes from Harvard University. Kengor then elaborated that Reagan eventually abandoned the plan after he was convinced by his own advisors that the US army stationed across Europe was less capable and much weaker than the Soviet forces. The United States eventually struck back with economic sanctions against Poland and the USSR.

In February 1981, the Ministry of National Defence and Ministry of the Internal Affairs carried out a training scenario, the purpose of which was to explore how martial law would be introduced. The ministries agreed that martial law should be preceded by appropriate propaganda calling for its support, and the decision itself should be based on a pretext that it would bring peace and stability for the society. It was also highlighted that martial law must occur before the fully mobilized Fighting Solidarity and its allies organize a general strike that would paralyze the entire country. By March, the situation escalated after the Bydgoszcz events, in which local Solidarity delegates invited for a regional national council meeting in Bydgoszcz to discuss potential strikes were beaten and abused by the citizens' militia (MO). The event, which was to feature in newspapers as a provocation, was concealed by censors. On 27 March, Solidarity organized a warning strike directed at the government, but, on 30 March, Lech Wałęsa met with Mieczysław Rakowski and a compromise was achieved. The general strike was called off and the situation stabilized for a short period.

In July, the Soviets increased their military presence in the military base at Borne Sulinowo, where the Red Army stationed per Warsaw Pact agreement as in all other Eastern Bloc countries. Without notifying the Polish authorities, the Soviets unexpectedly sent over 600 tanks to Borne Sulinowo. A month later, commander-in-chief of the Warsaw Pact, Viktor Kulikov, requested that Soviet military advisors be placed in the Polish General Staff and assigned to nearly all Polish regiments. It is suspected that Kulikov, acting on behalf of the Soviet Union, was tasked with sending undercover KGB agents to monitor the situation in Poland from the Polish military's perspective. His request, however, was immediately denied by the Polish government.

Over 25,000 posters announcing martial law were secretly printed in the Soviet Union, transported to Poland by airplane and hidden in the large building housing the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The full extent of the actions undertaken by Jaruzelski to instigate martial law was not known by even some of the highest notables in the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party or the Polish Sejm.

12–13 December 1981; Operations Fir and Azalea
On 12 December 1981, shortly before midnight, the Polish Council of State gathered in Warsaw's Belweder Palace and approved nationwide martial law. Simultaneously, the Military Council of National Salvation (WRON – Wrona is translated as "Crow") was founded and its members were high-ranking generals or military officers in the Polish People's Army, who were in charge of the military junta. The generals and officers later became known to the public as evil "Crows", in relation to the Polish name of the council.

At precisely 00:00 (12:00 a.m.), the Motorized Reserves of the Citizens' Militia (ZOMO) began "Akcja Jodła" (English: Operation Fir) and arrested the first members of Solidarity who were at close reach. They were then placed in previously-prepared detention facilities. In total, between 70,000 and 80,000 soldiers of the People's Army and 30,000 functionaries of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (including SB, ZOMO and the militia) were deployed for action. Around 1,750 tanks, 1,900 armoured combat vehicles, 500 militarized transport units, 9,000 cars and several helicopter squadrons were in service. Twenty-five per cent of all units concentrated in the capital, Warsaw, or in surrounding localities.

Preceding Jodła was "Akcja Azalia" (English: Operation Azalea), which began at around 22:30 (10:30 p.m.) on 12 December. Per Azalea, the SB secret services, paramilitary troops, the Militia, ZOMO and Border Protection Troops stormed 451 telecommunications exchange facilities and cut telephone lines to allegedly prevent the spread of misinformation. However, the operation's true purpose was preventing Solidarity from contacting its branches in other cities to mobilize protesters. Radio and television stations were also besieged. Any volunteers wishing to assist in the arrests were drafted into ORMO.

The Polish Radio informed about martial law being imposed at a 06:00 (6:00 a.m.) audition, and transmitted the speech made by General Jaruzelski. Telewizja Polska network and its chief news program Dziennik (English: Journal) aired the speech in a slightly modified version. The declaration was watched by millions of Polish citizens despite the early hour.

16 December 1981; Wujek Coal Mine

Three days after restrictions were imposed, miners at the Wujek Coal Mine in the industrial city of Katowice began striking against the declaration of martial law by General Jaruzelski. Most of the miners and workers at Wujek were allied with the Solidarity Movement, with its leaders boycotting the state industries. Furthermore, coal was a precious fuel source that was used for generating electricity and heat, but also a major export material. By selling and exporting coal, the communist government obtained enough money to gradually pay off the outstanding debt. However, as Solidarity boycotted the mines in Silesia and demonstrations became more frequent, the production level dropped considerably along with revenue.

Jaruzelski perceived this as a threat to both state security and the economy. The forces used in the thrust consisted of eight ZOMO squads supported by ORMO, seven water cannons, three regiments with infantry combat vehicles and one tank regiment. It was decided that the situation was far too serious for adopting the principles of morality to appropriately deal with the miners. Instead, the well-equipped ZOMO and army troops fired at the protesters with a "shoot to kill" technique. 21 were wounded, 8 were killed on the spot and 1 died in hospital, with the youngest victim being only 19 years old. The remaining crowd was violently dispersed. The miners repeatedly fought back with their work tools and, in retaliation, wounded dozens of soldiers and militiamen. It was one of the deadliest single incidents during the martial law period.

Gdańsk, Kraków, Lubin and continuing protests
On the same day as Wujek was pacified, a 30,000-strong demonstration was held in the northern port city of Gdańsk. Clashes with ZOMO continued until 17 December and over 324 individuals were injured. The Militia used firearms and machine guns when the crowd approached the Polish United Workers' Party headquarters in Gdańsk. A short and presumably cautionary gun salvo from the building's roof hit several people and wounded four. One participant was killed. The southern city of Kraków was also witnessing heavy demonstrations, with thousands marching on the street demanding an end to the martial law and communist rule.

On the night of 29–30 April 1982, local miners in Wodzisław Śląski planted a bomb and blew up a monument dedicated to Soviet soldiers who took control of Poland from the Nazis in 1945. It was the only incident involving explosives and the caught perpetrators became subsequently known as "Bombers from Silesia" (Polish: "Bombowcy ze Śląska"). The operation was a success as the monument was never reconstructed, though the bombers were sentenced and jailed soon after. Other suspects and hundreds of other miners across Silesia were sacked and removed from their job posts, which further weakened the economy.

In May 1982, the protests convened by Solidarity were receiving less attention and the struggle against the government was evidently weakening. However, by August, the social unrest again surged. On 31 August 1982, demonstrations took place in around 66 towns and cities, with at least 18 in the southwestern province of Lower Silesia. In Wrocław, one of the main centers of Fighting Solidarity, several thousand people for many hours clashed with ZOMO units. One demonstrator was killed by a bullet.

The copper-mining town of Lubin also became a hotspot for Solidarity-led rallies. On that day, the gathered people sang the Polish national anthem and chanted slurs and slogans against the communist regime, against the military junta with Jaruzelski as its head and against the Soviets. After approximately 30 minutes, the rally of 2,000 was surrounded by the Militia, armed with AK-47 assault rifles. In response, agitated protesters shouted slurs such as "pigs", "bandits", "Gestapo", "murderers" and "servants of Brezhnev". An unsuccessful attempt was made at building a barricade, but the government units were able to pass through and dispersed the first group with tear gas. When the demonstrators regrouped and formed a second wave, ZOMO opened fire and wittingly murdered 2 men. The now infuriated crowd began continuous attacks and the Militia shot several more times, injuring one more man at the back of his head. He died in the hospital a few days later. Reinforcements were sent from Legnica and the new deployees were organized into so-called "raid groups" in Nysa vans. These groups roamed the streets, often attacking casual passers-by. Immediately after the protest was pacified, security forces began the destruction of any evidence to conceal the crime. During the night of 31 August – 1 September, the streets were cleared, with all shells and bullets taken for analysis. On 2 September, authorities ordered the repairs of damaged buildings; broken windows were replaced and traces of bullets on the walls were covered with plaster. The investigation, despite consistent statements made by witnesses of the massacre, was closed.

To avoid further escalation, on 14 November, Lech Wałęsa was released from custody in a detention camp. Following his release, no major demonstration took place.

Law, rules and censorship
From the very beginning in December 1981, a strict curfew was imposed from 19:00 (7:00 p.m.) until 6 in the morning. The time of curfew was later adjusted to 22:00 (10:00 p.m.)–06:00. Night walks or escapades were forbidden and street patrols were commonplace. The WRON Military Council sealed off the country's borders, closed all airports and road access to main cities was restricted. Special permission passes were issued for individuals in extraordinary cases. Telephone lines were disconnected, mail was subjected to renewed postal censorship, all independent political organizations were criminalized and lessons in schools and universities temporarily suspended.

The government imposed a six-day workweek while the mass media, public services, healthcare services, power stations, coal mines, seaports, railway stations, and most key factories were placed under military management, with employees having to follow military orders or face a court martial. As part of the crackdown, media and educational institutions underwent "verification", a process that tested each employee's attitude towards the regime and to the Solidarity movement; as a result, thousands of journalists, teachers and professors were banned from their professions. Military courts were established to bypass the normal court system, to imprison those spreading fake news. In an attempt to crush resistance, civilian phone lines were routinely tapped and monitored by government agents.

Synopsis
During the initial imposition of martial law, several dozen people were killed. Official reports during the crackdown claimed about a dozen fatalities, while a parliamentary commission in the years 1989–1991 arrived at a figure of over 90. Others were also killed and wounded during a massive second wave of demonstrations on 31 August 1982.

At the invitation of Jaruzelski, a delegation of the ruling Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party visited Poland between 27 and 29 December. The Hungarians shared with their Polish colleagues their experiences on crushing the "counterrevolution" of 1956. Earlier in the autumn of 1981, Polish television had broadcast a special film on the 1956 events in Hungary, showing scenes of rebels hanging security officers etc.

Economic impact

Even after martial law was lifted, a number of restrictions remained in place for several years that drastically reduced the civil liberties of the citizenry. It also led to severe economic consequences. The ruling military dictatorship instituted major price rises (dubbed "economic reforms"), which resulted in a fall in real wages. The resulting economic crisis led to even more rationing of most basic products and materials.

As a consequence of the economic hardships and political repressions, an exodus of Poles saw 700,000 migrate to the West between 1981 and 1989. A number of international flights were even hijacked in attempts to flee the country and its economic problems. Between December 1980 and October 1983, 11 Polish flights were hijacked to Berlin Tempelhof Airport alone.

Around the same time, a group calling themselves the "Polish Revolutionary Home Army" seized the Polish Embassy in Bern, Switzerland on 6 September 1982, taking several diplomats as hostages. However, this turned out to be an apparent provocation by the communist Polish secret services aiming to discredit the Solidarity movement.

International response

After the "Wujek" Coal Mine incident in Katowice on 23 December 1981, the United States imposed economic sanctions against the People's Republic of Poland. In 1982, the United States suspended most favored nation trade status until 1987 and vetoed Poland's application for membership in the International Monetary Fund.

January 30, 1982, the first anniversary of the introduction of martial law in Poland, was declared by the administration of American President Ronald Reagan Day of Solidarity with Poland. The next day, January 31, 1982, television stations in many countries, as well as the radio stations Voice of America, Radio Liberty and Radio France Internationale broadcast a joint program entitled Let Poland be Poland.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) transferred around $2 million yearly in cash to Solidarity, for a total of $10 million over five years. There were no direct links between the CIA and Solidarność, and all money was channeled through third parties. CIA officers were barred from meeting Solidarity leaders, and the CIA's contacts with Solidarność activists were weaker than those of the AFL–CIO, which raised $300,000 from its members, which were used to provide material and cash directly to Solidarity, with no control of Solidarity's use of it. The U.S. Congress authorized the National Endowment for Democracy to promote democracy, and the NED allocated $10 million to Solidarity. CIA support for Solidarity included money, equipment and training, which was coordinated by Special Operations. Henry Hyde, U.S. House intelligence committee member, stated that the USA provided "supplies and technical assistance in terms of clandestine newspapers, broadcasting, propaganda, money, organizational help and advice".

Pope John Paul II wrote a letter to the Primate of Poland, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, in which he called for peace talks between the state and the workers, supporting the Poles' "undeniable right to resolve their problems by themselves".

Ruling of unconstitutionality
After the fall of Communism in Poland in 1989, members of a parliamentary commission determined that martial law had been imposed in clear violation of the country's constitution, which had authorized the executive to declare martial law only between parliamentary sessions (at other times the decision was to be taken by the Sejm). However, the Sejm had been in session at the time when martial law was instituted. In 1992 the Sejm declared the 1981 imposition of martial law to be unlawful and unconstitutional.

Soviet intervention debate
The instigators of the martial law, such as Wojciech Jaruzelski, argue that the army crackdown rescued Poland from a possibly disastrous military intervention of the Soviet Union, East Germany, and other Warsaw Pact countries (similar to the earlier interventions in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968). Public figures who supported the introduction of martial law (including some of the right-wing figures like Jędrzej Giertych) would also refer to that threat.

In 2009, archive documents hinted that in a conversation Jaruzelski had with Viktor Kulikov, a Soviet military leader, Jaruzelski himself begged for Soviet intervention as his domestic control was deteriorating. Jaruzelski responded by claiming the document was 'just another falsification' and denied all charges.

Declaration script
Led by General of the Army Wojciech Jaruzelski, the Military Council of National Salvation (Wojskowa Rada Ocalenia Narodowego, WRON) usurped for itself powers reserved for wartime, hence the name. The plan was presented to the government of the Soviet Union before the declaration in March 1981.

Appearing on Polish television at 6:00 a.m. on 13 December 1981, General Jaruzelski said:

Today I address myself to you as a soldier and as the head of the Polish government. I address you concerning extraordinarily important questions. Our homeland is at the edge of an abyss. The achievements of many generations and the Polish home that has been built up from the dust are about to turn into ruins. State structures are ceasing to function. Each day delivers new blows to the waning economy./.../ The atmosphere of conflicts, misunderstanding, hatred causes moral degradation, surpasses the limits of toleration. Strikes, the readiness to strike, actions of protest have become a norm of life. Even school youth are being drawn into this. Yesterday evening, many public buildings remained seized. The cries are voiced to physical reprisals with the 'reds', with people who have different opinions. The cases of terror, threats and moral vendetta, of even direct violence are on the rise. A wave of impudent crimes, robberies and burglaries is running across the country. The underground business sharks' fortunes, already reaching millions, are growing. Chaos and demoralization have reached the magnitude of a catastrophe. People have reached the limit of psychological toleration. Many people are struck by despair. Not only days, but hours as well are bringing forth the all-national disaster./.../ Citizens! The load of responsibility that falls on me on this dramatic moment in the Polish history is huge. It is my duty to take this responsibility – concerning the future of Poland, that my generation fought for on all the fronts of the war and for which they sacrificed the best years of their life. I declare, that today the Military Council of National Salvation has been formed. In accordance with the Constitution, the State Council has imposed martial law all over the country. I wish that everyone understood the motives of our actions. A military coup, military dictatorship is not our goal./.../ In longer perspective, none of Poland's problems can be solved with the use of violence. The Military Council of National Salvation does not replace constitutional organs of power. Its only purpose is to keep the legal balance of the country, to create guarantees that give a chance to restore order and discipline. This is the ultimate way to bring the country out of the crisis, to save the country from collapse./.../ I appeal to all the citizens. A time of heavy trials has arrived. And we have to stand those in order to prove that we are worthy of Poland. Before all the Polish people and the whole world I would like to repeat the immortal words:
 * Poland has not yet perished, so long as we still live!

title: Martial law in Poland


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Grumman G-118

The Grumman G-118 (sometimes called the XF12F, though this was never official ) was a design for an all-weather missile-armed interceptor aircraft for use on US Navy aircraft carriers. Originally conceived as an uprated F11F Tiger, it soon evolved into a larger and more powerful project. Although two prototypes were ordered in 1955, development was cancelled the same year in favor of the F4H Phantom II before any examples were built. Grumman's next (and last) carrier fighter would be the F-14 Tomcat, ordered in 1968.

Design
The Grumman Design 118 was a two-seat, twin-engined, rocket augmented, carrier-based all-weather supersonic fighter aircraft. It had a 45° swept wing, a "T-tail" empennage, two small folding ventral fins, and a landing gear of tricycle configuration. For ejection, the tandem crew were encapsulated and ejected downwards. It also featured a boundary layer control system to improve low speed handling.

The G-118 was to be powered by two J79-GE-3 engines, with accommodations for the more powerful J79-GE-207 engines each producing 18,000 lbf of afterburning thrust. Similar to the contemporary Vought XF8U-3 Crusader III, it was designed with an additional throttleable liquid-fueled rocket engine using a mixture of JP-4 fuel and hydrogen peroxide oxidizer which produced 5,000 lbf of thrust.

Armament stores would have been under the fuselage in two semi-recessed hardpoints for the AIM-7 Sparrow air-to-air missile and an internal weapons bay for an additional AIM-7 or three AIM-9 Sidewinder missiles.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Grumman G-118


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File:DcTalkWelcometotheFreakShow.jpg

Summary
The cover for dc Talk's live album Welcome to the Freak Show.

title: File:DcTalkWelcometotheFreakShow.jpg


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Coat of arms of Pope Benedict XVI

The personal papal coat of arms of Pope Benedict XVI was designed by Archbishop Andrea Cordero Lanza di Montezemolo (who was later created a Cardinal) soon after the papal election in 2005.

History
The coat of arms was published in April 2005, after the papal election, in the Osservatore Romano.

Shield
The shape of the shield varies from artist to artist. In the official rendering of the coat of arms of Pope Benedict XVI the shape chosen is that of a chalice.

Blazon
The blazon (the written description, in terminology peculiar to heraldry, of the contents of the coat of arms) given on the Vatican website is as follows:

This means, in non-technical English:

Note 1. A mantle outside the shield does not normally contain charges (an heraldic term for objects). Within the shield, as here, it is a religious symbol, and indicates ideals inspired in monastic spirituality. It is also a reference to the Order of Saint Benedict.

Charges
The charges of the arms — the Moor's head, Corbinian's bear, and scallop — appeared on Ratzinger's previous coat of arms, used when he was Archbishop of Munich and Freising. However, they relate not only to his origins, but also to his trust in God, as well his calling to spread this faith to others.

Scallop shell
The symbolism of the scallop shell is multiple. Saint Augustine is said to have been walking along the seashore, meditating on the unfathomable mystery of the Holy Trinity. A boy was using a shell to pour sea water into a little hole. When Augustine asked him what he was doing, he replied, "I am emptying the sea into this hole." Thus did Augustine understand that man would never penetrate to the depths of the mystery of God. While a doctoral candidate in 1953, Fr. Joseph Ratzinger wrote his dissertation on The People of God and the House of God in Augustine's Teaching is always about the Church, and the shell therefore has a personal connection with the thought of this great Doctor of the Church.

The scallop shell is also an allusion to the Sacrament of Holy Baptism. In the Roman Catholic Church, a sea shell is often used to pour water over the head of the child being baptized. Thus, a sea shell is used to evoke the imagery of this rite which is fundamental to the Christian life.

The shell also stands for pilgrimage. When topped with a scallop shell a pilgrim's staff, or "Jacob's staff", is the sign of a pilgrim. In Church art it is a symbol of the apostle Saint James the Great, and his sanctuary at Santiago de Compostela in Spain, perhaps the principal place of pilgrimage during the Middle Ages. This symbol also alludes to "the pilgrim people of God", a title for the Church which Joseph Ratzinger championed at the Second Vatican Council as peritus (theological adviser) to Cardinals Josef Frings of Cologne and Julius Döpfner of Munich-Freising (his episcopal predecessor). When he became Archbishop he took the shell in his coat of arms. It is also found in the insignia of the Schottenkloster in Regensburg, where the major seminary of that diocese is located, a place where Benedict taught as a professor of theology.

Finally, the pilgrimage symbolism of the shell may also refer both to the reconfigured role of the pope as not only ruler, but also pilgrim among the peoples and nations of the world. Pope Paul VI—who created Joseph Ratzinger as a cardinal in 1977—was often called the "Pilgrim Pope" for his ground-breaking travels to the Holy Land, India, the United States, Colombia, the Philippines, and elsewhere. This precedent was greatly elaborated upon by Pope John Paul II with his historic trips, numbering over a hundred. As a result, Benedict may be paying homage to these men and the new role for the papacy.

Moor of Freising
The Moor's head is a heraldic charge associated with Wörth, Upper Bavaria, Germany. The origin of the Moor's head in Freising is not entirely known. It typically faces to the heraldic right, the viewer's left (dexter in heraldic terms) and is depicted in natural brown colour caput Aethiopum (literally "Ethiopian head") with red lips, crown and collar. This is the ancient emblem of the Diocese of Freising, founded in the 8th century, which became a metropolitan archdiocese with the name of München und Freising in 1818, subsequent to the Concordat between Pius VII and King Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria (5 June 1817).

The Moor's head is fairly common in European heraldry. It still appears today in the arms of Sardinia and Corsica, as well as in the blazons of various noble families. Italian heraldry, however, usually depicts the Moor wearing a white band around his head instead of a crown, indicating a slave who has been freed; whereas in German heraldry the Moor is shown wearing a crown. The Moor's head is common in the Bavarian tradition and is known as the caput Ethiopicum or the Moor of Freising.

Corbinian's bear
A legend states that while traveling to Rome, Saint Corbinian's pack horse was killed by a bear. He commanded the bear to carry the load. Once he arrived, he released it from his service, and it returned       to Bavaria. The implication is that "Christianity tamed and domesticated the ferocity of paganism and thus laid the foundations for a great civilization in the Duchy of Bavaria." At the same time, Corbinian's bear, as God's beast of burden, symbolizes the weight of office that Benedict carried.

External ornaments
Traditionally, a pope's coat of arms was externally adorned only by the three-tiered papal tiara with lappets and the crossed keys of Saint Peter with a cord. No other objects nor a motto was added. The tiara represented the roles of authority of the pope, while the keys represent the power to loose and bind on heaven and earth. Pope Benedict's arms maintain the keys, but replace the tiara with a mitre and add a pallium. However, the tiara and keys remain the symbol of the papacy, and appear on the coat of arms of the Holy See and (reversed) on the flag of Vatican City.

Mitre
In Pope Benedict's arms, the tiara is replaced with a silver mitre with three gold stripes. These stripes recall the three crowns of the tiara, which came to represent the three powers of the Bishop of Rome: Orders, Jurisdiction and Magisterium. The stripes preserve that meaning and are joined at the centre to show their unity in the same person.

Pallium
The pallium with red crosses is also a new addition. It represents a bishop's role of being pastor of the flock entrusted to him by Christ. The form of the pallium included in the coat of arms recalls that used by metropolitan archbishops (but with black crosses) rather than the much larger pallium worn by Pope Benedict at his inauguration.

After papal abdication
Following his resignation as pope in 2013, Benedict XVI became the first pope to step down from office since the resignation of Gregory XII in 1415. In light of this decision, Cardinal Andrea Cordero Lanza di Montezemolo, the designer of the former papal coat of arms, suggested the need to create a new coat of arms for the former pope. According to the cardinal, the coat of arms of the retired pope should retain all the symbolic elements found on the shield, but the external elements, such as the two crossed keys, should be removed or modified as they represent an office he no longer holds.

Cordero presented two hypothetical designs of how he believed the new coat of arms of the pope emeritus should look, replacing the bishop's mitre with a white galero with 15 tassels and placing the pope's episcopal motto "Cooperatores Veritatis" below the shield.

title: Coat of arms of Pope Benedict XVI


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New Hampshire Route 102

New Hampshire Route 102 (abbreviated NH 102) is a 23.956 mi state highway in Rockingham and Hillsborough counties in the southern part of the U.S. state of New Hampshire. NH 102 runs southwest to northeast between Hudson and Raymond, but is signed as an east–west route.

Some confusion exists over the western terminus. The state route logs show that the end of the road is at the junction with Ferry Street (New Hampshire Route 111) in Hudson, and the end of NH 102 is marked at that intersection westbound. However, local signage further west along NH 111 shows NH 102 continuing along NH 111 as a concurrency over the Hudson Bridge into Nashua. Signage on the bridge indicates NH 102 sharing East Hollis Street with NH 111.

The eastern terminus of NH 102 is in Raymond at New Hampshire Route 107, a short distance south of New Hampshire Route 101. While older exit signs on NH 101 indicated 102 at the exit, the road officially ends at NH 107, and recently-replaced signage on NH 101 now reads "TO NH 102."

Route description
The route starts in Hudson at Route 111 (Ferry Street) and Route 3A (Chase Street). This starts a concurrency with Route 3A. The southern part of this concurrency forms one of the main commercial districts in Hudson, known as Derry Street. At Elm Avenue, 3A leaves the concurrency heading west, while 102 continues in a more northeasterly direction along Derry Road. After passing Alvirne High School, NH 102 passes through the extreme southeastern corner of Litchfield before returning to Hudson. After leaving Hudson a second time, it enters Londonderry as Nashua Road, passing through a rural area near several farms and apple orchards. A small commercial district surrounds the intersection with New Hampshire Route 128/Mammoth Road, and another more developed commercial district lies just to the west of 102's interchange with I-93.

Immediately after the interchange with I-93, Route 102 enters Derry as Broadway, the main commercial thoroughfare in town. After the intersection with Crystal Avenue (New Hampshire Route 28) at the center of town, it passes the Hoodkroft golf course and meets Main Street (New Hampshire Route 28 Bypass) at a traffic circle at the community of Derry Village. After the traffic circle, the route continues northwest along Chester Road, passing the Beaver Lake recreational area, and winding through the rural eastern portion of the town of Derry before entering the town of Chester, forming the main north-south route through the town. At the town center of Chester, NH 102 intersects New Hampshire Route 121, following Derry Road south of the intersection, and Raymond Road north of the intersection. Following a more northeasterly route, it winds through a rural area in southeastern Raymond before reaching its eastern terminus at New Hampshire Route 107, about 1/2 mi short of the interchange with the New Hampshire Route 101 freeway.

title: New Hampshire Route 102


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Whaleback Shell Midden

Whaleback Shell Midden is a shell midden, or dump, consisting primarily of oyster shells located on the east side of the Damariscotta River in Maine, United States. It is preserved as a Maine state historic site and was included as part of the Damariscotta Oyster Shell Heaps listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1969. Other shell middens are located on the estuary in both Damariscotta and Newcastle. The middens in this area were formed over about 1,000 years between 200 BC to AD 1000.

The midden originally had three main layers of shells. In the bottom two layers, individual shells were generally 5 - 8 in long. These two layers are separated by a layer of soil, and the middle layer is mixed with animal bones. The top layer contains smaller shells. Artifacts unearthed lead scientists to believe that successive tribes of prehistoric people used the area. The top layer was deposited by members of the Abenaki tribes that fished in the area in the summer.

Originally, the Whaleback midden was more than thirty feet deep, more than 1,650 feet (500 metres) in length, and a width varying from 1,320 to 1,650 feet (400–500 metres). It got its name from its shape. Only a small portion of this midden remains today as much of it was processed into chicken feed from 1886 to 1891 by the Massachusetts-based Damariscotta Shell and Fertilizer company, eroded by rising sea levels, or looted. Because of this, the Glidden midden, located across the river in Newcastle, is now the largest in Maine and the largest on the U.S. east coast north of Georgia.

Climate and culture
Early people in Maine were influenced by a changing climate largely shaped by glacial processes. The Late Wisconsinan Laurentide Ice Sheet (LIS) covered Maine's landscape 35,000 years ago, extending far into the ocean. As the climate warmed and the ice sheet retreated, Maine's landscape underwent deglaciation from 14,500 to 11,000 BCE. Due to isostatic rebound, a geological process in which the earth “rebounds” from the depression of a glacier, sea levels fluctuated immensely. At the start of the deglaciation, sea level was much higher inland; the landscape at the time would have resembled modern-day northern Alaska. This promoted hunter-gatherer practices that could respond more quickly to changing climates. As the glacier retreated, sea levels dropped, as low as 180 feet below what we now recognize as the coast of Maine. Over the last few thousands of years, the sea level has slowly risen, creating Maine’s large littoral zones recognizable to humans today.

The Archaic Period of human culture was taking place from about 3,500 to 9,000 years ago, characterized by cultures who started to exploit marine resources. There is much speculation about the transhumance of these early peoples – some hypotheses posit that settlement occupation would cause populations of people to live inland during the summer and by the coast during the winter. However, there is not much archaeological evidence to suggest this, and it’s more likely that there were ethnic boundaries between groups of people and that transhumance was not occurring, meaning that populations were staying coastal or inland year-round.

The Damariscotta River had been used by humans as early as 5,000 years ago based on archaeological evidence of midden sites along the banks. When the Whaleback shell midden was most heavily populated, it could have been sustaining year-round populations of people. This leads into the question of why the site was occupied so much later than other portions of the river, a question which can be answered by looking at the regional-level geology and sea-level rise.

Geology of Damariscotta
The Damariscotta middens are notable for their size and their many oysters by a stream that has few today. The large presence is connected to coastal change, sea-level rise, and the geology of the region. The midden is located between two sills, Johnny Orr and Indraft. These sills, volcanic in origin and most likely millions of years old, have influenced the salinity and temperature of the river. In fact, on the oceanside of the Johnny Orr sill, the level of the water at high tide is higher than the level on the riverside.

The Eastern oyster (Crassostrea virginica) makes up a large portion of the shells located in the middens. However, oysters are not present in significant populations in the river today. This has led geologists to the understanding that at some point in time, there was a great deal of change occurring on the banks of the Damariscotta River that influenced the creation of such substantial middens. Oysters tend to like warmer, brackish waters – at some point in time, salty, cold oceanic water breached the Johnny Orr sill, mixed with warmer, less salty riverine water and created an environment that could sustain oyster populations about 2400 B.P. The water may have overtaken the sill as sea levels were slowly rising. The reason for the water coming over the sill still remains a gap in the story of the Damariscotta River.

Though oysters do still exist buried underneath silt near the middens, significant oyster populations no longer exist within the river due to four possible reasons: 1) predator introduction, 2) suffocation from the dust of the sawmill upshore,  3) increasingly saline environments, and 4) lower water temperatures. In all likelihood, it was probably a combination of all of these factors. Damariscotta is just another example of how changes in the climate have influenced human realities.

Threats to middens
Over 2,000 other middens exist along the Maine coast but many of their locations are undisclosed due to fear of looting. Unfortunately, looting is not the only threat they face. As sea levels rise due to climate change, middens like Whaleback have been swept away to the ocean. The thousands of other middens can offer equally compelling evidence of early-Maine habitation, geology, biology, and many more important disciplines. For example, one midden site has helped scientists piece together that at one point, there was a great deal of swordfish being caught within the Gulf of Maine despite being a deep-sea fish that could prove difficult to catch with dugouts. This challenges our understanding of early maritime technology. Though the need to conduct studies on these studies should be done, it is important to note that they should be carried out with the approval of the landowner on whose property the middens are located, as well as with the associated tribes. To start the process of either studying a shell midden or formally recognizing a midden, interested parties can become involved in the University of Maine ‘Midden Minders’ project which seeks to catalog the various sites along the coast and document the impact of shoreline change.

State historic site
The area around the remains of the Whaleback is a Maine state historic site, first opened for a full season in 2005, with some historical displays and a hiking trail.

Oyster culturing
By 1875 oysters that were once abundant were no longer native to New England waters. Wild populations have been established in recent years by the spawn of aquaculture oysters.

title: Whaleback Shell Midden


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Sex differences in crime

Sex differences in crime are differences between men and women as the perpetrators or victims of crime. Such studies may belong to fields such as criminology (the scientific study of criminal behavior), sociobiology (which attempts to demonstrate a causal relationship between biological factors, in this case biological sex and human behaviors), or feminist studies. Despite the difficulty of interpreting them, crime statistics may provide a way to investigate such a relationship from a gender differences perspective. An observable difference in crime rates between men and women might be due to social and cultural factors, crimes going unreported, or to biological factors for example, testosterone or sociobiological theories). The nature or motive of the crime itself may also require consideration as a factor.

Statistics have been consistent in reporting that men commit more criminal acts than women. Self-reported delinquent acts are also higher for men than for women, although lower than official data. Low levels of self control are associated with criminal activity. Many professionals have offered explanations for this sex difference. Some differing explanations include men's evolutionary tendency toward risk and violent behavior, sex differences in activity, social support, or gender inequality.

General theory of crime
The "general theory of crime" is accepted among scholars as one of the most valid theories of crime. Burton et al. (1998) assessed Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) work on the subject, which stated that individuals with lower levels of self-control are more likely to be involved in criminal behavior, in a gender-sensitive context. The purpose of their study was to account for the gender gap in crime rates. By using a self-reporting questionnaire, Burton et al. (1998) retrieved data from 555 people aged eighteen and older in the Cincinnati, Ohio, area. Early results from the study indicated that low self-control was highly positively correlated to criminal behavior in both genders, but was especially significant for males. For females, the relationship became significant when opportunity was introduced and considered with level of self-control. Opportunity was not a significant indicator of male criminal behavior, which the authors attribute to the assumption that opportunity for criminal behavior is ubiquitous for men. In this study, opportunity was measured by the number of nights per week individuals go out for recreation purposes. Similarly, the authors conclude that women are less likely to be exposed to opportunities for criminal behavior, speculating that "constraints often placed on females, and that accompany their lifestyles" contribute to less opportunity for crime. With self-control being significant for males but not for females, the conclusions of this study pointed toward the notion that men and women commit crimes for different reasons. The notion that self-control was only significant for women when combined with opportunity helps account for the gender gap seen in crime rates.

David Rowe, Alexander Vazsonyi, and Daniel Flannery, authors of Sex Differences in Crime: Do Means and Within-Sex Variation Have Similar Causes?, focus on the widely acknowledged fact that there is a large sex difference in crime: more men than women commit crimes. This has been true over time and across cultures. There is also a greater number of men who commit serious crimes resulting in injury or death than women. In a study that looked at self-reports of delinquent acts, researchers identified several sex differences by looking at sex ratios. For every woman, 1.28 men drink alcohol, which is a large influencer in deviant behavior. For every woman, 2.7 men committed the crime of stealing up to $50. Lastly, for every woman, 3.7 men steal more than $50. Also, more males are involved in homicides, as both the perpetrators and victims, than females. Furthermore, one male is more delinquent than another for mainly the same reasons that men typically engage in criminal acts more than women.

Onset
Terrie Moffitt and Avshalom Caspi compare childhood risk factors of males and females portraying childhood-onset and adolescent-onset antisocial behavior, which influences deviant behavior in individuals. Childhood-onset delinquency is attributed to lack of parenting, neurocognitive problems, and temperament and behavior problems. On the other hand, adolescent-onset delinquents did not encounter similar childhood problems. This study showed an male-to-female ratio of 10:1 for those experiencing childhood-onset delinquency and 15:1 for adolescent-onset delinquency. Moffitt and Caspi hypothesized that "'life-course-persistent' antisocial behavior originates early in life, when the difficult behavior of a high-risk young child is exacerbated by a high-risk social environment". Also, "'adolescent-limited' antisocial behavior emerges alongside puberty, where otherwise healthy youngsters experience dysphoria during the relatively role-less years between biological maturation and access to mature privileges and responsibilities", called the maturity gap. They look at the taxonomy theory, which states that the gender difference in crime are based on sex differences in the risk factors for life-course-persistent antisocial behavior. Based on research, girls are less likely than boys to have nervous system dysfunctions, difficult temperament, late maturity in verbal and motor development, learning disabilities, and childhood behavioral problems.

Sociology
Considerations of gender in regard to crime have been considered to be largely ignored and pushed aside in criminological and sociological study, until recent years, to the extent of female deviance having been marginalized. In the past fifty years of sociological research into crime and deviance, sex differences were understood and quite often mentioned within works, such as Merton's theory of anomie; however, they were not critically discussed, and often any mention of female delinquency was only as comparative to males, to explain male behaviors, or through defining the girl as taking on the role of a boy, namely, conducting their behavior and appearance as that of a tomboy and by rejecting the female gender role, adopting stereotypical masculine traits.

Eagly and Steffen suggested in their meta-analysis of data on sex and aggression that beliefs about the negative consequences of violating gender expectations affect how both genders behave regarding aggression. Psychologist Anne Campbell argued that "cultural interpretations have 'enhanced' evolutionarily based sex differences by a process of imposition which stigmatises the expression of aggression by females and causes women to offer exculpatory (rather than justificatory) accounts of their own aggression."

One key reason contended for this lack of attention to females in crime and deviance is due to the view that female crime has almost exclusively been dealt with by men, from policing through to legislators, and that this has continued through into the theoretical approaches, quite often portraying what could be considered as a one-sided view, as Mannheim suggested.

However, other contentions have been made as explanations for the invisibility of women in regard to theoretical approaches, such as: females have an '...apparently low level of offending'); that they pose less of a social threat than their male counterparts; that their 'delinquencies tend to be of a relatively minor kind', but also due to the fear that including women in research could threaten or undermine theories, as Thrasher and Sutherland feared would happen with their research.

Further theories have been contended, with many debates surrounding the involvement and ignoring of women within theoretical studies of crime; however, with new approaches and advances in feminist studies and masculinity studies, and the claims of increases in recent years in female crime, especially that of violent crime.

Past studies explained gender and crime through psychological and biological aspects. However, now specific sociological theories analyze the gender differences when it comes to committing crime. Brezina's research focuses on the "general strain theory," specifically, on why males and females have a gap rate in crime. One view is that the gender gap of crime is associated with different strains and various types of experiences males and females go through. For instance, their socialization, life events, home life, and relationships differ from one another. Because of this, research suggests that boys and men are more closely related to crime and delinquency. Brezina argues that because boys are more exposed to harsh punishment from their parents while growing up, negative experiences at school, no support system, and homelessness, they have more freedom to commit a crime. Brezina states that some boys and men tend to see crime as acceptable because they favor their "internalized 'masculine' values."

Brezina argues that girls and women have limited opportunities to commit crime. They, for example, are more dedicated to family and friends, have higher parental supervision, and are less likely to link themselves to delinquent peers. Therefore, their strains would be high family demands and lose of friendship. This leads to them reacting to strain differently than males do. Instead of coping their strain with crime, they express it with their emotions to eliminate the stress. The emotional response females receive, are fear, guilt, anxiety, or shame, which decreases their chances of committing a crime. In addition, girls and women have a great amount of social support, which also leads to lower rate of crime. The types of strain that males and females experience can be an understanding of why there is a gender gap in crime.

Sociobiological and evolutionary psychology perspective
Evolutionary psychology has proposed several evolutionary explanations for gender differences in aggressiveness. Males can increase their reproductive success by polygyny which will lead the competition with other males over females. If the mother died, this may have had more serious consequences for a child than if the father died in the ancestral environment since there is a tendency for greater parental investments and caring for children by females than by males. Greater caring for children also leads to difficulty leaving them in order to either fight or flee. Anne Campbell writes that females may thus avoid direct physical aggressiveness and instead use strategies such as "friendship termination, gossiping, ostracism, and stigmatization".

Psychologist and professor Mark van Vugt, from VU University at Amsterdam, Netherlands, has argued that males have evolved more aggressive and group-oriented in order to gain access to resources, territories, mates and higher status. His theory the Male Warrior hypothesis explains that males throughout hominid history have evolved to form coalitions or groups in order to engage in inter-group aggression and increase their chances of acquiring resources, mates and territory. Vugt argues that this evolved male social dynamic explains the human history of war to modern day gang rivalry which is under a process of male on male competition in order to gain resources and potential mates.

There are two theories on the role of testosterone in aggression and competition among males. The first one is the Challenge hypothesis which states that testosterone would increase during puberty thus facilitating reproductive and competitive behaviour which would include aggression as a result of evolution. Thus it is the challenge of competition in relation to testosterone among males of the species that facilitates aggression and violence. Studies conducted have found direct correlation between testosterone and dominance especially among the most violent criminals in prison who had the highest testosterone levels. The same research also found fathers (those outside competitive environments) had the lowest testosterone levels compared to other males. The second theory is also similar and is known as the evolutionary neuroandrogenic (ENA) theory of male aggression. Testosterone and other androgens have evolved to masculinize a brain in order to be competitive even as far as being a risk to harming others. By doing so, individuals with masculinized brains as a result of pre-natal and adult life testosterone and androgens enhance their resource acquiring abilities in order to survive, attract and copulate with mates as much as possible. Thus, crime can be seen as an extreme form of adaptation to gain status and acquire more resources. Many other researchers have agreed with this and have stated that criminal behavior is an expression of inter-male competition in mating efforts and resource seeking since there is a huge correlation between criminals and fathering children at younger ages.

Neurobiology
Neurobiological abnormalities associated with criminality also show sex differences. One study found that sex differences in antisocial behaviour were reduced by 77% when controlling sex difference in the grey matter of the orbitofrontal cortex.

Psychopathology
Psychological traits and syndromes associated with criminal and antisocial behaviour are more frequent in men. Examples include antisocial and narcissistic personality disorders, substance use disorders, psychopathy, and grandiose narcissism.

Aggression and violence among peers and in relationships
Women are more likely to use direct aggression in private, where other people cannot see them, and are more likely to use indirect aggression (such as passive-aggressive behavior) in public. Men are more likely to be the targets of displays of aggression and provocation than women. Studies by Bettencourt and Miller show that when provocation is controlled for, sex differences in aggression are greatly reduced. They argue that this shows that gender-role norms play a large part in the differences in aggressive behavior between men and women.

According to the 2015 International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, sex differences in aggression is one of the most robust and oldest findings in psychology. Past meta-analyses in the encyclopedia found males regardless of age engaged in more physical and verbal aggression while small effect for  females engaging in more indirect aggression such as rumor spreading or gossiping. It also found males tend to engage in more unprovoked aggression at higher frequency than females. This replicated another 2007 meta-analysis of 148 studies in the journal Child Development which found greater male aggression in childhood and adolescence. This analysis also conforms with the Oxford Handbook of Evolutionary Psychology which reviewed past analysis and found greater male use in verbal and physical aggression with the difference being greater in the physical type. A meta-analysis of 122 studies published in the journal of Aggressive Behavior found males are more likely to cyberbully than females, although the difference was small. Difference also showed that females reported more cyberbullying behavior during mid-adolescence while males showed more cyberbullying behavior at late adolescence.

While the literature generally finds that women are more commonly the victims of domestic violence,  some research suggests that rates of physical aggression within the context of dating and marriage tend to be similar for men and women, or that women are more likely to commit domestic violence against a partner; this is known as gender symmetry. However, such data generally shows that men tend to inflict the greater share of injuries. Critics have used studies such as Dekeseredy et al. to argue that "studies finding about equal rates of violence by women in relationships are misleading because they fail to place the violence in context; in other words, there is a difference between someone who uses violence to fight back or defend oneself and someone who initiates an unprovoked assault."

One study argued that it was the above-cited Dekeseredy et al. that in fact improperly contextualized partner violence; Dekeseredy's campus study was based around asking women and only women if their violence was in self-defense, and not permitting the same for men. This results in counting men who had defended themselves as perpetrators, and counting women who may have engaged in ex post facto justification of their violence, a noted trait of psychological abuse, as victims. The study further found that studies from the US Department of Justice did not contextualize violence simply by not counting women perpetrators until forced to by the US Centers for Disease Control (CDC). Other studies that decontextualized partner violence included labeling aggregate findings of motivations for violence that included the desire to coerce or control the partner or being angry with the partner as "striking back" when such questions revealed that women scored equal to or higher than men in desires to use violence out of simple anger or to coerce and control the partner. This, however, is contradicted by other reviews which found women's primary motivation were triggered by anger or self-defense while men's motivation was more about control. Some studies have also postulated that when other factors such as allowing both or neither gender to claim self-defense, or simply including male victims and female perpetrators in the sample, the results were at or near parity for perpetrators and victims, with the results near parity sometimes favoring females and sometimes favoring males. Another large study reveals that women are between two and three times as likely to be the offender in non-reciprocal partner violence. The study suggests that while women are far more prone to be the sole offender, reciprocal violence where both partners use violence has higher frequency of serious injuries, and that these injuries more often have female victims than male.

A 2008 review published in the journal Violence and Victims found that although less serious situation violence or altercation was equal for both genders, more serious and violent abuse was perpetrated by men. It was also found that women's physical violence was more likely motivated by self-defense or fear while men's was motivated by control. A 2011 systematic review from the journal of Trauma Violence Abuse also found that the common motives for female on male domestic violence were anger, a need for attention, or as a response to their partner's own violence. Another 2011 review published in the journal of Aggression and Violent Behavior also found that although minor domestic violence was equal, more severe violence was perpetrated by men. It was also found that men were more likely to beat up, choke or strangle their partners, while women were more likely to throw something at their partner, slap, kick, punch, or hit with an object.

Court system
One study has noted substantial differences in the treatment and behavior of defendants in the courts on the basis of gender; female criminologist Frances Heidensohn postulates that for judges and juries it is often "impossible to isolate the circumstances that the defendant is a woman from the circumstances that she can also be a widow, a mother, attractive, or may cry on the stand." Furthermore, male and female defendants in court have reported being advised to conduct themselves differently in accordance with their gender; women in particular recall being advised to express "mute passivity," whereas men are encouraged to "assert themselves" in cross-examinations and testimony.

In the United States
In the United States, men are much more likely to be incarcerated than women. More than 9 times as many men (5,037,000) as women (581,000) had ever at one time been incarcerated in a State or Federal prison at year end 2001. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, males experienced higher victimization rates than females for all types of violent crime except rape or other sexual assault.

In 2014, more than 73% of those arrested in the US were males. Men accounted for 80.4 percent of persons arrested for violent crime and 62.9 percent of those arrested for property crime. In 2011, the United States Department of Justice compiled homicide statistics in the United States between 1980 and 2008. That study showed the following: 2011 arrest data in suburban areas from the FBI:
 * Males were convicted of the vast majority of homicides in the United States, representing 89.5% of the total number of offenders.
 * Young adult black males had the highest homicide conviction rate compared to offenders in other racial and sex categories.
 * White females of all ages had the lowest conviction rates of any racial or age groups, however these statistics do not isolate Asian offenders from a diverse 'other' category. Asian women are considerably less likely to commit homicide than white American women.
 * Of children under age 5 killed by a parent, the rate for biological father conviction was slightly higher than for biological mothers.
 * However, of children under 5 killed by someone other than their parent, 80% of the people that were convicted were males.
 * Victimization rates for both males and females have been relatively stable since 2000.
 * Males were more likely to be murder victims (76.8%).
 * Females were most likely to be victims of domestic homicides (63.7%) and sex-related homicides (81.7%)
 * Males were most likely to be victims of drug-related (90.5%) and gang-related homicides (94.6%).
 * Males constituted 98.9% of those arrested for forcible rape
 * Males constituted 87.9% of those arrested for robbery
 * Males constituted 85.0% of those arrested for burglary
 * Males constituted 83.0% of those arrested for arson.
 * Males constituted 81.7% of those arrested for vandalism.
 * Males constituted 81.5% of those arrested for motor-vehicle theft.
 * Males constituted 79.7% of those arrested for offenses against family and children.
 * Males constituted 77.8% of those arrested for aggravated assault
 * Males constituted 58.7% of those arrested for fraud.
 * Males constituted 57.3% of those arrested for larceny-theft.
 * Males constituted 51.3% of those arrested for embezzlement.

From 2003 to 2012, there was a decrease in the rate of crime overall, but an increase in crimes committed by women. There was an increase in arrest rate for women of 2.9% but a decrease in arrest rate for men of 12.7%. This demonstrates an increase in arrests for women which only slightly offsets the decrease in arrest for men resulting in a decrease overall in arrest rate in the United States. Arrests rates for women had a sizable increase in the following crimes: robbery (+20.2%), larceny-theft (+29.6%), and arson – property crime (+24.7%). The trend results from 2003 to 2012 showed the vast majority of crimes were still committed by men with around 88% of homicides and 75% of all legal felonies. According to government statistics from the US Department of Justice, male perpetrators constituted 96% of federal prosecution on domestic violence. Another report by the US department of Justice on non-fatal domestic violence from 2003 to 2012 found that 76 percent of domestic violence was committed against women and 24 percent were committed against men.

In Canada
According to a Canadian Public Health Agency report, the rate of violent crime doubled among male youth during the late 1980s and 1990s, while it almost tripled among female youth. It rose for the latter from 2.2 per 1,000 in 1988 to a peak of 5.6 per 1,000 in 1996, and began to decline in 1999. Some researchers have suggested that the increase on crime statistics could be partly explained by the stricter approach to schoolyard fights and bullying, leading to a criminalization of behaviors now defined as "assault" behaviors (while they were simply negatively perceived before). The increase in the proportion of female violent crime would thus be explained more by a change in law enforcement policies than by effective behavior of the population itself. According to the report aforementioned, "Evidence suggests that aggressive and violent behavior in children is linked to family and social factors, such as social and financial deprivation; harsh and inconsistent parenting; parents' marital problems; family violence, whether between parents, by parents toward children or between siblings; poor parental mental health; physical and sexual abuse; and alcoholism, drug dependency or other substance misuse by parents or other family members."

Gender statistics Canada by total charged annual crimes (2002): In 2013 and 2014, males accounted for 85% of those that have committed legal offenses and sent to provincial and territorial correctional services in Canada. Females account for 15 percent of overall committed legal offenses.
 * Adult males – 326,536
 * Adult females – 71,058
 * Young males (12-17) – 74,513
 * Youth females (12-17) – 24, 487

Worldwide homicide statistics by gender
According to the data given by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, worldwide, 78.7% of homicide victims are male, and in 193 of the 202 listed countries or regions, males were more likely to be killed than females. In two, the ratio was 50:50 (Switzerland and British Virgin Islands), and in the remaining 7; Tonga, Iceland, Japan, New Zealand, Republic of Korea, Latvia and Hong Kong, females were more likely to be victims of homicides compared to males. A 2013 global study on homicide by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime found that males accounted for about 95 percent of all convicted homicide perpetrators worldwide. Also, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the percent of victims killed by their spouses or ex-spouses in 2011 were 77.4 percent women and 22.6 percent men in selected countries across Europe.

title: Sex differences in crime


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New Hampshire Route 103

New Hampshire Route 103 (abbreviated NH 103) is a 48.300 mi east–west highway in west-central New Hampshire, United States. The highway runs from Claremont, at the Vermont border on the Connecticut River, to Hopkinton, west of Concord.

The western terminus of NH 103 is in Claremont at the New Hampshire–Vermont state line on the Connecticut River, running concurrently with New Hampshire Route 12. After intersecting with New Hampshire Route 12A, the road continues eastward for 3.793 mi into the center of Claremont, where NH 103 splits off from NH 12 and merges with New Hampshire Route 11. The highway then runs eastward merged with NH 11 for a distance of 12.991 mi. The road splits off from NH 11 east of Newport. Northwest of Hopkinton, the road runs merged with New Hampshire Route 127 for a distance of 2.127 mi. The eastern terminus of NH 103 is in Hopkinton at U.S. Route 202 and New Hampshire Route 9.

New Hampshire Route 103A
New Hampshire Route 103A (abbreviated NH 103A) is a 7.720 mi secondary north–south highway in Merrimack County, New Hampshire. NH 103A connects New London with Newbury. NH 103A runs down the entire length of the east side of Lake Sunapee and provides access to the local roads along the lakeshore. NH 103A is locally named Lakeside Road.

The southern terminus of NH 103A is at New Hampshire Route 103 at the south end of the lake. The northern terminus is at New Hampshire Route 11, Newport Road, at the north end of the lake near Interstate 89.

New Hampshire Route 103B
New Hampshire Route 103B (abbreviated NH 103B) is a 3.441 mi secondary north–south highway located predominantly in Sullivan County (with a small segment in Merrimack County) in western New Hampshire. NH 103B connects Newbury with Sunapee. NH 103B runs along the western shore of Lake Sunapee and provides access to the local roads along the lakeshore. NH 103B is locally named Edgemont Road.

The southern terminus of NH 103B is at New Hampshire Route 103 on the southwest side of the lake. The road runs north into the village of Sunapee about midway up the west side of the lake. The northern terminus of NH 103B is at the junction with New Hampshire Route 11 in the village center.

title: New Hampshire Route 103


text:
Dawn of Victory

Dawn of Victory is the third studio album by Italian symphonic power metal band Rhapsody, released in 2000. Like the previous albums, it centers on the story of Algalord and The Emerald Sword Saga. It was produced and engineered by Sascha Paeth and Miro. It is also the first album to feature drummer Alex Holzwarth.

In 2019, Metal Hammer ranked it as the second best power metal album of all time.

Track listing
The album was also made available in a Digipak edition containing a bonus disc with several extra tracks.

The bonus disc also contained a multimedia track featuring:
 * Holy Thunderforce (video clip)
 * Epicus Furor – Emerald Sword (video clip)
 * Wisdom Of The Kings (video clip)
 * Algalord Chronicles I, II & III
 * Photo Gallery
 * Track Commentary
 * History
 * Screensaver (for PC use only)

Credits

 * Luca Turilli – Guitars
 * Fabio Lione – Vocals
 * Alex Staropoli – Keyboards
 * Alessandro Lotta – Bass
 * Alex Holzwarth – Drums

Guest musicians

 * Epic choirs – Robert Hunecke-Rizzo, Thomas Rettke, Miro Rodenberg, Cinzia Rizzo, Florinda Klevisser
 * Church Choirs – Helmstedt Kammerchoir conducted by Andreas Lamken
 * Female Baroque voice – Constanze Backes
 * Childish voice on "Trolls in the Dark" – Laurence Vanryne
 * Baroque recorders – Manuel Staropoli
 * Lead Violin – Maggie Ardorf
 * Guest Drums – Thunderforce

title: Dawn of Victory


text:
Talk:Itch

Old talk
Treatments?

 * Thank you for your suggestion! When you feel an article needs improvement, please feel free to make whatever changes you feel are needed. Wikipedia is a wiki, so anyone can edit almost any article by simply following the  link at the top. You don't even need to log in! (Although there are some reasons why you might like to…) The Wikipedia community encourages you to be bold. Don't worry too much about making honest mistakes—they're likely to be found and corrected quickly. If you're not sure how editing works, check out how to edit a page, or use the sandbox to try out your editing skills.  New contributors are always welcome. JFW |  T@lk  20:47, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Q: Nerve damage can cause itching, right?
I believe (based on my experience) that nerve damage, such as spinal cord injury, can cause itching, but I don't know the first thing about it, and the spinal cord injury article doesn't mention it. Is that generally the case? Does anyone know enough to add some information about nerve-based itching? Thanks. -- Creidieki 4 July 2005 18:29 (UTC)

I have been reading the pages on itching, allergies, vomitting & diahrrea and cannot find anything connecting them. The reason I am searching is that I have had three episodes that began with severe itching of the palms, then the soles of the feet, within a minute of the start of the itching-dizziness and violent bouts of vomitting & diahrrea. The first episode was the most severe and included loosing consciousness, extended abdominal cramping and a trip to the emergency room. No doctors have been able to tell me what it was. I have learned more here than anywhere else on other issues so I'm hoping someone has heard of this. Thanks

I would say it looks like the body needing calibration due to altered nerving. My advise is then to touch or scratch lightly on the place of itching so that the body can recalibrate. When recalibration is done the itching should disappear. I also wish someone to try this claim scientifically. Davidjonsson (talk) 18:15, 5 January 2008 (UTC)

Risk Factors source
The Risk Factors section comes entirely from the NCI page here. Their site policy says: "This material is in the public domain and is not subject to copyright restrictions. Therefore, no special permission is required to use it or reproduce it. However, any reproduced material should contain proper acknowledgement of NCI as the originator and the NCI Web site, www.cancer.gov, as the source".

I'm not sure how such a proviso squares with Wikipedia policy, which assumes no restrictions or authorship conditions. Tearlach 18:38, 6 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Just mention the URL as a source. JFW | T@lk  22:55, 6 August 2005 (UTC)

Cancer Overemphasized
"It can occur in people who have cancer or in those who have received cancer treatment."

 * It can occur in people who are obese or those who are on a diet.
 * It can occur in people with diabetes and people without diabetes.

Seriously, that sentence about cancer should be removed, unless other causes of itch are given proportional attention. The statement about "Pruritis can be related to anything from dry skin to undiagnosed cancer" should be the last thing said about cancer in an introductory summary. Detailed information about cancer's relation to itch should come later.

 * You are correct - I removed a lot of cancer stuff that was clearly over the top. Most people with itch do not have cancer; they should use less soap and use a neutral deodorant though. JFW | T@lk  00:11, 2 October 2005 (UTC)

Disambiguation Page
I think there should be a disambiguation page for this and Radiohead's Itch. Cryptic C62 13:24, 16 March 2006 (UTC)
 * Done! -- Rmrfstar 23:19, 16 March 2006 (UTC)

Help This Article!
Wow, I am suprised to see how little there is about such a universal physiological function. Somebody out there with a good amount of knowledge of biological/health/physiological information needs to add lots of important information to this article. I don't have the capablitiy to write about these things, but I feel they are important. For instant, what about the strange interection between itching and scratching? Why does an itch provoke a scratch? How can this be explained scientificly? And also, why do certian drugs like narcotics (opiates) cause intense itching sensations? Something to do with histamine. there are many more unexplained questions regarding itching, please, lets try to answer them!Icculusioso 10:44, 29 March 2006 (UTC)

Purpose of Itching
I would like to see something added to this article about the purpose of itching (and the desire to scratch) from an evolutionary context. Any reflex as strong and widespread as the itch-scratch reflex has to have some sort of strong selection pressure causing it to be so dominant. In our society we are often taught "not to scratch" but isn't there a greater purpose for itching, in the wild? For example, to dislodge thorns or parasites? This is just speculation though...I think this article would be greatly improved by looking up and citing some scientific articles that address this question.

 * How about you Google for it and enlighten us? Given that itch and pain share roughly the same neural pathways it may be a warning sign that, like pain, may be misinterpreted. JFW | T@lk  11:58, 2 July 2006 (UTC)
 * The article does now mention it. -- Beland 00:16, 1 August 2007 (UTC)

Itching powder
How does itching powder actually work? JFW | T@lk  07:01, 8 September 2006 (UTC)

Leyperson speculation
I was wondering about itching... I understand that the natural state of the nerves is to generate pain impulses and that this is naturally regulated so that we don't feel it. If we were to become heroin dependant so this regulation was taken over chemically we would suffer excrutiating pain on withdrawal until the natural regulation re-tuned. Can it be that itching is really a very minor pain reflex, and that scratching, which would naturally be pain inducing, just stimulates the pain regulation technique? This would explain how "Tiger balm" type treatments work, they give the IMPRESSION of heat and generate a real response. As someone who as a child suffered from very painful eczema I strongly remember putting a very hot hot-water-bottle on the affected area and gaining great relief. I often pinch painful itches even now, do others?. Contra thought, is "cold turkey" skin pain? I guess not.Geoff Clout 10:07, 20 February 2007 (UTC)

As far as my research went, it was a theory before (in the 90s and before that) that itch might be stimulated via the same nerves as the ones with pain receptors. However in an experiment by Martin Schmelz et al (1997) it was suggested that there are actually distinct C-fibres (affarent nerve fibres) that cause the sensation of itchiness (through a rather complcated and not well understood pathway). Apparently nerves from the pain pathway can inhibit itch though, therefore scratching helps to combat itch.

Scratching
Since there is no article on Wikipedia about scratching, perhaps this should be renamed 'Itching and scratching'. Both subjects seem equally important, though it could also be simply be left as 'Itch' but expanded slightly to deal with scratching. Richard001 02:35, 26 January 2007 (UTC)

I agree with this person. There is a section on both scratch & scratching, but both are about the DJ style of vinyl record manipulation. There needs to be a part om this page about how scratching an itch relives, or stops the itch, & my question as to why scratching an itch can feel so dam good some times. Sept. 02 2008 —Preceding unsigned comment added by 98.192.198.201 (talk) 05:09, 2 September 2008 (UTC)

What makes itching stop?
Histamine makes you (or a dog?) itch. Which makes you scratch. But then, what makes the itching stop? What makes the scratching stop?-69.87.200.24 23:38, 5 May 2007 (UTC)

Poor hygiene
Is poor hygiene (being covered in sweat, dirt, etc.) also a potential cause for itchiness? -- Beland 00:16, 1 August 2007 (UTC)

"pathway" several times
Itch says "pathway" several times. Please combine the sentences. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Jidanni (talk • contribs) 03:48, 6 September 2007 (UTC)

Is the difference between pruritis and pruritus, itching and the cause of the itching?
Is the difference between pruritis and pruritus, itching and the cause (sensation of discomfort in skin) of the itching? Or is that being too simple? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 65.126.124.83 (talk) 01:07, 10 January 2008 (UTC)

where is the line drawn?
"Surgical removal of those skin layers removed the ability for a patient to perceive itch.[citation needed] Itch is never felt in muscle, joints, or inner organs, which show that deep tissue does not contain itch signaling apparatuses"

i have been for nearly 6 months now experiencing what i call joint itch. in my left shoulder, which travels down to the elbow and in my lower back, which travels down the left leg to the knee...this causes severe restless leg (and arm) and causes me many sleepless nights. is it pain or is it itching or is it both? if it is itching, then the muscle CAN feel an itch. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 69.77.219.166 (talk) 07:26, 8 January 2009 (UTC)
 * "if it is itching, then the muscle CAN feel an itch." It may be a psychological thing rather than physical, like when amputees experience an itch where their limb used to be. meinsla   talk  07:06, 13 March 2009 (UTC)

Indirect language..?
I'm not sure if this is something that should be changed or anything, but I found the language in this page strange. I have never in my life heard an itch referred to as an article-less object; e.g. "itch" used in the same way as "pain", "nausea", etc -- one doesn't say "I have a nausea!". But at the same time, nobody ever says, "I have itch." It's always, "I have an itch."

Now, certain types of itches don't need articles; such as jock itch, joint itch, etc. But "itch", as itself, undefined as a specific subcategory of itchiness, sounds very strange to me. Is this simply a regional thing, where assigning it an article is limited to my area, or has anyone else ever actually heard someone say "I have itch"? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.237.95.151 (talk) 18:50, 3 June 2009 (UTC)

unpleasant?
The description of itching as an inherently unpleasant sensation seems a little dubious to me. Sure, it is considered unpleasant far more often than not... but its not always the case is it? Just as an example... itching induced by opiates can be a pleasant sensation for some. I have no reference as far as this subject is concerned but wanted to know if anyone had any thoughts on the issue. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 74.80.58.186 (talk) 01:13, 17 October 2010 (UTC)

Itching increases based on ability to stop itch?
This is going to be poorly worded. But ive noticed that among my social groups that the people who seem to itch the most are those most incapable of relieving an itch. Whereas people who can relieve one no matter its manifestation point tend to not get itchy nearly that often. Me, in this case: i can touch and scratch anywhere on me quite easy due to flexibility, and ive never had itching be more than a minor, easily ignorable thing. I dont even scratch, just passing a hand over it will do the same job. The only time its a problem for me is when a wound is healing and i absolutely cannot touch it..because im going to touch it anyway. 74.128.56.194 (talk) 13:57, 4 January 2011 (UTC)

Oh, nearly forgot to mention. Does scratching an itch increase itchyness? I think it does but im not sure why. I guess I imagine that by scratching, you destroy skin layers, which results in greater itchyness due to the healing process. Any merit in this or is it just a shot in the dark? 74.128.56.194 (talk) 13:58, 4 January 2011 (UTC)

 * Both really interesting points. I know little about itch, but I've been reading about pain. They're both homeostatic emotions. The mildest stimulus intensity that evokes pain varies from person to person. One person may have a higher pain threshold than another. It sounds like thresholds vary in itch, too. I've only glanced at the article but didn't see anything about thresholds there. I'd be surprised and disappointed to find there hasn't been some work done on itch threshold.
 * In pain, stimulating the mechanoreceptors in the area affected by pain reduces the intensity of pain - hence we rub a smack. I guess the same thing is happening with itch. The higher your itch threshold, the less mechanoreceptor stimulation (scratching) will be required to quench the itch. This is speculation.
 * With regard to your second point I noticed this in the article"Sometimes scratching relieves isolated itches, hence the existence of devices such as the back scratcher. Often, however, scratching can intensify itching and even cause further damage to the skin, dubbed the 'itch-scratch-itch cycle.'"but it doesn't cite a source. Anthony (talk) 14:52, 4 January 2011 (UTC)

Itch not felt in muscles?
A citation is not needed for this: it is simply incorrect. People feel a sensation that they describe as an itch inside muscles. I have it right now in both my thighs (quadriceps). Whether it is in the muscle, or fascia between them, I don't know, but it is deep beneath the skin. 192.139.122.42 (talk) 18:27, 27 September 2012 (UTC)

Names of researchers
The text of the article should not needlessly duplicate the names, dates, titles, and other information about the source that you list in the citation.

--from the MEDMOS. Lesion ( talk ) 14:06, 13 March 2014 (UTC)

Tests
I think this article could benefit from a reference to tests that check for the causal variable of the itch, such as skin prick tests and patch tests.--Epeefleche (talk) 01:05, 9 April 2014 (UTC)

Love the photo!
I think I know that guy. Barbara (WVS) ✐   ✉  20:25, 30 March 2017 (UTC)

"Pain inhibition by itching"
I don't feel qualified to make the correction, but isn't this section title wrong? Based on the content of the section, it seems more like "Itching inhibition by pain", but I'm not sure if that is how it should be phrased. Anyone with native English and/or medical training? :) 80.98.218.37 (talk) 04:12, 4 August 2018 (UTC)

Odd citation
One of the references is to https://books.google.com/books?id=QhWgKgiT6FoC&pg=PA329, and it's really not clear why. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2.31.138.50 (talk) 10:16, 23 December 2018 (UTC)
 * Metal-working fluids can be a physical irritant to some people who come into contact with them. CV9933 (talk) 11:48, 23 December 2018 (UTC)

Strange grammar
I just happened by this article, and I have to say, it reads very awkwardly. There are no articles ("a", "an", or "the") attached to the word "itch", and that just sounds weird. I think this is more than just idiomatic, like, for example, people in the UK often say "university" while in the US we say "the university". I never hear people from anywhere refer to an itch, when used as a noun, as simply "itch".

I believe this is because the word is predominantly a verb, and a transitive verb to boot. When used as a noun it becomes a participle, in which case the article gives the indication that the verb is being used as a noun.

For example, "steel" is normally a noun, so we can use it as such in most cases without the need for an article, but "alloy" is derived from a verb, so it's always "an alloy" or "the alloy". And since encyclopedias are about defining things, we should be using the word in its noun form. Perhaps Tony1 could chime in here, because I'm sure he'd know far more about it than I, but I do know it sounds weird to my ears and as such looks unprofessional and possibly untrustworthy. (First impressions being what they are.) Zaereth (talk) 20:58, 19 February 2020 (UTC)
 * It does sound a little strange until the non-expert reader gets used to it. I suspect experts use it as a single word, being a process or condition. The alternative would be "itching", but somehow that isn't quite technical, and has undesirable meanings. Tony (talk)  02:48, 20 February 2020 (UTC)
 * Ok, thanks. I guess if that's how experts are using it who am I to argue, but it does seem a little off to a general reader like me. I can see where "itching" could get mixed up too. In the case of "alloying" the "-ing" suffix almost always denotes a verb, but for "heat treating" it can be either noun or verb. I guess it's the same with "itching" (or "itches", since the "-ing" in that context comes from the older sense). Anyhow, thanks for the input. I'll just leave it alone. Zaereth (talk) 03:24, 20 February 2020 (UTC)

More infobox stuff
I would like some help with filling up the infobox. I dunno if it's good enough, but I did my best; after all, I'm just a Wikipedia editor and am trying to do what I think is constructive. Qwertyxp2000 (talk | contribs) 05:17, 19 April 2021 (UTC)

E.g., mosquito bites: should I scratch?
Add more cases of when and when not to scratch. https://www.quora.com/If-you-dont-scratch-a-mosquito-bite-does-it-go-away-faster Jidanni (talk) 19:21, 14 September 2021 (UTC)

Citation needed, this document defines itch.
Hafenreffer S. Nosodochium, in quo cutis, eique adaerentium partium, affectusomnes, singulari methodo, et cognoscendi e curandi fidelisime traduntur. Ulmae(Westphalia) Kühnen; 1660. p. 98–102. 49.184.195.195 (talk) 05:55, 7 May 2022 (UTC)

"Itch has resisted many attempts..."
Hello. I apologize; my browser does not copy and paste. The second sentence at the start of the article "Itch has resisted many attempts..." does not make sense to me. I feel as though it (maybe) was written by an ESL editor. Maybe it's just lack of understanding on my part. In any case, I don't know how to go about changing (if anything is wrong) since I don't understand the sentence's intended meaning. Help? Thanks. 63.248.183.70 (talk) 12:23, 11 December 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Itch


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/MatchDoctor

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. Golbez 00:16, Jun 20, 2005 (UTC)

MatchDoctor
Delete as advertising. The author has been spamming related pages with external links to this and affiliated sites. Joyous 17:32, Jun 8, 2005 (UTC)
 * Note that the article is now mirrored at MatchDoctor.com Joyous 18:19, Jun 8, 2005 (UTC)

 * Delete -- business / web site vanity - Longhair | Talk 17:34, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Ad spam. DS1953 17:45, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Undelete Was unaware this was not accepted
 * Undelete Check out Adult FriendFinder
 * Strong delete. Advertising and the last two comments are just more of the same. jglc | t | c 18:31, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete (although I think the reference to Adult FriendFinder was just meant as an example of a similar entity that does merit an article. This one doesn't. Not notable. -- BD2412 talk 19:31, 2005 Jun 8 (UTC)
 * Fair enough; but why is that user voting undelete, then? jglc | t | c 20:19, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * My guess would be that "undelete" = "keep," and that the anon user doesn't realize that anon/new user votes are discounted. Joyous 23:16, Jun 8, 2005 (UTC)

 * Delete (empty now) and the MatchDoctor.com too (ad). Pavel Vozenilek 19:52, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Strong Delete. Random internet hookup sites are non-notable. As vote history shows, the undelete votes were placed by 66.176.76.58. Look at this person'scontribution history. Undelete votes should not count if the user doesn't post ID. (~ ~ ~ ~) MPS 22:10, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Comment What do you all think about the other contributions by this user? jglc | t | c 15:21, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * I think this user contribution history demonstrates that intent is to promote non-notable dating sites. Check out all the diffs. MPS 16:00, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Speedy del Business adverisement, non-notable. Also consideration of link spam on several articles.   <> Who ? ¿ ?  19:32, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Comment. I would appeal to whoever it is that cleans up this entry to also take a look at this user's other entries. jglc | t | c 20:04, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages.  Please do not edit this page .