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Cultural appropriation

Cultural appropriation is the inappropriate or unacknowledged adoption of an element or elements of one culture or identity by members of another culture or identity. This can be especially controversial when members of a dominant culture appropriate from minority cultures. When cultural elements are copied from a minority culture by members of a dominant culture, and these elements are used outside of their original cultural context – sometimes even against the expressly stated wishes of members of the originating culture – the practice is often received negatively. Cultural appropriation can include the exploitation of another culture's religious and cultural traditions, dance steps, fashion, symbols, language, and music.

Cultural appropriation is considered harmful by various groups and individuals, including some Indigenous people working for cultural preservation, those who advocate for collective intellectual property rights of the originating, minority cultures,  and some of those who have lived or are living under colonial rule. According to some critics of the practice, cultural appropriation differs from acculturation, assimilation, or equal cultural exchange in that this appropriation is a form of colonialism.

Those who see this appropriation as an exploitative state that cultural elements are lost or distorted when they are removed from their originating cultural contexts and that such displays are disrespectful or even a form of desecration. Cultural elements that may have deep meaning in the original culture may be reduced to "exotic" fashion or toys by those from the dominant culture. Kjerstin Johnson has written that, when this is done, the imitator, "who does not experience that oppression is able to 'play', temporarily, an 'exotic' other, without experiencing any of the daily discriminations faced by other cultures". The black American academic, musician, and journalist Greg Tate argued that appropriation and the "fetishising" of cultures, in fact, alienate those whose culture is being appropriated.

The concept of cultural appropriation has also been subject to heavy criticism and debate. Critics note that the concept is often misunderstood or misapplied by the general public and that charges of "cultural appropriation" are sometimes misapplied to situations such as trying food from a different culture or learning about different cultures. Others state that the act of cultural appropriation, usually defined, does not meaningfully constitute social harm or that the term lacks conceptual coherence. Additionally, the term can set arbitrary limits on intellectual freedom and artists' self-expression, reinforce group divisions, or promote a feeling of enmity or grievance rather than of liberation.

Overview
Cultural appropriation can involve the use of ideas, symbols, artifacts, or other aspects of human-made visual or non-visual culture. As a concept that is controversial in its applications, the propriety of cultural appropriation has been the subject of much debate. Opponents of cultural appropriation view many instances as wrongful appropriation when the subject culture is a minority culture or is subordinated in social, political, economic, or military status to the dominant culture or when there are other issues involved, such as a history of ethnic or racial conflict. Linda Martín Alcoff writes that this is often seen in cultural outsiders' use of an oppressed culture's symbols or other cultural elements, such as music, dance, spiritual ceremonies, modes of dress, speech, and social behaviour, when these elements are trivialised and used for fashion, rather than respected within their original cultural context. Opponents view the issues of colonialism, context, and the difference between appropriation and mutual exchange as central to analysing cultural appropriation. They argue that mutual exchange happens on an "even playing field", whereas appropriation involves pieces of an oppressed culture being taken out of context by a people who have historically oppressed those they are taking from and who lack the cultural context to properly understand, respect, or utilise these elements.

Another view of cultural appropriation is that calling upon it to criticise is "a deeply conservative project", despite progressive roots, that "first seeks to preserve in formaldehyde the content of an established culture and second tries [to] prevent others from interacting with that culture".

Academic study
The Oxford English Dictionary's earliest citation for the phrase was a 1945 essay by Arthur E. Christy, which discussed Orientalism. The term became widespread in the 1980s in discussions of post-colonial critiques of Western expansionism, though the concept of "cultural colonialism" had been explored earlier, such as in "Some General Observations on the Problems of Cultural Colonialism" by Kenneth Coutts‐Smith in 1976.

Cultural and racial theorist George Lipsitz has used the term "strategic anti-essentialism" to refer to the calculated use of a cultural form outside of one's own to define oneself or one's group. Strategic anti-essentialism can be seen in both minority and majority cultures and is not confined only to the use of the other. However, Lipsitz argues that when the majority culture attempts to strategically anti-essentialize itself by appropriating a minority culture, it must take great care to recognize the specific socio-historical circumstances and significance of these cultural forms so as not to perpetuate the already existing majority vs. minority unequal power relations.

Art, literature, iconography, and adornment

A common example of cultural appropriation is the adoption of the iconography of another culture and its use for purposes that are unintended by the original culture or even offensive to that culture's mores. Examples include sports teams using Native American tribal names or images as mascots; people not from the originating culture wearing jewellry or fashion that incorporates religious symbols such as the medicine wheel, or wearing items of deep cultural significance and status that must be earned, such as a war bonnet, without having earned the right. Authentic Native American war bonnets are sacred ceremonial items earned by people of high status in a traditional tribal society, much like military medals. People from cultures who have this sacred regalia usually consider it disrespectful and offensive when someone who has not earned the right to wear one dons an authentic or imitation headdress, whether as part of pretending to be Native American or as a costume or fashion statement. Copying iconography from another culture's history, such as Polynesian tribal tattoos, Chinese characters, or Celtic art, and wearing them without regard to their original cultural significance may also be considered appropriation. Critics of the practice of cultural appropriation contend that divorcing this iconography from its cultural context or treating it as kitsch risks offending people who venerate and wish to preserve their cultural traditions.

In Australia, Aboriginal artists have discussed an "authenticity brand" to ensure consumers are aware of artworks claiming false Aboriginal significance. The movement for such a measure gained momentum after the 1999 conviction of John O'Loughlin for selling paintings that he falsely described as the work of Aboriginal artist Clifford Possum Tjapaltjarri. In Canada, visual artist Sue Coleman has garnered negative attention for appropriating and amalgamating styles of Indigenous art into her work. Coleman, who has been accused of "copying and selling Indigenous-style artwork," has described herself as a "translator" of Indigenous art forms, which drew further criticism. In his open letter to Coleman, Kwakwak'awakw/Salish Artist Carey Newman stressed the importance of artists being accountable within the Indigenous communities as the antidote to appropriation.

Historically, some of the most hotly debated cases of cultural appropriation have occurred in places where cultural exchange is the highest, such as along the trade routes in southwestern Asia and southeastern Europe. Some scholars of the Ottoman Empire and ancient Egypt argue that Ottoman and Egyptian architectural traditions have long been falsely claimed and praised as Persian or Arab.

Religion and spirituality
Many Native Americans have criticized what they deem to be the cultural appropriation of their sweat lodge and vision quest ceremonies by non-Natives, and even by tribes who have not traditionally had these ceremonies. They contend that there are serious safety risks whenever these events are conducted by those who lack the many years of training and cultural immersion required to lead them safely, mentioning the deaths or injuries in 1996, 2002, 2004, and several high-profile deaths in 2009.

The modern New Age movement frequently adopts spiritual ideas and practices from non-Western cultures; according to York, these may include "Hawaiian Kahuna magic, Australian Aboriginal dream-working, South American Amerindian ayahuasca and San Pedro ceremonies, Hindu Ayurveda and yoga, Chinese Feng Shui, Qi Gong, and Tai Chi." The movement has faced criticism for cultural imperialism exploiting intellectual and cultural property of Indigenous peoples.

Fashion

Cultural appropriation is controversial in the fashion industry due to the belief that some trends commercialise and cheapen the ancient heritage of Indigenous cultures. There is debate about whether designers and fashion houses understand the history behind the clothing they are taking from different cultures, besides the ethical issues of using these cultures' shared intellectual property without consent, acknowledgement, or compensation. According to Minh-Ha T. Pham, writing for The Atlantic, accusations of cultural appropriation are often defended, instead, as cultural appreciation.

17th century to Victorian era

The necktie or cravat was derived from a scarf worn by Croatian mercenaries fighting for Louis XIII, and the brightly coloured silk waistcoats popularised by Charles II of England were inspired by Ottoman, Indian, and Persian attire acquired by wealthy European travelers.

During the Regency and Victorian eras, the Highland dress, most prominently tartan, was appropriated by Scottish Lowlanders (and people from other parts of the British Isles) as a result of the influence of romantic nationalism on the Scottish national identity. This was spearheaded by writers such as Sir Walter Scott and James Logan, with Logan's romantic nationalist work The Scottish Gael (1831) leading the Scottish tartan industry to invent clan tartans with spurious association to specific Highland clans. Tartan rapidly became a desirable material for dresses, waistcoats, and cravats across the Western world as part of process known as "tartanry". In the United States, plaid flannel had become workwear by the time of America's westward expansion and was widely worn by white pioneers and cowboys in the Old West who were not of Scottish descent. In the 21st century, tartan remains ubiquitous in mainstream fashion.

By the 19th century, European fascination had shifted to Asian culture. Regency-era dandies adapted the Indian churidars into slim-fitting pantaloons and frequently wore turbans within their own houses. Subsequently, Victorian-era gentlemen wore smoking caps based on the Islamic fez, and fashionable turn-of-the-century ladies wore Orientalist Japanese-inspired kimono dresses. Moreover, this obsession with Orientalism was visible in how one company named its passenger shipping line "The Orient Line". During the tiki culture fad of the 1950s, white women frequently donned the qipao to give the impression that they had visited Hong Kong, although the dresses were frequently made by seamstresses in America using rayon rather than genuine silk. At the same time, teenage Teddy Girls wore Asian conical hats due to their exotic connotations.

In Mexico, the sombrero associated with the mestizo peasant class was adapted from an earlier hat introduced by Spanish colonists during the 18th century. This, in turn, was adapted into the cowboy hat worn by American cowboys after the US Civil War. In 2016, the University of East Anglia prohibited the wearing of sombreros to parties on campus in the belief that these could offend Mexican students, a move that was widely criticised.

American Western wear was copied from the work attire of 19th-century Mexican Vaqueros, especially the pointed cowboy boots and the guayabera, which was adapted into the embroidered Western shirt. The China poblana dress associated with Mexican women was appropriated from the choli and lehenga worn by Indian maidservants like Catarina de San Juan, who arrived from Asia from the 17th century onwards.

Modern era
In Britain, the rough tweed cloth clothing of the English, Irish and Scottish peasantry, including the flat cap and Irish hat were adopted by the upper classes as the British country clothing worn for sports such as hunting or fishing, in imitation of the Prince of Wales. The country clothing, in turn, was appropriated by the wealthy American Ivy League and later preppy subcultures during the 1950s and 1980s due to both its practicality and its association with the British upper class. During the same period, the British comedian Tommy Cooper was known for wearing a Fez throughout his performances.

When the keffiyeh became popular in the late 2000s, experts made a clear distinction between wearing a genuine scarf and wearing a cheaper, inauthentic one made in China. Palestinian independence activists and socialists denounced the wearing of scarves not made in Palestine as a form of cultural appropriation but encouraged fellow Muslims and progressively minded non-Muslim students to buy shemaghs made in the Herbawi factory to demonstrate solidarity with the Palestinian people and improve the economy of the West Bank. In 2017, Topshop caused controversy by selling Chinese-made playsuits that imitated the keffiyeh pattern.

Several fashion designers and models have featured imitations of Native American warbonnets in their fashion shows, such as Victoria's Secret in 2012, when model Karlie Kloss wore one during her walk on the runway; a Navajo Nation spokesman called it a "mockery". Cherokee academic Adrienne Keene wrote in The New York Times:

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Both Victoria's Secret and Kloss issued apologies stating that they had no intentions of offending anyone.

The culturally significant Hindu festival, Holi, has been imitated and incorporated into fashion globally. For example, pop artist Pharrell Williams and Adidas collaborated in 2018 to create the Holi-inspired apparel and shoe line, "Hu Holi." The collection was stated to be a "trivialization of traditions-concepts-symbols-beliefs of Hinduism," according to Raja Zed, president of the Universal Society of Hinduism. The collection included many items which contained leather, a violation of Hindu beliefs.

Archbishop Justin Welby of the Anglican Church said that the crucifix is "now just a fashion statement and has lost its religious meaning". Crucifixes have been incorporated into Japanese lolita fashion by non-Christians in a cultural context that is distinct from its original meaning as a Christian religious symbol.

In 2018, Gucci designers were criticised for sending white models for a catwalk at Milan fashion week wearing a Sikh religious headpiece. Thousands of members from the Sikh community shared anger and disappointment that the brand had used Sikh sacred religious symbol for profit. Traditionally in Sikhism, a turban is worn by both men and women as a symbol of piety, honour, and spirituality, however, many people from Sikh community, including Avan Jogia, found it "offensive" and "irresponsible" for a white model wearing a turban.

The popularity of the 2018 Thai period drama "Love Destiny," which depicts the Ayutthaya Kingdom era, has sparked a trend of Cambodians adopting traditional Thai clothing, including the Sabai and Thai-style jewelry. This trend raises concerns about cultural appropriation. While this phenomenon might stem from admiration, critics argue that it overshadows unique Cambodian sartorial traditions, potentially leading to a decline in the popularity of garments like the Cambodian Sampot. However, Cambodia also grapples with ensuring the accuracy of its own cultural representations, as evidenced by efforts to regulate costume rentals at Angkor Wat.

Hairstyles, makeup, and body modifications

 * The leaders of ancient Israel condemned the adoption of Egyptian and Canaanite practices, especially cutting the hair short or shaving the beard. At the same time, the Old Testament distinguishes the religious circumcision of the Hebrews from cultures, such as the Egyptians, where the practice had aesthetic or practical purposes.
 * During the early 16th century, European men imitated the short, regular haircuts and beards on rediscovered Ancient Greek and Roman statues. The curled hair favoured by the Regency era dandy Beau Brummel was also inspired by the classical era.
 * During the 17th century, Louis XIV began wearing wigs to conceal his baldness. Like many other French fashions, these were quickly appropriated by baroque era courtiers in England and the rest of Europe, to the extent that men often shaved their heads to ensure their wig fitted properly.
 * American soldiers during World War II appropriated the Mohawk hairstyle of the Native American tribe of the same name to intimidate their enemies. These were later worn by 1950s jazz musicians like Sonny Rollins and the 1980s punk subculture.
 * During the early 2000s, it was popular in the West to get tribal tattoos appropriated from African and Polynesian culture, as well as earlobe piercings known as plugs, famously associated with the Buddha.
 * There is debate about non-black people wearing dreadlocks – a hairstyle many associate with African and African diaspora cultures such as Jamaican Rastafari – and whether their doing so is cultural appropriation. In 2016 a viral video was published of a young black student arguing with a young white student and accusing him of cultural appropriation. In 2018, white actor Zac Efron was accused of cultural appropriation, when he posted a picture of himself in dreadlocks.

Sports

While the history of colonisation and marginalisation is not unique to the Americas, the practice of non-Native sports teams deriving team names, imagery, and mascots from Indigenous peoples is still common in the United States and Canada and has persisted in some extent despite protests from Indigenous groups. Cornel Pewewardy, Professor and Director of Indigenous Nations Studies at Portland State University, cites Indigenous mascots as an example of dysconscious racism which, by placing images of Native American or First Nations people into an invented media context, continues to maintain the superiority of the dominant culture. It is argued that such practices maintain the power relationship between the dominant culture and the Indigenous culture and can be seen as a form of cultural imperialism.

Such practices may be seen as particularly harmful in schools and universities that have a stated purpose of promoting ethnic diversity and inclusion. In recognition of the responsibility of higher education to eliminate behaviours that create a hostile environment for education, in 2005, the NCAA initiated a policy against "hostile and abusive" names and mascots that led to the change of many derived from Native American culture, with the exception of those that established an agreement with particular tribes for the use of their specific names. Other schools retain their names because they were founded for the education of Native Americans and continue to have a significant number of Indigenous students. The trend towards the elimination of Indigenous names and mascots in local schools has been steady, with two-thirds having been eliminated over the past 50 years, according to the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI).

In contrast, the Seminole Tribe of Florida, in what the Washington Post called an unusual move, approved of the Florida State Seminoles use of their historical leader, Osceola, and his Appaloosa horse as the mascots Osceola and Renegade. After the NCAA attempted to ban the use of Native American names and iconography in college sports in 2005, the Seminole Tribe of Florida passed a resolution offering explicit support for FSU's depiction of aspects of Florida Seminole culture and Osceola as a mascot. The university was granted a waiver, citing the close relationship with, and ongoing consultation between, the team and the Florida tribe. In 2013, the tribe's chairman objected to outsiders meddling in tribal approval, stating that the FSU mascot and use of Florida State Seminole iconography "represents the courage of the people who were here and are still here, known as the Unconquered Seminoles". Conversely, in 2013, the Seminole Nation of Oklahoma expressed disapproval of "the use of all American Indian sports-team mascots in the public school system, by college and university level and by professional sports teams". Additionally, not all members of the Florida State Seminoles are supportive of the stance taken by their leadership on this issue.

In other former colonies in Asia, Africa, and South America, the adoption of Indigenous names for majority Indigenous teams is also found. There are also ethnically related team names derived from prominent immigrant populations in the area, such as the Boston Celtics, the Notre Dame Fighting Irish, and the Minnesota Vikings.

African American culture
The phenomenon of white people adopting elements of black culture has been prevalent, at least since slavery was abolished in the Western world. The concept has been documented in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, and other white-majority countries. An early form of this was the white negro in the jazz and swing music scenes of the 1920s and 1930s, as examined in the 1957 Norman Mailer essay "The White Negro". It was later seen in the zoot suiter of the 1930s and 1940s, the hipster of the 1940s, the beatnik of the 1950s–1960s, the blue-eyed soul of the 1970s, and the hip hop of the 1980s and 1990s. In 1993, an article in the UK newspaper The Independent described the phenomenon of white, middle-class kids who were "wannabe Blacks". The year 2005 saw the publication of Why White Kids Love Hip Hop: Wangstas, Wiggers, Wannabes, and the New Reality of Race in America by Bakari Kitwana, "a culture critic who's been tracking American hip hop for years".

The term wigger (common spelling "wigga") is a slang term for a white person who adopts the mannerisms, language, and fashions associated with African American culture, particularly hip hop, and, in Britain, the grime scene, often implying the imitation is being done badly, although usually with sincerity rather than mocking intent. Wigger is a portmanteau of white and nigger or nigga, and the related term wangsta is a mashup of wannabe or white and gangsta. Among black hip-hop fans, the word "nigga" can sometimes be considered a friendly greeting, but when used by white people as well as non-black people of colour, it is usually viewed as offensive. Wigger may be derogatory, reflecting stereotypes of African American, Black British, and white culture (when used as a synonym for white trash). The term may be used by white people to belittle those perceived as acting black and by black people to belittle those perceived as mocking black culture.

Robert A. Clift's documentary Blacking Up: Hip-Hop's Remix of Race and Identity questions white enthusiasts of black hip-hop culture. Clift's documentary examines "racial and cultural ownership and authenticity – a path that begins with the stolen blackness seen in the success of Stephen Foster, Al Jolson, Benny Goodman, Elvis Presley, the Rolling Stones – up to Vanilla Ice ... and Eminem". A review of the documentary refers to the wiggers as "white poseurs", and states that the term wigger "is used both proudly and derisively to describe white enthusiasts of black hip-hop culture".

African Americans have been accused of cultural appropriation by people from Africa. This has been disputed, as members of the diaspora have claimed a link to Africa, but those from Africa have disputed it.

The term "blackfishing" was popularised in 2018 by writer Wanna Thompson, describing female white social media influencers who adopt a look perceived to be associated with black people, including braided hair, dark skin from tanning or make-up, full lips, and large thighs. Critics argue they take attention and opportunities from black influencers by appropriating their aesthetics and have likened the trend to blackface. Florida State University's Alisha Gaines, author of Black for a Day: Fantasies of Race and Empathy, said blackfishing allowed non-Black people to appropriate what is commonly considered "cool" about Blackness while still avoiding the negative consequences, such as "racism and state violence". According to Health.com, it is an "inverse form" of passing.

Indigenous cultures

Among critics, the misuse and misrepresentation of indigenous cultures are seen as an exploitative form of colonialism and one step in the destruction of Indigenous cultures.

The results of this appropriation of Indigenous knowledge have led some tribes and the United Nations General Assembly to issue several declarations on the subject. The Declaration of War Against Exploiters of Lakota Spirituality includes the passage:

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Article 31 1 of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states:

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In 2015, a group of Native American academics and writers stated the Rainbow Family members whose acts of "cultural exploitation... dehumanize us as an indigenous Nation because they imply our culture and humanity, like our land, is anyone's for the taking".

In writing about Indigenous intellectual property for the Native American Rights Fund (NARF), board member Professor Rebecca Tsosie stresses the importance of these property rights being held collectively, not by individuals:

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South and East Asian cultures
In 2013, pop star Katy Perry drew heavy criticism for her "geisha-style" performance at the American Music Awards, in which she and her backup dancers donned kimonos, heavy powdered face makeup, and colourful parasols, among other East Asian cultural items. Netizens declared Perry's actions appropriative and harmful to East Asian cultures.

In 2016, pop star Beyoncé was widely criticised for wearing a sari and bindi in the music video for the Coldplay song "Hymn for the Weekend".

From 2020 to the present, there has been a persistent issue regarding the white adoption and convolution of Hindu (a religion originating from South Asia) religious practices, coining them with the umbrella term of "spirituality". These were practices, including the usage of the Evil Eye, Hamsa, etc., that people growing up as Hindus report being bullied for in their past, and even the present.

Australia
The adoption of First Nations' art forms and strong geometric forms was in sympathy with the Arts and Crafts Society's commitment to modernist design but without serious consideration of the ethics of the appropriation of Aboriginal motifs by Western artists. During the 1930s, Margaret Preston advocated the use of Indigenous Australian motifs in contemporary art in her 1930 essay "The Application of Aboriginal Designs" in Art in Australia. The works of other artists, like Allan Lowe, borrowed or copied Aboriginal motifs; Lowe, a potter, drew inspiration from Aboriginal arts from Charles P. Mountford's expedition photographs, while Olive Nock, who attended the 1925 Paris Exposition Internationale des Arts Décoratifs et Industriels Modernes incorporated 'Aboriginal' designs into a tea service. In March 1929, Frances Derham designed the cover of the Victorian Arts and Crafts Society journal, The Recorder, which featured Aboriginal motifs. Also that year, she presented a lecture titled 'The Interest of Aboriginal Art to the Modern Designer' to the Society in which she recounted her examination of Aboriginal material culture and its inspiration for her subsequent artistic expressions in linocuts of the 1920s to the 1940s which featured Aboriginal motifs. She twice visited the 'Aboriginal Art Exhibition' at the National Museum of Victoria in July 1929, and is believed to have inspired students' work based on Aboriginal motifs displayed at the Arts and Crafts Society's annual exhibition. By the 1940s, there was an increasing acceptance of Aboriginal material culture as an art form alongside Western traditions; in 1941, Aboriginal works were included for the first time in a survey 'Art of Australia 1788-1941' that toured the United States and Canada.

Martial arts
In China, there is longstanding resentment of the Japanese schools of karate for stealing, imitating, and claiming credit for the forms of kung fu. Before the 1970s, most sifu disapproved of teaching kung fu to non-Chinese students. In the mid-20th century, Japanese karate was itself appropriated by American soldiers. As mixed martial arts gained popularity in the 21st century, practitioners have appropriated and combined Chinese, Japanese and Thai techniques with Western-style boxing, wrestling, and kickboxing.

During the 2023 Southeast Asian (SEA) Games in Cambodia, a controversy emerged when Cambodian martial arts competitions adopted Muay Thai rules, leading to allegations of cultural appropriation. Critics argued that this disrespected Thai cultural heritage and overshadowed Cambodian martial arts like Bokator. The International Federation of Muaythai Associations (IFMA) intervened, threatening fines and bans for countries participating in the Kun Khmer events under these rules. This prompted Thailand to boycott the SEA Games, further straining relations between the two countries. The popularity of Bokator has been partly influenced by international media, such as Tony Jaa's portrayal of martial arts in the "Tom Yum Goong" movie series. Tony Jaa, a renowned Thai martial artist, showcased traditional techniques that have inspired martial arts enthusiasts globally, including in Cambodia. This highlights the complex interplay of cultural pride and appropriation in the region.

Minority languages
The use of minority languages has been cited as cultural appropriation. The widespread use of the term woke among white people has been highlighted as problematic since it originates in African-American Vernacular English. Although woke adherents would advocate vigilance against cultural appropriation, white people using the term may paradoxically be considered to be adopting an element of African-American culture inappropriately.

The appropriation of language in tattoos has been called into question. Since the early 2000s, it has become increasingly popular for people not of East Asian or South Asian descent to get tattoos of Devanagari, Korean letters, or Han characters (traditional, simplified, or Japanese), often without knowing the actual meaning of the symbols being used. In 2000, footballer David Beckham received a tattoo in Hindi. Beckham does not have Indian heritage.

In Scotland and Ireland, non-speakers of Scottish Gaelic or Irish get tattoos in those languages, often not understanding what their tattoos mean.

In Scotland, the use of incorrect Scottish Gaelic in a tokenistic fashion aimed at non-Gaelic speakers on signage and announcements has been criticised as disrespectful to fluent speakers of the language.

Film and television
In 2017, Ghost in the Shell, which is based on the seinen manga Ghost in the Shell by Masamune Shirow, provoked disputes over whitewashing. Scarlett Johansson, a white actress, took the role of Motoko Kusanagi, a Japanese character. This was seen as cultural appropriation by some Western fans of the original manga who expected the role to be taken by an Asian or Asian-American actor. However, Japanese fans' reactions ranged from neutral to warm feelings about Scarlett Johansson starring in the film, with some fans expressing the sentiment that it would be better to have an actress with no ties to Asia play the character than to have a non-Japanese Asian pretend to be Japanese.

Costumes
During Halloween, some people buy, wear, and sell Halloween costumes based on cultural or racial stereotypes. There have been public protests calling for the end to the manufacture and sales of these costumes and connecting their "degrading" portrayals of Indigenous women to the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW) crisis. In some cases, theme parties have been held where attendees are encouraged to dress up as stereotypes of a certain racial group. A number of these parties have been held at colleges and at times other than Halloween, including Martin Luther King Jr. Day and Black History Month. For example, non-Romani people wear Romani costumes despite Romani people experiencing everyday racism and stereotypes.

Boy Scouts of America-associated dance teams
In chapter four of his book Playing Indian, Native American historian Philip J. Deloria refers to the Koshare Indian Museum and Dancers as an example of "object hobbyists" who adopt the material culture of Indigenous peoples of the past ("the vanishing Indian") while failing to engage with contemporary native peoples or acknowledge the history of conquest and dispossession. In the 1950s, the head councilman of the Zuni Pueblo saw a performance and said: "We know your hearts are good, but even with good hearts you have done a bad thing". In Zuni culture, religious objects and practices are only for those who have earned the right to participate, following techniques and prayers that have been handed down for generations. In 2015, the Koshare's Winter Night dances were cancelled after a late request was received from the Cultural Preservation Office (CPO) of the Hopi Nation asking that the troop discontinue their interpretation of the dances of the Hopi and Pueblo Native Americans. Director of the CPO Leigh Kuwanwisiwma saw a video of the performances online and said the performers were "mimicking our dances, but they were insensitive, as far as I'm concerned". In both instances, unable to satisfy the concerns of the tribes and out of respect for the Native Americans, the Koshare Dance Team complied with the requests, removed dances found to be objectionable, and even went so far as to give items deemed culturally significant to the tribes. Subsequently the Koshare have resumed their performance schedule without having further communications with Native Americans.

The objections from some Native Americans towards such dance teams centre on the idea that the dance performances are a form of cultural appropriation that places dance and costumes in inappropriate contexts devoid of their true meaning, sometimes mixing elements from different tribes. In contrast, the dance teams state that "[their] goal is to preserve Native American dance and heritage through the creation of dance regalia, dancing, and teaching others about the Native American culture".

Gender and sexuality
People in the transgender community have protested against the casting of straight, cisgender actors in trans acting roles, such as when Eddie Redmayne played the role of artist Lili Elbe in the film The Danish Girl and when Jared Leto played the role of a trans woman named Rayon in Dallas Buyers Club. Some in the gay community have expressed concerns about the use of straight actors to play gay characters; this occurs in films such as Call Me by Your Name (straight actors Armie Hammer and Timothée Chalamet), Brokeback Mountain (Heath Ledger and Jake Gyllenhaal), Philadelphia (Tom Hanks), Capote (Philip Seymour Hoffman) and Milk (with Sean Penn playing the role of the real-life gay rights activist, Harvey Milk). In the other direction, gay actors playing straight roles, Andrew Haigh, the writer-director, said, "You rarely see a gay actor applauded for playing straight". Jay Caruso calls these controversies "wholly manufactured" on the grounds that the actors "are playing a role" using the "art of acting".

Some heterosexual individuals controversially self-identify by the term "queer heterosexual". As queer is generally defined either as a synonym for LGBT, or defined as "non-heterosexual", this appropriation of queer by cisgender, heterosexual individuals has been highly contested by LGBT people. One reason is that the term has a long history of use as a slur for LGBT people. LGBT people who consider this use of the term queer by heterosexual people to be inappropriate say that it is patently offensive because it involves members of the dominant culture, who do not experience oppression for their sexual orientation or gender identity, appropriating what they see as the fashionable parts of the terminology and identities of those who are oppressed for their sexuality.

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Other uses

The government of Ghana has been accused of cultural appropriation in adopting the Caribbean Emancipation Day and marketing it to African American tourists as an "African festival".

For some members of the South Asian community, the wearing of a bindi dot as a decorative item by a non-Hindu can be seen as cultural appropriation.

A term among Irish people for someone who imitates or misrepresents Irish culture is Plastic Paddy.

Responses

In 2011, a group of students at Ohio University started a poster campaign denouncing the use of cultural stereotypes as costumes. The campaign features people of colour alongside their respective stereotypes with slogans such as "This is not who I am and this is not okay". The goal of the movement was to raise awareness around racism during Halloween in the university and the surrounding community, but the images also circulated online.

"Reclaim the Bindi" has become a hashtag used by some people of South Asian descent who wear traditional garb and object to its use by people, not of their culture. At the 2014 Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival, one of the most noted fashion trends was the bindi, a traditional Hindu headmark. As pictures of the festival surfaced online, there was public controversy over the casual wearing of the bindi by non-Hindu individuals who did not understand the meaning behind it. Reclaim the Bindi Week is an event which seeks to promote the traditional cultural significance of the bindi and combat its use as a fashion statement.

Criticism of the concept
John McWhorter, an African-American professor at Columbia University, criticised the concept in 2014, arguing that cultural borrowing and cross-fertilisation are generally positive things and are something which is usually done out of admiration and with no intent to harm the cultures being imitated; he also argued that the specific term "appropriation", which can mean theft, is misleading when applied to something like culture that is not seen by all as a limited resource.

In 2016, author Lionel Shriver said that authors from a cultural majority have a right to write in the voice of someone from a cultural minority, attacking the idea that this constitutes cultural appropriation. Referring to a case in which U.S. college students were facing disciplinary action for wearing sombreros to a "tequila party", she said: "The moral of the sombrero scandals is clear: you're not supposed to try on other people's hats. Yet that's what we're paid to do, isn't it? Step into other people's shoes, and try on their hats."

In 2018, conservative columnist Jonah Goldberg described cultural appropriation as a positive thing and dismissed opposition to it as a product of some people's desire to be offended.

Kwame Anthony Appiah, ethics columnist for the New York Times, said that the term cultural appropriation incorrectly labels contemptuous behaviour as a property crime. According to Appiah, "The key question in the use of symbols or regalia associated with another identity group is not: What are my rights of ownership? Rather it's: Are my actions disrespectful?"

Upon winning the 2019 Booker Prize, Bernardine Evaristo dismissed the concept of cultural appropriation, stating that it is ridiculous to demand of writers that they not "write beyond [their] own culture".

Are cultures "pure"?
As Yascha Mounk states in his book The People vs Democracy (2018), the problem with cultural appropriation necessarily acknowledges a purist conception of culture, it being linked to the building of an monoethnical common identity, which appropriates itself of some rites and traits. He argues that no symbols or traditions minoritarian culture should be denigrated or mocked. But it does open the door to what he calls "historical nonsense".

However, cultures have never been completely defined, as they have inspired from one and another, and have thus enriched their own.

The segmentation in well-defined cultures works the same way as far right leaders in their views of identity and the defence of their nation, that should not include "foreign influences on their national cultures".

title: Cultural appropriation


text:
Hasta

Hasta may refer to:

Latin

 * Hasta (spear)
 * Hasta Pompeia, a Roman town today known as Asti

Sanskrit

 * Hasta (hand), a Sanskrit word meaning hand gesture or position
 * Hasta (unit), a measure of length
 * Hasta (nakshatra), the thirteenth nakshatra of Hindu astrology

Fictional character

 * Hasta Ekstermi

HASTA

 * Heart of America Suzuki Teachers Association, a Kansas City area chapter affiliate of the Suzuki Association of the Americas

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Hasta


text:
Tras

Tras may refer to:
 * Tras (state constituency), in Malaysia
 * tras, a Spanish preposition
 * Tras Honan (born 1930), Irish politician
 * Xavier Tras, a fictional name used in cricket scoring

title: Tras


text:
Effectiveness

Effectiveness or effectivity is the capability of producing a desired result or the ability to produce desired output. When something is deemed effective, it means it has an intended or expected outcome, or produces a deep, vivid impression.

Etymology
The origin of the word effective stems from the Latin word, which means "creative, productive, or effective". It surfaced in Middle English between 1300 and 1400 AD.

Mathematics and logic
In mathematics and logic, effective is used to describe metalogical methods that fit the criteria of an effective procedure.

In group theory, a group element acts effectively (or faithfully) on a point, if that point is not fixed by the action.

Physics
In physics, an effective theory is, similar to a phenomenological theory, a framework intended to explain certain (observed) effects without the claim that the theory correctly models the underlying (unobserved) processes.

In heat transfer, effectiveness is a measure of the performance of a heat exchanger when using the NTU method.

Medicine
In medicine, effectiveness relates to how well a treatment works in practice, especially as shown in pragmatic clinical trials, as opposed to efficacy, which measures how well it works in explanatory clinical trials or research laboratory studies.

Humanities and social sciences
In management, effectiveness relates to getting the right things done. Peter Drucker reminds his readers that "effectiveness can and must be learned". The term "institutional effectiveness" has been widely adopted within higher education settings to assess "how well an institution is achieving its mission and goals". For example, Utica University in New York State holds that "an effective institution is characterized by a clearly defined mission that articulates who it serves, what it aspires to be, and what it values. Likewise, an effective institution has clear goals that are broadly communicated to its stakeholders". Pope Francis adopts the same term in a critique of governmental effectiveness when he refers to "a number of countries [with] a relatively low level of institutional effectiveness", which leads to "greater problems for their people while benefiting those who profit from this situation". He refers, for example, to countries whose laws are "well written" but not effectively enforced.

In human–computer interaction, effectiveness is defined as "the accuracy and completeness of users' tasks while using a system". In military science, effectiveness is a criterion used to assess changes determined in the target system, in its behavior, capability, or assets, tied to the attainment of an end state, achievement of an objective, or creation of an effect, while combat effectiveness is: "...the readiness of a military unit to engage in combat based on behavioral, operational, and leadership considerations. Combat effectiveness measures the ability of a military force to accomplish its objective and is one component of overall military effectiveness."

Related terms
Efficacy, efficiency, and effectivity are terms that can, in some cases, be interchangeable with the term effectiveness. The word effective is sometimes used in a quantitative way, "being very effective or not very effective". However, neither "effectiveness", nor "effectively", inform about the direction (positive or negative) or gives a comparison to a standard of the given effect. Efficacy, on the other hand, is the extent to which a desired effect is achieved; the ability to produce a desired amount of the desired effect, or the success in achieving a given goal. Contrary to the term efficiency, the focus of efficacy is the achievement as such, not the resources spent in achieving the desired effect. Therefore, what is effective is not necessarily efficacious, and what is efficacious is not necessarily efficient.

Other synonyms for effectiveness include: clout, capability, success, weight, performance. Antonyms for effectiveness include: uselessness, ineffectiveness.

Simply stated, effective means achieving an effect, and efficient means getting a task or job done it with little waste. To illustrate: suppose, you build 10 houses, very fast and cheap (efficient), but no one buy them. In contrary to building 5 houses same budget and time as 10 houses but you get all 5 sold and the buyers are happy (effective). You get the desired result selling your houses and happy customers (effect).

title: Effectiveness


text:
Hessian dialects

Hessian (Hessisch) is a West Central German group of dialects of the German language in the central German state of Hesse. The dialect most similar to Hessian is Palatinate German (Pfälzisch) of the Rhine Franconian sub-family. However, the Hessian dialects have some features which set them somewhat apart from other West-Central German dialects.

Dialects
Hessian can be divided into four main dialects: To understand this division, one must consider the history of Hesse and the fact that this state is the result of an administrative reform.
 * North Hessian (Nordhessisch, around the city of Kassel),
 * Central Hessian (Zentralhessisch, including the Marburg and Gießen areas),
 * East Hessian (Osthessisch, around Fulda),
 * South Hessian (Südhessisch, around Darmstadt).

The urban New Hessian Regiolect of Frankfurt and the Rhine-Main area is based on the South Hessian dialect. In the Central Hessian dialect area, this regiolect is gradually replacing the traditional local dialects. Consonants are often softened. For instance, Standard German Äpfel ('apples') becomes Ebbel.

Classification
Hessian dialects are traditionally classified as part of Rhine Franconian dialect group, based on their reflexes of the High German consonant shift:
 * West Germanic medial/final p, t, k shifted to f, s, ch (offen, Wasser, machen), and initial t together with medial/final tt shifted to (t)z (Zeit). Low German to the north did not participate in this shift (open, Water, maken, Tid).
 * The shift t > s regularly occurred in the pronouns das and was, unlike in Central Franconian to the west, which has dat and wat.
 * West Germanic initial p and medial/final pp have remained plosives (Pund 'pound', Appel 'apple'), contrasting to the east with East Franconian, which—like Standard German—has affricates in both positions (Pfund, Apfel), and with Thuringian, which has shifted initial p to f, but retained pp as a plosive (Fund, Appel).

The main distinguishing feature between Hessian (in the traditional sense) and Palatine Rhine-Franconian is the retention of medial/final st, which became scht in the latter (Hessian: fest vs. Palatine: fescht).

An alternative classification has been proposed by German dialectologist Peter Wiesinger. According to Wiesinger, North Hessian, East Hessian and Central Hessian betray closer historical links with Central Franconian and must be grouped together as Hessian (in a narrower sense) which is an independent dialect group within West Central German and thus not part of Rhine Franconian in spite of the same basic outcome of the High German consonant shift. On the other hand, South Hessian is not included in Wiesinger's Hessian, but remains included within Rhine Franconian.

North Hessian
Like Standard German, North Hessian has retained the Middle High German (MHG) endings -e and -en. In all other Hessian dialects, -e was lost, while -en was lost in East Hessian and became -e in Central and South Hessian. In the eastern North Hessian area, the MHG long vowels î, û, iu did not undergo New High German diphthongization (Ziiden 'times', Miise 'mice', Bruud 'bride', cf. Standard German Zeiten, Mäuse, Braut).

Central Hessian
Central Hessian is characterized by a number of distinctive vowel shifts from MHG:
 * The MHG diphthongs ie, uo, üe changed to [ɛɪ], [ɔʊ], [ɔɪ] (Bräib 'letter', gàud 'good', Fois 'feet', cf. Standard German Brief, gut, Füße)
 * The MHG diphthongs ei, ou, öu merged to [aː] (baad 'both', Schdaab 'dust', Fraad 'joy', cf. Standard German beide, Staub, Freude).
 * The MHG long vowels ê, ô, œ were raised to [iː], [uː], [iː] (Ziiwe 'toes', ruud 'red', biis 'nasty', cf. Standard German Zehen, rot, böse).

East Hessian
A characteristic feature of East Hessian are the long mid monophthongs [eː], [oː], [eː]/[øː] from the MHG diphthongs ie, uo, üe, e.g. Breef 'letter', Broder 'brother', free 'early', cf. Standard German Brief, Bruder, früh). In the northern East Hessian area, MHG high long vowels were retained like in the adjacent area of North Hessian.

title: Hessian dialects


text:
Dulag, Leyte

Dulag (IPA: [dʊ'lag]), officially the Municipality of Dulag (Bungto han Dulag; Bayan ng Dulag), is a 3rd class municipality in the province of Leyte, Philippines. According to the 2020 census, it has a population of 48,992 people.

This coastal town has 11,007 hectares of land and lies 36 km south of the concurrent regional center of Eastern Visayas and the administrative capital of provincial government of Leyte, Tacloban.

Popularly known as the "Liberation Town", Dulag survived and has risen from the ruins of the Second World War and at present time, a thriving coastal town fronting Leyte Gulf.

In 1954, the barrios of Mayorga, Andres Bonifacio, Talisay, San Roque, Burgos, Liberty, Union, Ormocay, Wilson, and the southern portion of barrio of Cogon Bingcay was separated to form the town of Mayorga, Leyte.

Etymology
Dulag was a vital center of commerce in the eastern sector of the Leyte Island. Local and foreign ships docked at its seaport carrying merchants from seafaring nations who barter their products for local materials like abaca, copra, tobacco, rice and wine with the natives. Large warehouses Casa Sontua, Casa Petiksi, Casa Limpingco, Casa Ortega, Casa Gotauangco, and Casa Florentino lined the coastal shores of Dulag and fostered trading from neighboring towns Dagami, Tabontabon, Burauen, La Paz, MacArthur (formerly Taraguna), Julita and Mayorga. Goods from these towns were exported through Dulag to foreign countries.

Other etymological versions explaining how Dulag got its name includes "dulao" (the medical herb turmeric, Curcuma longa),"nagdudulag" (bones of wild animals scattered by hunters; scattered settlers), and "dalag" (vernacular term for catfish, Ictalutus punctatus, thriving along Candao River).

History
Dulag is one of the few barangays in Leyte that antedated the discovery of the Philippines in 1521. It is situated in the eastern coast of Leyte. There are several versions as to how Dulag got its name. The first was that in the early years of the 18th century, the town was already a flourishing community, the center of trade and commerce in eastern Leyte. The town then was considered the center of commercial activities going on thus it was named Dulag, the German term for center.

Another version states that it is the etymological variation of a certain herb called "dulao" which grew abundantly in the area. Dulao is a kind of plant which is yellowish-green in color used as a food seasoning for a local dish. Because of its abundance, the place was called after this herb.

The third version states that there was a time when bones of different kinds of animals were scattered all around the place. Whenever people would see bones all around, they always commented, "nagdudulag hin tul-an." This means that bones were scattered all around. The word nagdudulag was then shortened to Dulag.

The last version says that the name could have come from the name of the first settler whom legend says was named Dulagdulag.

The first Jesuit missionaries arrived at Dulag in September 1595. An encomendero, Don Pedro Hernandez brought them in his boat from Cebu. The missionaries, Fr. Alonzo de Humanes and Fr. Juan del Campo, first coaxed the natives to settle within the limits of the sitio instead of living far from each other. After this was accomplished, the Jesuit fathers built a church and a convent.

A nucleus of some 60 boys from Palo was formed by the fathers for the first mission school in Dulag. In the church compound they were taught their three R's and religion. Using the crudest of materials, the boys learned the Spanish language and helped serve as interpreters to the missionaries on their missions. The burden of supporting the boys began to tell on the resources of the padres but periodic allowances from the encomendero permitted them to continue with their studies. The school was patterned after a Jesuit school in Antipolo in Luzon, which the Jesuits had founded earlier.

Dulag became a booming locality by May 1596. It became the centrum of commercial activities. The Jesuits made great progress at conversion. They became successful especially when the principales of the town allowed themselves to be baptized.

Years of peace were suddenly broken when on October 29, 1603, Moro raiders ravaged the town. Wild confusion followed after the arrival of 70 vintas full of Moros. Some of the precious possessions of the church were fortunately evacuated before the Moros finally landed on the shores of Dulag.

Bolisan, the Moro leader sailed away to Surigao after 700 captives and rich loot had safely been stored in the holds of their vintas. Fr. Hurtado, one of the missionary priests was himself a captive. During the years that followed, the padre was able to teach Christianity to the Moros. He was later ransomed and returned to Dulag.

The Moro raids were said to have burned 10 churches in Leyte. Sacred images were destroyed, sacred vessels were looted, and new Christians enslaved.

After the Moro raids, more misfortune struck the town. Two typhoons destroyed the church and laid waste the harvest of the season. An earthquake of violent proportions followed this. In 1610, a locust invasion destroyed more crops. In September 1611, more typhoons added to the desolation of the people. As if to climax the lean years, the Moros returned in 1613, destroyed the church and town, burned the harvest and carried of men, women and children to be sold as slaves. The parish priest, Fr. Pascual Acuña was also captured by the Moros. He was later released in exchange for a Moro chief named Pagdalunan who was captured by the Spaniards.

Before the Jesuits left in 1768, they had built a brick church under the avocation of the Nativity of Our Lady. It was significantly called the "Refugio."

After the expulsion of the Jesuits, the Augustinians took over then parish. Fr. Cipriano Barbasan is specially remembered for enlarging and remodeling the church. He was responsible for the ornamentation of the church altar and the construction of lookout towers of the hills of Calbasag and Mount Laberanan in San Jose. Both were solid edifices of brick which served as places of refuge during subsequent attacks by the Moros.

In 1843, the first Franciscan parish priest arrived. Under the direction of Fr. Francisco Rosas, the first road to Abuyog was constructed.

A long line of gobernadorcillos ruled the town. From Basilio de Paz to Hilario Saño, the town progressed further. During the revolutionary period, Julio Villagracia and Rosendo Cornel governed. Like other towns, Dulag suffered from depredations of the insurrectors and the pulahanes.

During the American regime, Emilio Celso Abad was elected the first capitan. The steady progress of the town resulted in the expansion of the town limits.

Marcial Lagunzad was the mayor of Dulag when the Japanese occupied the town. He was tactful, so many lives were spared but he died during the early days of the liberation during an American bombing raid.

The landing of the American forces, which took place from October 17 to 20, 1944 took a heavy toll on the Municipality's townspeople. The church, public buildings as well as residences were razed to the ground. The streets that used to be concrete and asphalt crumbled to rubble after concentrated American shelling.

For a time, after the shelling of Dulag, the seat of government was transferred to Mayorga, one of the barrios. Slowly, the people returned to the town and under the leadership of Mayor Nicolas Bautista, Dulag was rebuilt.

Geography
Dulag covers 11,007 hectares in land area in the eastern side of Leyte Island fronting the Gulf of Leyte. The terrain is characterized mainly by generally flat sloping land rolling terrain in the western section.

From Tacloban City, one can reach Dulag by land traversing the 36 km route via the Maharlika Highway. Travel time usually takes three-quarter minutes to full one hour.

Leyte Gulf washes its western shores in Dulag. The town is bounded 12 kilometers to the north by the Municipality of Tolosa; to the west, about 7 kilometers lies the Municipality of Julita; and 7 kilometers south is the Municipality of Mayorga.

Climate
The prevailing climate type is similar in all eastern coastal towns of the province. The climate is type 2 in category wherein there is no definite dry or wet season throughout. Rainfall is more or less evenly distributed throughout the year. Maximum rainfall is from November to January. During weather disturbances (typhoon) some barangays are easily flooded. These barangays are found along Daang Maharlika, along the Daguitan River, and within the poblacion. Among these are Barangays Barbo, Alegre, Fatima, Salvacion; Districts of Combis, Market Site and Cambula, and the elementary school therewith, though there is no definite pattern of occurrence.

Water Resources
Being the foremost basic need of man, the absence of clean and sanitary pipe water system throughout the locality is a big problem. Most water sources came from tube pumps, dug wells, aside from few places with faucet potable water system.

Per 2006 Barangay Profile Survey on sources of potable water supply, the following result revealed that out of the total number of households, only about 513 or 5.98% are dependent on owned-use faucet system of potable water, where households get water supply from a faucet inside the house/yard directly connected to a water pipeline from their own water system (electric pump).

There are 2,299 households or 26.80% that take their drinking water from a tube/pipe well (jetmatic/pitcher pump) for private use of the household, 637 household or 11.87 takes their water from a deep well of another household or establishment or from a deep well constructed for public use.

Some important uses water are for taking a shower, taking a bath, washing hands, brushing teeth and washing dishes. Other use water to flush and clean the toilet, wash vehicles, and even water the plants.

Out of 8,580 households, 58.93% or about 5,057 household got water from their own Jetmatic/Pitcher Pump for their laundry and/or bathing. Other sources were recipient of community water system (2.03%), owned electric pumps (5.07%), shared to an electric water pump (1.94%), shared to a Jetmatic/Pitcher Pump from a neighbor (14.56%), dug well (14.56%) and some get water from peddlers (2.91%).

Barangays
Dulag is politically subdivided into 45 barangays. Each barangay consists of puroks and some have sitios.

In 1957, the sitio of Inawangan was converted into barrio Kamitok. In the same year, Mat-i was renamed President Roxas, Cogon-Bingkay was renamed Salvacion, and sitio Pamoblaran was converted into barrio San Antonio.

 * Alegre
 * Arado
 * Bulod
 * Batug
 * Bolongtohan
 * Cabacungan
 * Cabarasan
 * Cabatoan
 * Calipayan
 * Calubian
 * Camitoc
 * Camote
 * Dacay
 * Del Carmen
 * Del Pilar
 * Fatima
 * General Roxas
 * Luan
 * Magsaysay
 * Maricum
 * Barbo (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Buntay (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Cambula (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Candao (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Catmonan (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Combis (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Highway (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Market Site (Poblacion Sawang)
 * San Miguel (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Serrano (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Sungi (Poblacion Sawang)
 * Rawis
 * Rizal
 * Romualdes
 * Sabang Daguitan
 * Salvacion
 * San Agustin
 * San Antonio
 * San Isidro
 * San Jose
 * San Rafael
 * San Vicente
 * Tabu
 * Tigbao
 * Victory

Demographics
In the 2020 census, the population of Dulag, Leyte, was 48,992 people, with a density of undefined PD/km2.

Dulag population density is higher than the national density. This means that considering the total land area of the municipality and its present population, Dulag is considered a low density town. There are 4 people living in a hectare tract of land or 400 people living in every square kilometer. Within the municipality, Barangay Buntay had a high population density of 154 persons per hectare, followed by Barangay Candao, and Barangay Market Site with 62 persons per hectare and 50 persons per hectare, respectively.

The age structure of the population of Dulag deviated from the usual pyramid shape. The age group 10–14 years old had the largest population with 11.46%, followed by 5–9 years old (11.44%). The male populace constitutes about 50.57% of the total population, and about 49.42% are female. This becomes a one is to one (1:1) gender ratio.

Based from the 2006 Barangay Profile Survey data, the total dependents of the municipality represented about 17,761 while the working group is 26,382. This means that each working individual will support an average of 1.4 heads as dependent.

Language and Literacy
A current survey on mother-tongue languages used in Dulag households reveals that 97.75% (43,148) of the 44,143 residents are Waray speaking; 1.17% (516) speaks Cebuano; and 1.06% speaks Tagalog. This result reinforces that Dulag is indeed a Waray-waray speaking town.

Waray-waray is a language in the Visayan language family spoken in the provinces of Samar, Northern Samar, Eastern Samar, Leyte (eastern portion), and Biliran in the Philippines. This Austronesian language has several dialects and remains to be an integral part of the Filipino language with about 6,000,000 speakers.

Religion

Majority of the residents of Dulag are Roman Catholic as they comprise 97.21% participation rate. Smaller religious groups such as Members Church of God International, popularly known as Ang Dating Daan, Iglesia ni Cristo, Dulag Christian Bible Church (Non-Denominational, Born Again, Christian), Born Again, Baptist, Jehovah's Witnesses, UCCP, etc. share the remainder 2.79% of the total population.

Government
The residents and territories of Dulag are governed by the barangay, municipal, provincial and national governments of the Philippines.

Dulag is subdivided into 45 barangays (the basic political unit in governance in the Philippines). Of the 45 barangays, 11 are within the urbanized poblacion (town proper); while, 34 are situated in the rustic countryside.

The barangay plays a pivotal role as the planning and implementing unit of government policies, programs and activities. Each barangay is led and governed by its Barangay Officials. The Barangay considered as a Local Government Unit (LGU) same as the Provincial and the Municipal Government. It is composed of a Punong Barangay (Barangay Captain/Chief), a Sanguniang Barangay (Barangay Council) with seven Barangay Kagawads (Barangay Members) who are all duly-elected by their constituents, and a Sangguniang Kabataan (Youth Council) Chairman afforded with full membership status in the council after being duly-elected but only by the barangay's youth sector. Thus, there are eight members of the Legislative Council in a barangay. Each Kagawad serves as chair of a committee. Three members are appointed to carry out the functions of each committee. Below are the committees in the Barangay Council:
 * 1) Peace and Order Committee,
 * 2) Appropriations, Finance and Ways and Means Committee,
 * 3) Education Committee,
 * 4) Health Committee,
 * 5) Agriculture Committee,
 * 6) Tourism Committee,
 * 7) Infrastructure Committee, and
 * 8) Youth and Sports Committee.

The Punong-bayan/Meyor/Alkalde (Municipal Mayor) is the chief executive officer of the town. As mandated by the 1991 Local Government Code of the Philippines authored by Sen. Aquilino Pimentel Jr., the Mayor has the power to:

 * 1) exercise general supervision and control over all programs, projects, services, and activities of the city government;
 * 2) enforce all laws and ordinances relative to the governance of the city and in the exercise of the appropriate corporate powers provided for in the said code, implement all approved policies, programs, projects, services and activities of the city;
 * 3) initiate and maximize the generation of resources and revenues, and apply the same to the implementation of development plans, program objectives and priorities, particularly those resources and revenues programmed for citywide growth;
 * 4) ensure the delivery of basic services and the provision of adequate public facilities; and
 * 5) exercise such other powers that may be prescribed by law or ordinance.

Next in the line of succession in the Municipal Government is the Pangalawang Punong-bayan/Bise-Alkade (Vice Mayor) who is concurrently the presiding officer of the Sangguniang Bayan (Municipal Council). Aside from being the presiding officer in the Municipal Council, the Vice Mayor may also appoint officials and employees of the Municipal Council, assume the office of the Municipal Mayor and its powers, duties and functions for the unexpired term of the latter in the event of permanent vacancy, and exercise such powers and perform such other duties and functions as may be prescribed by law or ordinance.

The local legislature of Dulag is called the Sangguniang Bayan (Municipal Council). Ten Konsehal (Councilors) represent their constituents. The council is composed of eight Councilors, plus the President of the local Association of Barangay Councils (ABCs), and the President of the Federation of Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) as ex-officio members. It is the Municipal Vice Mayor who serves as its presiding officer, and may only vote to "break the tie" should there be a stalemate during floor deliberations.

The council is divided into several committees to which council matters are referred prior to floor deliberations. The committees are composed of five council members each, inclusive of the respective committee chairmen and vice-chairmen. Although the council's powers are basically legislative in nature, they may exercise certain quasi-judicial functions, especially on matters requiring thorough investigation and fact-finding procedures.

In accordance to the Local Government Code of the Philippines, the Municipal Council may therefore:
 * 1) approve ordinances and pass resolutions necessary for an efficient and effective city government;
 * 2) generate and maximize the use of resources and revenues for the development plans, program objectives and priorities of the city, with particular attention to industrial development and citywide growth and progress;
 * 3) enact ordinances granting franchises and authorizing the issuance of permits or licenses, upon such conditions and for such purposes intended to promote the general welfare of the inhabitants of the city;
 * 4) regulate activities relative to the use of land, buildings and structures within the city in order to promote general welfare;
 * 5) approve ordinances which shall ensure the efficient and effective delivery of basic services and facilities for Parañaque's citizenry; and,
 * 6) exercise such other powers and perform such other duties and functions as may be prescribed by law or ordinance.

It is also required of the Barangay Councils to submit their respective legislations and budget schedules to the City Council for the latter's review and recommendation for the Mayor's approval.

The Municipal Officials serve three-year terms and are allowed a maximum of three consecutive terms in their respective positions. However, they may run for the same office again only after one term of non-incumbency for such functions.

Dulag, along with rest of the towns in Leyte, is governed by the Provincial Government of Leyte. The Provincial Government is headed by the Gobernador (Governor) and assisted by the Bise-Gobernador (Vice Governor) and the Bokal (duly elected Board Members and ex officio members) of the Sangguniang Panlalawigan (Provincial Board). The provincial officials have similar if not the same functions as the municipal officials. Provincial officials have greater scope of authority as they govern on the interest of the constituents within the province.

Tourism
World War II veterans who witnessed on October 20, 1944, the landing of Gen. Douglas MacArthur during the Battle of Leyte Gulf.

Veterans claim that the General did not land in Palo, Leyte as history books have stated. But instead, Gen. MacArthur landed first in Dulag, Leyte. The veterans had several evidences to substantiate their claims.

An evidence of such claim is the tourist attraction "Hill 120" in Dulag, Leyte. Another proof is that when the General landed he passed by an old church. Based from accounts, the said Dulag church fits the description given by the veterans.

The other one is that a few days upon the return of General MacArthur in Philippine soil, Forces of Liberation in Leyte with the Philippine Commonwealth troops made Dulag's neighboring town Tolosa a U.S. Navy base, the 6th of 13th Air Force. It was in Tanghas, a barangay in Tolosa, where the famous American composer Irving Berlin, first performed his renowned composition Heaven Watch the Philippines for his Filipino audience with then Philippine President Sergio Osmeña and Gen. Carlos P. Romulo. Tolosa is a next town after Dulag.

Healthcare
The Municipal Health Office is manned by one Municipal Health Physician (MHP), two Public Health Nurses (PHN), eight Rural Health Midwives (RHM), one Rural Sanitary Inspector (RSI), one Medical Technologist, one Dental Aide, four Medical Aide/Clerks, two Utility Workers and two Volunteer Nurses. Each RHM have their own catchment area which is composed of three to four barangays. One RHM is assigned in the Main Health Center. Despite difficulties, the Municipal Health Office delivers health services regularly to their constituents.

The programs and services implemented by the Rural Health Unit are: National Tuberculosis Control Program (NTP), Health and Sanitation, Maternal and Child Health Care (MCHC), Nutrition, Expanded Program on Immunization (EPI), Control of Diarrheal Disease, Leprosy Control and Family Planning. These programs and services are implemented throughout the municipality through the effort of the Rural Health Personnel with the help of the Barangay Health Workers (BHW), Barangay Nutrition Scholars (BNS) and trained hilots practitioners in their respective barangays.

Education
The two school districts of Dulag under the Department of Education (DepEd) oversee the implementation of the programs and thrusts of the department. It is currently undergoing changes in order to achieve the goal Quality Education and Education For All.

The 2 districts are composed of twenty-nine (29) elementary schools. Dulag North consists of 20 Elementary/Primary Schools while Dulag South District is composed of 19 Elementary School.

Secondary Education is being provided by six National High Schools: The Dulag National High School, San Jose National High School, Cabacungan National High School, Cabatoan National High School, Calubian Integrated School and Rizal National High School.

Tertiary Education offered by Eastern Visayas State University- Dulag Satellite Campus caters to the tertiary education needs of the constituents.

title: Dulag, Leyte


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Lawrence Einhorn

Lawrence Einhorn is an American oncologist at Indiana University School of Medicine. A pioneer in cancer treatment research, Einhorn developed cisplatin-based chemotherapy regimens that increased cure rates while minimizing toxic side effects.

Overview
Einhorn received a B.S. from Indiana University Bloomington in 1965 and his M.D. from the University of Iowa in 1968. He served his internship and residency at Indiana University Medical Center, followed by a fellowship in Hematology/Oncology at the M.D. Anderson Hospital Tumor Institute in Houston, Texas. He returned to IU Medical Center in 1973 and was named Distinguished Professor of Medicine in 1987. He became the first Lance Armstrong Foundation Professor of Oncology in 2006. Einhorn is also a member of the Experimental and Developmental Therapeutics Program at the Indiana University Melvin and Bren Simon Comprehensive Cancer Center in Indianapolis.

Einhorn has received numerous honors in his career including the Glenn Irwin Experience Excellence Award, Riley Distinguished Lecturer, the Kettering Prize Cancer Research-General Motors Foundation, the ACCC Clinical Oncology Award, the Distinguished Clinician Award from the Milken Foundation, the Willis Stetson Award and Lecture from The University of Pennsylvania, the Richard and Hinda Rosenthal Foundation Award for Cancer Research, the Herman B Wells Visionary Award, the State of Israel Peace Medal, the Vermeil Medal of Paris, and The David A. Kamofsky Memorial Award and Lecture from the American Society of Clinical Oncology. He was elected to membership in the National Academy of Sciences and American Philosophical Society in 2001.

Famous patients

 * Lance Armstrong – American cyclist. In 1996, Armstrong was battling stage-three testicular cancer that had spread to his brain, lungs, and abdomen. Einhorn led the medical team that treated Armstrong's cancer. By February 1997, Armstrong was declared cancer-free. The same year, he founded the Livestrong Foundation, formerly known as the Lance Armstrong Foundation, to support cancer patients.
 * Yuvraj Singh – Indian cricket player, discovered cancer in his lungs during the 2011 Cricket World Cup. Singh was successfully treated for a mediastinal germ cell tumor (mediastinal seminoma). Returning to cricket after one year, Singh founded the YouWeCan Foundation which helped hundreds of cancer patients.

External link

 * Indiana University Faculty page

title: Lawrence Einhorn


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Mars Ravelo

Marcial "Mars" Custodio Ravelo (October 9, 1916 – September 12, 1988) was a Filipino comic book cartoonist and graphic novelist. Dubbed as the "King of Philippine Komiks", he is notable for creating Darna, Dyesebel, Captain Barbell, Lastikman, Bondying, Varga, Wanted: Perfect Mother, Hiwaga, Maruja, Mariposa, Roberta, Rita, Buhay Pilipino, Jack and Jill, Flash Bomba, Tiny Tony, and Dragonna among others.

Early life
Mars Ravelo was born on October 9, 1916, when America still occupied the Philippines.

Career
Ravelo started out as a cartoonist, then as a writer, and later on as editor-in-chief for two publications houses and for several film companies. He later established his own company, RAR.

Ravelo created the characters of Darna the super heroine, Dyesebel the love-lorn mermaid, and Captain Barbel the super hero, Facifica Falayfay, and the duo of Jack & Jill. He also created the drama about a young orphaned girl named Roberta for Sampaguita Pictures. Ravelo wrote the movie adaptation of Alicia Vergel's Basahang Ginto. Ravelo is known to be the "King of Philippine Komiks."

Death
Mars Ravelo died on September 12, 1988, due to heart attack.

List of Mars Ravelo's comic books

 * Bondying
 * Buhay Pilipino
 * Captain Barbell
 * Darna
 * Dragonna
 * Flash Bomba
 * Hiwaga
 * Jack and Jill
 * Kapitan Boom
 * Lastikman
 * Mariposa
 * Maruja
 * Rita
 * Roberta
 * Tiny Tony
 * Varga
 * Wanted: Perfect Mother

In popular culture
The life story of Mars Ravelo was featured in the anthology series Magpakailanman on May 26, 2005, actor Dennis Trillo portrayed Ravelo.

title: Mars Ravelo