text:
Mass Central Rail Trail

The Mass Central Rail Trail (MCRT) is a partially completed rail trail between Northampton, Massachusetts and Boston along the former right-of-way (ROW) of the Massachusetts Central Railroad. It currently has 59 miles open, and 94.5 miles are open or protected for trail development. When complete, it will be 104 miles long through Central Massachusetts and Greater Boston, forming the longest rail trail in New England. Many sections of the trail, including the Norwottuck Branch of the Mass Central Rail Trail and the Somerville Community Path, have been developed as separate projects but serve as part of the complete Mass Central Rail Trail. The Norwottuck Network, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit that supports the build and operation of the MCRT, maintains an interactive map of the MCRT and other Massachusetts trails.

History
The first attempt to convert the former Massachusetts Central Railroad into a rail trail occurred in 1980 when the Commonwealth of Massachusetts acquired the westernmost 8.5 miles of the former rail ROW, and developed it into what was then known as the Norwottuck Rail Trail in 1993. In 1995, community leaders and volunteers formed the Wachusett Greenways, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit formed to create trails and greenways in the communities between Barre and Sterling, and began to build a hard packed stone dust trail over the rail ROW, naming it the Massachusetts Central Rail Trail. In 1996, the first plans to build out the MCRT from Berlin to Waltham on the ROW now owned by the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority (MBTA) emerged, but stalled until 2010, when the Massachusetts Department of Conservation and Recreation (DCR) executed a lease with the MBTA to build the Mass Central Rail Trail - Wayside. This work inspired other communities and land trusts to begin to build out their own sections of the MCRT.

Efforts to complete the MCRT
In 1999, the Massachusetts Department of Environmental Management produced "Commonwealth Connections, A Greenway Vision for Massachusetts", including a call for a cross state multi-use trail reaching from Boston to the Berkshires. Since 1999, Wachusett Greenways, the Wayside Rail Trail Committee, or the Norwottuck Network have held Golden Spike conferences during various years to promote the MCRT and other regional trails. Since 2017, the Norwottuck Network has been issuing a monthly newsletter regarding MCRT development, as well as trail development in the region. In 2021, MassTrails produced "Shared Use Path Benefits Primer", which featured the Norwottuck Branch of the Mass Central Rail Trail as one of the case studies. In 2021, the Massachusetts Department of Transportation produced a feasibility study of the 68.5 miles mid-state section of the MCRT between Belchertown and Berlin. In 2023, MassTrails produced an interactive Priority Trails Network vision map for current and future shared-use path projects throughout the Commonwealth that will be prioritized, including all 104 miles of the MCRT. In 2023, the Norwottuck Network produced "Envisioning a Statewide Connection Massachusetts Central Rail Trail Benefits Study", a report highlighting the benefits of completing all 104 miles of the MCRT.

Northampton and Norwottuck Branch of the Mass Central Rail Trail

The trail is fully complete and paved through Northampton. The Mass Central Rail Trail's western terminus is at Northampton Union Station, beginning a section shared with the New Haven Northampton Canal Line trail, maintained by the City of Northampton. It continues 0.9 miles parallel with the Connecticut River Line, an example of rails with trails, to Woodmont Road. Next, the Norwottuck Branch of the Mass Central Rail Trail, runs 11 miles from downtown Northampton through Hadley and Amherst going 1300 feet into Belchertown; it is a state park maintained by the Department of Conservation and Recreation (DCR). The connection from Northampton to Hadley is made by the Norwottuck Rail Trail Bridge, a 1492 ft, 8 span, steel lattice truss bridge first built over the Connecticut River in 1887. The trail was built in 1993, first known as the Norwottuck Rail Trail, and was one of the last US formal paved bikeways at 8 ft wide; in 2015 the trail was widened to 10 ft.

The 5 mile section west of downtown, known as the Northwest Leg (Look Park Segment) of the Northampton Rail Trail System to Williamsburg, also known as the Francis P. Ryan Section, is maintained by the City of Northampton. It was formerly the New Haven & Northampton Company Williamsburg Branch, not part of the Mass Central Railroad, and is not included in the 104 miles tally. Additional connecting trails in this section include the Arthur R. Swift Amherst/UMass Bike Connector, and the Manhan Rail Trail, which is part of the greater New Haven and Northampton Canal Greenway.

Belchertown and East Quabbin
The rail ROW heads roughly southeast through Belchertown until the Ware River in Palmer. The remaining rail ROW in the East segment of the Quabbin Valley to New Braintree (and Barre) roughly follows the Ware River northeast.

History of Belchertown and East Quabbin
In 1997, Belchertown held an unofficial straw poll against further study of the trail. At that time, Massachusetts was the only state that required paving of trails if using federal funds, which was cited as a concern. Over the following years, the Massachusetts Department of Transportation generated updated guidelines allowing for non-paved surfaces on shared use paths and greenways. Other sections of the MCRT were built with a hard packed stone dust surface, such as the Wachussett Greenways sections. From 2000 to 2017, the Belchertown Land Trust, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, purchased 6.8 miles (72%) of the former ROW land as it became available and donated it to the Town of Belchertown for public use and to protect from development. In 2017 the Friends of the Belchertown Greenway was formed with the goal of building and maintaining the trail.

When 3.2 miles of the rail ROW was listed for sale in Hardwick and New Braintree, the Central Highlands Conservancy LLC was established in 2005. It purchased the land, giving the East Quabbin Land Trust, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, two years to run a capital campaign to purchase the land at cost. This preserved the trail section, including 3 historic bridges that would otherwise would have been scrapped.

Belchertown and East Quabbin trail details
From Warren Wright Road in Belchertown to Federal Street, the rail ROW is privately owned and has been largely obliterated by development. From Federal Street to Route 181, the trail ROW is owned by the Town of Belchertown and is open primarily as a snowmobile trail. It is unpaved, with some rough sections but is mostly followable on foot or mountain bike. The sections north of the US 202 overpass are more overgrown, with the southern sections clearer and better maintained. From Route 181 to the Palmer Town line, the rail ROW is privately owned and not accessible to the public. The trail just after Station Road in Amherst to after North Washington Street in Belchertown section runs parallel with the New England Central Railroad, an example of rails with trails.

The New England National Scenic Trail follows Federal Street and therefore connects with the MCRT. Additionally, there is a short on-road connection from the MCRT at Route 181 to the Chickadee Trail, with the southern terminus at Depot Street, a 2.3 miles hiking trail following the rail ROW of the former Boston and Albany Railroad Athol Branch, roughly following the Swift River north.

The bridge over the Swift River was demolished after rail service was discontinued and there is no river crossing available. The rail ROW starting in Bondsville, Palmer is unused and overgrown, but still owned by Massachusetts Central Railroad (MCER), the current shortline railroad, not the former railroad of the same name. Old rails and ties are still in place, as is the bridge over the Ware River, and no trail development has taken place.

In Palmer and Ware, the rail ROW is still in use by MCER. The bridge over the Ware River is missing, making the ROW between the river and the Gibbs Crossing shopping plaza unusable. From Gibbs Crossing to Robbins Road, a 1.56 miles section is open. It has a hard packed stone dust surface and is usable by walkers and bikes. This section is owned and maintained by the Town of Ware. Past Robbins Road to the upper Ware River crossing, two river bridges are missing and the rail yard on the east side of the river is still active, blocking the trail ROW. After the Ware River crossing, though Frohloff Farm and Accessible Rail Trail, through Upper Church Street, almost to the Ware–Hardwick Covered Bridge, 2.7 miles was completed as part of the Mass Central Rail Trail Expansion in 2022. The remaining section to the covered bridge is undeveloped and not open to the public.

The section from just after the covered bridge, at the Ware Town line, through the village of Gilbertville, Hardwick is owned by the Town of Hardwick. In 2022, the Town of Hardwick was awarded $133,000 in state funds to improve the section to MCRT standards. In 2023, the 1 miles section at the covered bridge, into Hardwick, to the Saint Aloysius Cemetery opened, known as the Ware River Park in Gilbertville section of the Mass Central Rail Trail. A portion of this section is also known as the Gilbertville Fitness Trail, built in 2014.

The rail ROW paralleling Route 32 from Gilbertville to Creamery Road is no longer intact and has been lost to development and private ownership. In addition, the bridge over the active rail ROW is missing. This stretch is not open to public use. From Creamery Road, through a lattice truss bridge over the Ware river to New Braintree, and a pony truss bridge over the Ware river to Maple Street in Wheelwright, Hardwick, the 3 miles section is complete and open to the public. The two bridges received a 2023 MassTrails grant to replace the timber decking. This stretch has a hard packed gravel surface and is open to all non-motorized use. It is owned and maintained by the East Quabbin Land Trust, known as the Mass Central Rail Trail, New Braintree and Hardwick. From Maple Street, into New Braintree again, to the Barre Town line, the trail ROW is obstructed by a missing bridge and the Tanner-Hiller Airport and is not open to the public.

Wachusett Greenways
Wachusett Greenways has completed 20 miles of the planned 30 miles of the MCRT through the towns of Barre to Sterling, including eight bridges. All of these sections are hard packed stone dust or dirt, which helped accelerate construction dates forward. The first section of trail opened in 1997 in West Boylston.

From the New Braintree Town line to Barre Depot Road, the ROW in Barre is either obstructed by private development (south of Route 67) or part of an active section of railroad (north of Route 67). East of Barre Depot Road, the rail ROW is obliterated by development. The White Valley bridge over Ware River was constructed in 2013 to connect Route 122 to the beginning of the intact rail ROW and trail near the Oakham Town line. The trail departs the Ware River in Barre as it continues east to Boston.

A connection to the Ware River Rail Trail, a 15 miles trail following the ROW of the former Ware River Railroad, is available by an on-road connection, roughly following the Burnshirt River. The southern terminus is on Route 122, 0.25 miles from the White Valley bridge.

A 8.8 miles section from Barre, though Oakham, to Glenwood Road in Rutland, is complete and open, including the Charnock tunnel installed in 2006 and the Pommogussett Tunnel installed in 2011. There is a connection in Rutland to the Midstate Hiking Trail, between Whitehall Road. The section between Glenwood Road and Wachusett Street is a privately owned section of the ROW, and not currently open to the public. A 1.2 miles section continues from Wachusett Street to the Holden Town line. These trail sections are owned by the DCR and maintained by Wachusett Greenways.

From the Rutland/Holden Town line to Princeton Street, after the Providence and Worcester Railroad, the rail ROW is privately owned and lost to development. An on-road route is being used to fill the gap. From Princeton Street to Mill Street, a 1.84 miles section is open with a stone dust surface. This section is owned by the DCR, and is the most northwestern semicircle of the trails labeled "DCR Authorized Bicycle Routes" on the DCR's Wachusett Watershed Bike Routes. This section was created by a 2019 MassTrails award for the first phase of construction.

The ROW from Quinapoxet Street to River Street is privately owned and lost to development. Instead, after a short on-road route north on Mill Street, a 2.2 miles detour route from Mill Street, crossing Manning Street, to River Street, using trail along the Wachusett Aqueduct, has been developed to bypass this section, sometimes known as the Holden Connector. A MassTrails award in 2023 funded improvements from Mill Street at Wachusett Street to Manning Street, and construction began September 8, 2023. A 2024 MassTrails grant was awarded to complete this construction. From River Street to Thomas Street in West Boylston, a 3 miles ROW is complete and open, roughly following the Quinapoxet River. The detour and trail ROW combined in Holden are both maintained by the DCR and are labeled "Mass Central Rail Trail" on the DCR's Wachusett Watershed Bike Routes. The trail in West Boylston is owned and managed by the Town.

From Thomas Street in West Boylston, through Sterling, to Clinton, an on-road route is used. The ROW remains in service as the Worcester Main Line of Pan Am Railways.

The Sterling Rail Trail, also known as the Mass Central Rail Trail Sterling Spur, is a 1.7 miles trail located between Sterling Junction and Sterling Center. It is available by an on-road connection to the Gates Road southern terminus. It uses the former ROW of the Fitchburg and Worcester Railroad so was never part of the Mass Central Railroad and is not included in the 104 miles tally. This trail is owned by the DCR and maintained by Wachusett Greenways.

Clinton and Berlin
From the numbered DCR gate 39 on Route 110 and S Meadow Road in Clinton, the 1.2 miles DCR spillway to the west side of the Wachusett Reservoir Dam is open to public use, but is a dead end as the dam crossing is not open to the public.

East of Route 70 to the Berlin Town line the rail ROW is still undeveloped. The Clinton Greenway Conservation Trust, a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, helped to acquire the ROW from Pan Am Railways, including the 1100 ft railroad tunnel under Wilson Hill between Boylston Street and Clamshell Road, once the longest in Massachusetts. In July 2020, the state awarded $112,000 for purchase of this section, which completed in December 2020. The trail will connect two Town owned parcels, the Maffei Conservation Area and the Rauscher Farm, and pass through the open space around the Woodlands Development. A further $397,000 MassTrails grant in 2022 will complete planning for the tunnel, and begin planning for the remainder of the trail east to the Berlin Town line. A further $162,400 MassTrails grant was awarded in 2023 to purchase a parcel of land off Berlin Street with trail access and a parking area. A 2024 MassTrails grant was awarded to construct Phase 1, access points at Rauscher Farm and 447 Berlin Street, and trail development between these two locations.

West of the Route 62/West Street intersection the rail ROW is undeveloped. It is partially owned by the Town of Berlin and partially still owned by Pan Am Railways. In 2024, a MassTrails grant for a feasibility study for all sections in Berlin was awarded.

A connection to the proposed Boston Worcester Air Line Trail (BWALT) will occur in Berlin.

History of MCRT—Wayside
In 1976, the Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority (MBTA) purchased assets of the Boston and Maine (B&M) Railroad, including the right to operate rail over several tracks that no longer provided passenger rail service. B&M retained some freight rail obligations on some tracks for several more years. By 1977, the MBTA had acquired title of this land in fee simple for the purpose of providing and extending mass transportation services, a portion from the 1976 purchase and a portion by order of taking. In 1996, the MBTA produced the "Central Mass. Commuter Rail Feasibility Study", which advised reactivation of a commuter rail extension between Berlin and Waltham, which had no passenger train service since 1971 and no freight train service since 1980, would not be cost effective. In 1997, the towns and city from Berlin to Belmont (excepting Bolton, Stow, and Marlborough, the towns with the smallest sections) considered approving a rail trail over the former B&M railroad ROW, known as the Mass Central Rail Trail—Wayside, with state and federal funds. Berlin, Hudson, Sudbury, Wayland, and Waltham voted to approve by large margins, but Weston voted 698 against and 410 in favor, which derailed progress on the Wayside trail for at least two decades. In 2006, theft of a section of rail was discovered in Berlin, which encouraged the MBTA to take a more active role maintaining the property, and by 2010, the DCR executed a 99-year lease with the MBTA to build the Wayside trail, now from Berlin to Waltham. Under the terms of the lease, the MBTA retains the right to reactivate commuter rail. This arrangement is not railbanking because the MBTA neither began the required precondition of abandonment nor consented to the optional process of railbanking. In 2014, the Massachusetts Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs (EOEEA) determined the Wayside trail did not require further Massachusetts Environmental Policy Act review, simplifying permitting for the project.

In Wayland and Weston, by 1952, the Boston Edison Company (BECo) acquired an easement along this section of the B&M's ROW and built overhead power lines. In 2016, BECo's successor, Eversource, filed permits to build a gravel access road for the power lines over what had become the MBTA's ROW. This included a trail section running from Cochituate Road in Wayland to before the bridge over the MBTA Fitchburg Line in Weston. This significantly reduced construction costs of the trail, and in partnership, the DCR made the decision in January 2017 to build the trail by paving the access road and installing safe road crossings, which completed in 2019. While DCR's decision superseded the 1997 Weston Town vote, the Town of Weston assisted by constructing a Conant Road underpass not included with DCR's paving, officially stated thanks to DCR and Eversource for their contributions to the trail, and now supports the completion of the entire MCRT.

In Hudson, Stow, Marlborough, and Sudbury, in 2015 ISO New England issued a Greater Boston area needs assessment, directing utility companies to investigate a series of transmission projects to improve electrical grid reliability, including a connection of the Sudbury and Hudson power substations. In November 2015, Eversource held the first public forum on the proposed Sudbury to Hudson Transmission Reliability Project, noting the project could accelerate the construction of the MCRT—Wayside, as both could be constructed on the MBTA ROW. At that time, the proposal was for overhead 115 kV power lines over the MBTA ROW and under Hudson roads, and Eversource was asked by the Towns of Hudson and Sudbury to consider undergrounding the power lines along the MBTA ROW instead. In February 2016, Eversource identified an underground noticed variation design under the MBTA ROW and under Hudson roads. By January 2017, the MBTA negotiated an options agreement with Eversource for the underground route only, at the cost of forgoing approximately $2 million compared to an overhead option, and requiring Eversource to work with DCR to create a trail. In turn, in April 2017, when Eversource sought project approval from the Massachusetts Energy Facilities Siting Board (EFSB), Eversource preferred such an underground MBTA ROW route, though as part of the approval process, Eversource was required to evaluate alternative options. Only the preferred, underground MBTA ROW route was endorsed by the DCR, as the transmission project had the benefit of substantially reducing trail construction costs, and the underground route required Eversource to make several bridge improvements the trail required. The preferred underground MBTA ROW route was approved by the EFSB in 2019. The EFSB decision noted the associated benefits of the trail, but stated the EFSB's approval of the transmission project was independent of the trail benefits. Designed and permitted in partnership with the DCR, the project includes building a gravel sub-base for the trail, restoring or rebuilding three trail bridges, and building a trail tunnel on this section (Phase 1). After the Eversource work, the DCR will pave the trail surface, install safe road crossings, and restore selected historical railroad features (Phase 2). Phase 1 construction was originally expected to complete in December 2019, however the start of construction was pushed to October 2022, due to an unexpectedly lengthy permitting process. Many lawsuits and petitions were filed by the Town of Sudbury and various abutters alleging the overlapping and jointly permitted construction suffered from varied legal defects, including allegations that the MBTA-DCR trail easement was unlawful and void. However, in every ruling, all judges determined all plaintiffs could not succeed with any claim. In 2022 and 2023, abutters sued the MBTA in Massachusetts Land Court twice alleging property rights over the MBTA's land in furtherance of such allegations, but withdrew both cases before a judicial ruling.

MCRT—Wayside trail details
All sections of the Wayside trail, once built, form a state park maintained by the DCR, except a section shared with the Assabet River Rail Trail, which is maintained by the Town of Hudson. All completed sections of the Wayside trail are paved, and DCR plans to pave both all sections under construction and the only section that is currently stone dust in Wayland. Sections are typically 10 or 12 ft wide with grass shoulders.

Waltham to Boston
All sections of the trail from Belmont to Boston were developed as separate projects but serve as part of the complete Mass Central Rail Trail. All completed sections are paved.

title: Mass Central Rail Trail


text:
Whitney Young Memorial Bridge

The Whitney Young Memorial Bridge is a bridge that carries East Capitol Street across the Anacostia River in Washington, D.C. in the United States. Finished in 1955, it was originally called the East Capitol Street Bridge. It was renamed for civil rights activist Whitney Young in early 1974. The bridge is 1800 ft long, its six lanes are 82 ft wide, and it has 15 spans resting on 14 piers.

Planning
The need for a new bridge spanning the Anacostia River was first identified in 1949 after worsening traffic at Barney Circle led to widespread citizen complaints. The bridge was proposed to cross the Anacostia by extending East Capitol Street over the river. This bridge was opposed by the National Capital Park and Planning Commission (NCPPC), which asked that a bridge be built by extending Massachusetts Avenue SE through the undeveloped Hill East/Reservation 13 area and connecting it with its namesake street in the Greenway neighborhood on the east side of the river. The Commission was supported by an influential group of business people and civic leaders known as the Committee of 100 on the Federal City. D.C. officials, however, opposed this route for fear of the negative effects it would have on nearby Gallinger Hospital (later renamed D.C. General Hospital). On December 29, 1949, the three D.C. Commissioners (then the sole government of the District of Columbia) approved a bridge at East Capitol Street.

But just three weeks later, the Frederick Douglass Memorial Bridge opened across the Anacostia River, alleviating traffic congestion in southeast. A few days later, the NCPPC voted to suspend approval for any new bridge across the Anacostia River until traffic patterns and congestion around the existing bridges were resolved and the need for a new span made clear. Federal engineers said that study would take two months. Members of the United States House of Representatives from the state of Maryland, whose state would be impacted by eastbound traffic from any new bridge, favored the East Capitol Street site and encouraged the D.C. Commissioners to bring the fight to Congress for resolution. In early March 1950, the Subcommittee on District Appropriations of the House Committee on Appropriations turned down a request to fund a study of the Massachusetts Avenue site, and the Subcommittee on the District of Columbia of the House Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments held hearings which supported the D.C. Commissioners. The Subcommittee on the District of Columbia estimated that reconstructing ramps and reconfiguring traffic patterns around existing bridges would cost $9.5 million, while building a new bridge would cost about the same. Federal highway officials also testified that the bridge would help ease access to Maryland Route 214, which was originally planned to connect with the Baltimore–Washington Parkway at the District line but which had been forced into a more southerly direction. Members of Congress inspected both the Massachusetts Avenue SE and East Capitol Street sites, and the House Subcommittee approved the East Capitol span in mid-March 1950.

A $395,000 contract studying the two sites was granted to the J. E. Greiner Company of Baltimore, Maryland, on September 9, 1950. The company was also asked to study whether the approaches from the west to the East Capitol Street span would travel along that street or be divided between Independence Avenue SE and C Street NE. D.C. highway officials gave their approval to the East Capitol Street span on May 1, 1950. The Greiner Co. had recommended a $2.7 million steel plate girder bridge. The bridge was designed to pass under Minnesota Avenue SE and the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad tracks on the east side of the river and connect with Kenilworth Avenue NE. The cost of the eastern approaches was estimated at $6.7 million. The western approaches would split over Kingman Island and connect Independence Avenue SE and C Street NE. Work on the western approaches was estimated at $2.3 million. The NCPPC approved the plan on May 10, and the United States Army Corps of Engineers did so on August 20. But after a final site visit from the NCPPC in September 1951, the approaches were moved slightly westward. The new approaches required dredging 650000 cuyd from Kingman Lake and replacing it with sand and gravel to create a gently curving peninsula that extended 800 ft into the western side of the lake. 1.3 e6cuyd of fill would be used to raise the peninsula 35 ft above the low water mark, and the western approaches built on the new land.

Construction

Bids for the entire $12 million construction project were solicited on May 23, 1952. The Arlington, Virginia, firm of J.A. LaPorte Inc. won the dredging contract, and the D.C. firm of Morauer & Hartzell won the fill contract. The work was expected to take 15 months. The NCPPC approved the city's plans to connect the new bridge to Kenilworth Avenue NE on December 13, 1952, and a $5.5 million plan to widen Kenwilworth Avenue into a divided, 10-lane freeway on March 24, 1953. D.C. officials paid $250,000 to buy the land for the exit ramps onto Kenilworth Avenue. Construction on the western approaches was blocked for a month after residents of Suitland, Maryland, (upset by loud trucks passing down their streets) won a month-long restraining order against the project so that contractors could devise and implement a noise-abatement program.

Construction on the bridge itself began in 1953. Baltimore Contractors, Inc. won the $1.2 million contract to build the bridge's substructure, and DeLuca Davis Construction (also of Baltimore) won the $2.2 million contract to the build the superstructure. District officials sought approval from Congress to spend $4.3 million in District of Columbia highway budget funds in September 1953. The city also applied for $4.2 million in federal matching highway funds to help finish the bridge. Driving of piles for the foundation began in December 1953. About 120 individuals helped construct the bridge deck.

All the substructure and most up the superstructure had been completed by August 1954. Widening of East Capitol Street east of the river was also completed in 1954. Completion was expected in October 1955. By late September 1954, 73 percent of the superstructure had been completed and only stone protections for the piers remained to be finished for the substructure. District transportation officials also said that ramps and overpasses for the Kenilworth Avenue exits were almost complete by this time as well, but the railroad track underpass (being built by S. Wikstrom Co.) was only 46 percent complete and not due for final work until November 1955. Officials said the bridge would open once Kenny Construction finished connecting the railroad underpass to East Capitol Street in the east.

Kenny Construction began work on the final $2.3 million phase of the bridge project on November 6, 1954. Work was due to end in 540 days. The Greenway Apartments (located at 3539 A Street SE) obtained an injunction in February 1955 stopping work for a month on the project after alleging that the excavations for the road would affect the foundation of their building.

The East Capitol Street Bridge opened on November 10, 1955. Tippy Stringer, a local television personality at WRC-TV (and later the wife of NBC news anchor Chet Huntley), cut the ribbon opening the bridge. Metropolitan Police Department Chief Robert V. Murray drove the first vehicle across the bridge. About 300 people attended the ceremony, which was held in a driving rain. Also present were all three D.C. Commissioners and Rep. George Hyde Fallon (chair of the House Committee on Public Works).

Bridge history and renaming

The bridge and approaches on the west side were built through what had been planned as Anacostia Park, a recreation area and National Sports Center. Construction of the bridge required redesign of that park, and abandonment of the Kingman Lake feature of the plan. The western approach included an ellipse that was to serve as a parade ground, but by 1957 planners were already viewing it as a stadium site.

In 1957, the Kenilworth Expressway was constructed to connect the bridge to the new Baltimore-Washington Parkway and along with that eastern approach was changed to include ramps between the two. This project rendered the downstream sidewalk obsolete for more than 50 years. By 1964, the Anacostia Freeway had been extended north to meet the Kenilworth Expressway, which was later subsumed by the freeway.

In 1961, Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Stadium (later renamed RFK) opened on the former parade grounds in the western ellipse, parking lots filled the land on both sides of the approach and connections to the parking were built as part of the stadium.

In early 1974, the East Capitol Street Bridge was renamed the Whitney M. Young, Jr. Memorial Bridge in honor of Whitney Young, an activist during the Civil Rights Movement and National Urban League Executive Director.

In 1980, District officials spent $8.5 million reconstructing the deck of the bridge and adding safety improvements. The bridge was carrying about 56,000 vehicles a day at that time. One side of the span was closed at a time, with two-way traffic proceeding on the open portion. Safety improvements included adding a median wall and barriers between the road and the sidewalk and replacing the barrier on the outside of the sidewalk with a higher fence to prevent suicides. It also narrowed the sidewalks to 3 ft.

The bridge continued to have work done as it neared a half century of use. The roadway's condition was noticeably rough in 1997, and so in 2004, the District of Columbia resurfaced the deck and made repairs to three piers at a cost of $3.4 million. In 2009, the Federal Highway Administration's National Bridge Inventory rated the bridge as "not deficient." The District of Columbia Department of Transportation (DDOT) estimated that by 2015, the bridge would be carrying only about 60,000 vehicles per day—about 10 percent fewer than in 1996.

In 2019, the District began another rehabilitation project for the bridge. The work includes repairs to both the substructure and the superstructure, rebuilding and widening (to 6 foot 3.5 inches) the sidewalks and their approaches, repair to the bridge rail, installation of new overhead signs and other small repairs.

The East Capitol Street Bridge saw its first suicide when one-legged 48-year-old Adolphius L. Groom leapt from the bridge on the morning of July 13, 1967. The first major accident on the bridge occurred on March 7, 1969, when two vehicles collided head-on on the span, killing two people. Another major crash occurred on September 18, 1971, when a vehicle on the bridge was rear-ended, killing one of the occupants. In October 1977, a man traveling at high speed across the bridge rear-ended another automobile and died. Another suicide occurred on December 16, 1986, when a man leapt from the bridge and landed on a moving vehicle below. Another traffic fatality occurred on the bridge on November 13, 1986, when a driver struck a disabled vehicle on the bridge and was himself rear-ended by a third car. In February 1990, an ambulance taking a patient to the hospital was struck on the bridge by an automobile traveling at about 100 mph, leaving the driver and passenger in the vehicle in critical condition.

The bridge was also the scene of a famous rape and murder in D.C. history. On October 1, 1971, Richard Anthony Lee was accused of kidnapping Robert L. Ammidown and his wife, Linda E. Ammidown; forcing them to drive to the East Capitol Street Bridge overpass above the railroad tracks; and raping and killing Linda Ammidown. Police later learned that Robert Ammidown had hired Lee to kill Linda in a plot to inherit her substantial fortune and win custody of their 12-year-old son. Four men who had learned of the plot were attempting to extort money from Ammidown. In separate trials, Judge John J. Sirica found Ammidown and Lee guilty of murder. Ammidown received a sentence of life in prison, but Lee received the death penalty. Eight days after sentence was imposed, the United States Supreme Court held in Furman v. Georgia, 408 U.S. 238 (1972) that death penalty laws in the United States constituted cruel and unusual punishment and thus were unconstitutional. Lee's sentence was changed to life in prison. The Court later upheld new death penalty laws in Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153 (1976). The Ammidown/Lee trial was the last death penalty case in the District of Columbia. (The District of Columbia abolished the death penalty in 1981.)

In 1982, D.C. officials proposed building the Barney Circle Freeway, which would have linked Interstate 695 (which dead-ended at a junction with Pennsylvania Avenue SE) to the Whitney Young Memorial Bridge by building a six-lane freeway from Barney Circle to the bridge through Anacostia Park. The plan would also have built a new bridge across the Anacostia River from Barney Circle to connect with the Anacostia Freeway near E Street SE. After numerous delays and strong citizen opposition, the Barney Circle Freeway project was cancelled in 1997.

Deficient rating

A federal report in March 1972 listed the East Capitol Street Bridge as one of several "deficient" bridges needing repair in the District of Columbia. D.C. officials disagreed with the report's conclusions, arguing they had not submitted complete data on the bridge.

In September 2013, United States Department of Transportation (USDOT) rated the Whitney Young Memorial Bridge both "fracture critical" and "structurally deficient". The "fracture critical" rating meant that the if a single component of the bridge fails, the entire bridge would collapse. The "structurally deficient" rating meant that at least one major component of the bridge was in "poor" condition. DDOT officials said they had reinforced the bridge, but these temporary measures were not enough to cause either USDOT assessment to be lifted. DDOT said it had no means of funding any permanent repairs.

The Washington Post in April 2014 called the Whitney Young Memorial Bridge one of the three "busiest deficient bridges" in the District of Columbia, along with Arlington Memorial Bridge and Key Bridge. DDOT began an extensive program of preventive maintenance to ensure the bridge did not deteriorate further in advance of a planned 2018 major rehabilitation. DDOT said it would inspect the bridge again at the end of 2015 in order to reassess the bridge's condition.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Whitney Young Memorial Bridge


text:
Servilia

Servilia may refer to:

Ancient Roman women
Most from the gens Servilia, the most notable figures including:
 * Servilia (wife of Catulus) (2nd century BC), wife of Quintus Lutatius Catulus
 * Servilia (wife of Drusus) (2nd century BC), wife of Marcus Livius Drusus
 * Servilia (wife of Claudius) (2nd century BC), wife of Appius Claudius Pulcher
 * Servilia (mother of Brutus) (107–23 BC), mistress of Julius Caesar and mother of his assassin, Marcus Junius Brutus
 * Servilia (wife of Lucullus), younger full-sister of the above, second wife of the conqueror Lucius Licinius Lucullus
 * Servilia (niece of Cato), a niece of Cato the Younger who was left in his custody after the death of her parents
 * Servilia (wife of Lepidus), wife of Lepidus the Younger

Other uses

 * Servilia (opera), 1901 work by Russian composer Nikolay Rimsky-Korsakov
 * Servilia of the Junii, a fictionalized depiction of Servilia the mistress of Caesar in the Rome 2005-2007 TV series

title: Servilia


text:
Black tar heroin

Black tar heroin, also known as black dragon, is a form of heroin that is sticky like tar or hard like coal. Its dark color is the result of crude processing methods that leave behind impurities. Despite its name, black tar heroin can also be dark orange or dark brown in appearance.

Black tar heroin is impure diacetylmorphine. Other forms of heroin require additional steps of purification post acetylation. With black tar, the product's processing stops immediately after acetylation. Its unique consistency however is due to acetylation without a reflux apparatus. As in homebake heroin in Australia and New Zealand the crude acetylation results in a gelatinous mass.

Black tar as a type holds a variable admixture of morphine derivatives—predominantly 6-MAM (6-monoacetylmorphine), which is another result of crude acetylation. The lack of proper reflux during acetylation fails to remove much of the moisture retained in the acetylating agent, acetic anhydride. The acetic anhydride reacts with the moisture to produce the milder acetylating agent glacial acetic acid which is unable to acetylate the 3 position of the morphine molecule.

Black tar heroin is often produced in Latin America, and is most commonly found in the western and southern parts of the United States, while also being occasionally found in Western Africa. It has a varying consistency depending on manufacturing methods, cutting agents, and moisture levels, from tarry goo in the unrefined form to a uniform, light-brown powder when further processed and cut with a variety of agents. One of the more notable compounds added to heroin is lactose.

Composition
Pure morphine and heroin are both fine white powders. Black tar heroin's unique appearance and texture are due to its acetylation without the benefit of the usual reflux apparatus.

The assumption that tar has fewer adulterants and diluents is a misconception. The most common adulterant is lactose, which is added to tar via dissolving of both substances in a liquid medium, reheating and filtering, and then recrystallizing. This process is very simple and can be accomplished in any kitchen with no level of expertise needed.

The price per kilogram of black tar heroin has increased from one-tenth that of South American powder heroin in the mid-1990s to between one-half and three-quarters in 2003 due to increased distributional acumen combined with increased demand in black tar's traditional realm of distribution. Black tar heroin distribution has steadily risen in recent years, while that of U.S. East Coast powder varieties has dropped; heroin production in Colombia decreased from the late 1990s into the early 2000s.

Adverse effects
People who intravenously inject black tar heroin are at higher risk of venous sclerosis than those injecting powder heroin. In this condition, the veins narrow and harden which makes repeated injection there nearly impossible.

The presence of 6-monoacetylcodeine found in tar heroin has not been tested in humans but has been shown to be toxic alone and more toxic when mixed with mono- or di- acetyl morphine, potentially making tar more toxic than refined diamorphine.

Black tar heroin injectors can be at increased risk of life-threatening bacterial infections, in particular necrotizing soft tissue infection. The practice of "skin-popping" or subcutaneous injection predisposes to necrotizing fasciitis or necrotizing cellulitis from Clostridium perfringens, while deep intramuscular injection predisposes to necrotizing myositis.

Tar heroin injection can also be associated with Clostridium botulinum infection. Since the final stage of black tar heroin production would kill any spores (a combination of high temperature and strong acid), contamination is likely due to choice of cutting agent. Almost all cases occur in users who inject intramuscularly or subcutaneously, rather than injecting intravenously.

Black tar heroin users can also be at increased risk of bone and joint infections that stem from hematogenous seeding or local extension of the skin and soft tissue infections. Any joint can be infected, though previous studies have shown that the knee and hip are most commonly affected in heroin injectors. Associated bone infections can include septic bursitis, septic tenosynovitis, and osteomyelitis. Septic arthritis and skin and soft tissue infections often present visible and/or systematic symptoms, while osteomyelitis usually presents localized pain.

Alternative routes of administration
In some parts of the United States, black tar may be the only form of heroin that is available. Many users do not inject.

 * Grinding into a powder form: This is one of the more popular ways of consuming black tar for those who do not wish to use needles. The black tar heroin is put into some sort of blender and mixed in with lactose. This creates a fine black powder product that can be easily snorted.
 * Water looping: Water looping is when a user places the heroin in an empty eye dropper bottle, or a syringe with the needle removed. The user allows the heroin to completely dissolve into water and the solution is dropped into the nose. This at times can be wasteful if a user allows too much of the solution to go down the throat.
 * Vaporizing (Chasing the dragon): A user puts the heroin on a piece of foil and heats the foil with a lighter underneath it. The user uses a straw or similar apparatus and inhales the vapor.
 * Drinking: This is done similar to the water looping method. Instead of being delivered through the nose, the solution is swallowed.
 * Suppository: The most effective route of administration which does not require a needle, is accomplished by delivering a solution (via syringe) or lubricated mass of the narcotic deep into the rectum or vagina.

title: Black tar heroin


text:
Talk:Pediment

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment, between 4 September 2019 and 28 December 2019. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Jennaef.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 06:18, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

How about an image
I think that an image of a Pediment would greatly improve this article, however I'm not familiar with how to insert it. There is an image on "Architecture of Ancient Greece" page that could be used. It is Ac.pediment.jpg

Please improve
Ok! The article needs help. --Mario todte 16:40, 5 January 2006 (UTC)

I think, so it is just a little bit better than before. --Mario todte 17:13, 10 January 2006 (UTC)

I am about to remove a couple of links
(see: Pere Lachaise Cemetery ) and architectural revivals because neither one leads, as far as I can see, to any place that sheds any light on pediments. The architectural revivals idea is a good one (opinion) - only the links goes someplace that does not, as far as I can see, deal with architectural revivals. So if you are attached to these links speak real soon, or fore ever hold your peace [piece?]. Carptrash 02:31, 16 December 2006 (UTC)

Greek Nat Acad link on 1st picture broken hjuk 08:22, 18 June 2007 (UTC)

I just removed or tympanum,
from the beginging of the article and probably some of the tympanum stuff later should go too. The T word is defined, (do we need sources listed here?) as Space between the lintel at the top of a doorway and the arch shape above it. This is not what this article suggests and certainly (opinion) tympanium is not another word for pediment. Carptrash 13:59, 18 June 2007 (UTC)

 * Will bow to yr knowledge. I don't claim to be an expert. WOuld it be worth visiting the definition on the disambig page or having a short page about the T thing. DO you know what you'd call a decorative panel on the outside of a building that looks like a T thing? hjuk 19:48, 18 June 2007 (UTC)
 * I'm not claiming to be an expert either, I just have a dictionary. What shape is the panel? And where is it located on the building? What is the building? When was it built?  Until then, I'd call it Fred. Carptrash 21:09, 18 June 2007 (UTC)
 * Thanks for the reply - it's the same triangular shape as the pediment shown in the picture on the Wikipedia pediment article, on the front wall of a late Victorian London building. hjuk 08:20, 19 June 2007 (UTC)

Well, okay. I have continued delving into the black hole of my ignorance and have discovered that "tympanum" sculpture CAN include the sculpture inside a pediment, but the term is not synonymous with the term pediment. Rather it can refer (and this is definitely meaning #2 ) to the space inside the moldings of a the pediment, so calling that sculpture "tympanum sculpture" is (a new, revised opinion) correct. So, what is the building? I have an Architecture of London book somewhere and am curious. Carptrash 15:54, 19 June 2007 (UTC)

Thanks for that. Quite an 'umble building - Grand Parade in Harringay. Check the page; there's a picture of the decoration in question on there. hjuk 22:02, 19 June 2007 (UTC)
 * Here is the thing. I have an opinion on pretty much everything, and offer them as such.  I would not call the design in the tympanum that you just sent me to a Chimera.  Rather I'd label it a green man face.  We can discuss this more if you like, but that's a start.  Or next step.  Or something. Carptrash 22:49, 19 June 2007 (UTC)

Certaanly looks like a Green Man from the Wiki entry. But I note that the phrase seems only to have been coined in 1939. I wonder what term was used prior to this. Also note that the GM entry is categorised as unreferenced. Doesn't mean it's wrong, but leaves me wishing I had THE architectural guide sitting here next to me. hjuk 06:45, 20 June 2007 (UTC)
 * I too have been looking for THE architectural guide and have not yet discovered it. However, in my home I'm surrounded by several hundred not-so-perfect other books and just found this quote, that there are four main types of Green Man . . .. the spewing or uttering headwhere leaves or foliage emerge from the mouth . . .. - which is what the one in Harringay is.  I'll see what I can find about the origin of the Green Man, but Harding suggest that it goes back to at least a medieval English poem "Gawain and the Green Knight."  Life.  What a great place to live.  Carptrash 13:50, 20 June 2007 (UTC)

 * Sheridan and Ross contain a chapter in their book called The Green Man, or Jack o' the Green, and suggest that the letter term was an old one.  And so it goes, on and on and on.

I just moved this here
It came from the Pediments of the United States section. These are all pediments from buildings that are already in wikipedia, so they have once already passed the noteworthy test. Examples of what the article is about has to be a good thing, doesn't it? Why just the United States? Well anyone can add others - it could become Pediments of the world, but I'd like to see someone familiar with the peds of France or the UK or Argentina to add those. I know American architecture, so that is what I post. Carptrash (talk) 15:10, 21 September 2009 (UTC)
 * I think it would be a mistake to lump the pediments of Northern Ireland in with those of Great Britain, thus separating them from those of the rest of Ireland. Perhaps it would be better to deal with the separate countries of the Uk individually.Leutha (talk) 08:44, 10 September 2021 (UTC)

Globalize
I have added a globalize template on the section "Significant pediments in the United States". Having a list of significant pediments is a good idea, but I don't see why the list should be limited to one country only. 93.107.8.139 (talk) 09:28, 5 June 2012 (UTC)

I just removed this template
from a section called something like Pediments in the United States, so it was not surprising that it deals primarily with American buildings. Also this issue has already been addressed on the Talk Page, in 2009. If someone wants to do the work (instead of suggesting that someone else do it) and internationalize the list, I say, "Go for it." Einar aka Carptrash (talk) 14:38, 6 June 2012 (UTC)
 * I've deleted the whole "significant pediments in the United States" content. There is no such thing as a "significant pediment" - pediments are just architectural elements within a larger architectural composition; pediments cannot have a fame-related status like tallest spire or widest bridge span. Tiptoethrutheminefield (talk) 21:37, 26 October 2016 (UTC)
 * However that can be "Notable pediments", which I am adding back. Carptrash (talk) 22:07, 26 October 2016 (UTC)
 * Really. Don't you realize how silly this content is. Did that famous so-and-so hang themselves from that pediment, and so that is why it is notable? And is that other pediment so utterly huge that it is notable? And is that third one more broken than any other broken pediment in America so that is why it is notable? The buildings that contain these pediments may be notable, the whole architectural ensemble in other words, but that does not make their pediments any more significant that any other pediment, anymore than their other elements, such as roofs or doors or windows are more significant than any other roofs, doors or windows. Tiptoethrutheminefield (talk) 02:27, 27 October 2016 (UTC)
 * Really? Not notable?  Then why is there a whole book written about one of them (Somma, Thomas P., The Apotheosis of Democracy 1908-1916: The Pediment for the House Wing of the United States Capitol, University of Delaware Press, Associated University Presses Inc., Cranbury, NJ, 1995) while many chapters of other books can be found about others.  Gee, some of tham only rate a couple of pages.  But I have learned over the years that when an editor shows up with ownership issues about an article, removes large chunks of it without the courtesy of a discussion on the talk page, that it is better for me to just go away. Cheerio, enjoy the page. Carptrash (talk) 19:11, 27 October 2016 (UTC)
 * Bad faith statements don't get you anywhere, and the ownership issue seem to be from you since you have the attachment to this content. The proper place for content dealing with sculptural features on an important building will be in the article on that building or (as in the one you mentioned) in a stand-alone article if there is sufficient material. This article is about explaining and illustrating pedements as architectural elements; a selective list of pediments on notable buildings or pediments containing notable sculpture, all from just one country, is, I think, out of place. Having it just as a "see also" link (which another editor has now added) is a far better way of using this content. Tiptoethrutheminefield (talk) 16:01, 30 October 2016 (UTC)

Pediment or not?
Okay, I was wondering about one of the features at the doorways of Grand Central Terminal, and somebody suggested it might be a pediment. -User:DanTD (talk) 18:50, 8 December 2014 (UTC)
 * No, it is a tympanum. Tiptoethrutheminefield (talk) 16:43, 26 October 2016 (UTC)
 * ditto for tympanum. Carptrash (talk) 18:08, 26 October 2016 (UTC)
 * But you said tympanum and pediment are the same??? This Greco-Roman white wash fairy tail has to be uncovered soon... Pseudoscience has been ouroboros for too long now. I'm full up on eating myself... We need to look for reasons not answers. What reason would there be for pediments to exist in every country and just about very town if not every capital city on every historical building and every ancient ruin? If you duck.com the ruins of Jordan you will see a basic relief sculpture that was most likely the template used for the rest of the Pediments across all countries on the Terra Firma. The design is NO DIFFERENT to any other "Greco-Roman" or as I like to say Antediluvian architecture and were all built to withstand the test of time. That may be a key of reason also for the existence of Pediments. Strength in structure. They may serve as an earthquake safe zone just as standing in the door way frame is for modern architecture these days. Speaking of which no one has been able to replicate this architecture for the past 2-3 centuries and anyone that says they built it in the late 1700s or 1800's is just pulling your leg. This architecture is the TRUE definition of the very word (Worth looking up) and every little bit of detail in the design was done for a REASON. Aesthetics were a second thought after the structure was able to power itself (Atmospheric energy) Heat or cool itself (Direct Energy) and be sufficient in design when it came to aqueducts and fresh drinking water supply. Keeping in mind being flood fire and earthquake proof just went without saying, as it was thought of from the start and left uncompromised. Why would you build a shelter that could do only that and not be able to shelter you from the storm when it really matters? I've been told by modern day architects that the reason buildings like that don't get built anymore is because of an ancient concrete recipe that cannot be replicated to this day. And also that the cost involved these days would be too great and that it would not be practical for anyone to build structures like these again; But I say, what's more practical than a beautifully crafted structure that has all its appliances inbuilt while being built like a tank? Need I say more??? Oh yeah right, Pediments... So obtuse isosceles triangle. They are about 90deg to 120deg maybe more but generally you will have the numerological numbers 3 and 9. Equilateral Triangle always 60deg each side numerology 666. And your "Tympanium" is always a perfect 180degs (9). The Antediluvians knew about the numbers 3 6 and 9... So in accordance to satanic mathematics and sacred geometry, the buildings or pediments like we are originally talking about were also completely decked out in Phoenician fashionista pirate sun worship allegory as well as (and I can't believe I haven't said this already) BEING BUILT FOR GIANTS!!! Those Pediments be over some pretty big windows doors and arch ways... I'm just Super Sayin is all... Fix up history please. Thank you. I Love you. X — Preceding unsigned comment added by 123.2.95.194 (talk) 17:29, 10 October 2019 (UTC)

Source
Greeks and Romans Broke their Pediments albertis-window.com Ancient Greeks and Romans Broke their Pediments, Monday, November 14th, 2011. Johnbod (talk) 00:32, 13 September 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Pediment


text:
Mauritians of Chinese origin

Mauritians of Chinese origin, also known as Sino-Mauritians or Chinese Mauritians, are Mauritians who trace their ethnic ancestry to China.

Chinese migration from Sumatra to Mauritius
Like members of other communities on the island, some of the earliest Chinese in Mauritius arrived involuntarily, having been "shanghaied" from Sumatra in the 1740s to work in Mauritius in a scheme hatched by the French admiral Charles Hector, Comte d'Estaing; however, they soon went on strike to protest their kidnapping. The authorities responded by deporting them back to Sumatra.

Late 1700s and early 1800s
In the 1780s, thousands of voluntary Chinese migrants (estimated to be more than 3000 ) set sail for Port Louis from Guangzhou on board British, French, and Danish ships; they found employment as blacksmiths, carpenters, cobblers, and tailors, and quickly formed a small Chinatown, the camp des Chinois, in Port Louis. Even after the British takeover of the island, migration continued unabated.

The first wave of migration from China to Mauritius occurred in the early 1800s, the Chinese migrants who came to Mauritius were mainly from the Xiamen in Fujian province. Most of these migrants from Fujian were merchants and therefore according to the law they were not allowed to bring their families with them, were not allowed to buy lands unless they abandoned their Chinese citizenship and adopted a British citizenship; therefore, this led to many intermarriages with women of the Creole and Indian communities in order to build their own families or buy lands under the name of their spouses.

In 1829, the British brought to a group of Chinese migrants to work on sugar plantations; harsh working conditions the Chinese migrants to start a failed revolt.

Between 1840 and 1843 alone, 3,000 Chinese contract workers arrived on the island.

By 1846, it is estimated that an influx of 50 Chinese migrants came to Mauritius per year.

By mid-century, the total resident Chinese population reached five thousand.

Circa mid-1800s
A second wave of migration from China came from Canton; they mainly came from the city of Guangzhou (Canton). In the mid-1800s, they more precisely came from the district of Shunde. Some of them were coolies who passed through Hong Kong and came to Mauritius to work through colonial network of Britain while others were merchants and craftsmen. There were known as the "Cantonese" and "Namshun" (南顺) in Mauritius.

By the 1860s, shops run by Sino-Mauritians could be found all over the island. Some members of the colonial government thought that further migration should be prohibited, but Governor John Pope Hennessy, recognizing the role that Sino-Mauritians played in providing cheap goods to less well-off members of society, resisted the restrictionists' lobbying.

Late 1800s and mid-1900s
During the 1880s, despite the continuous influx of immigrants, Mauritius' Chinese population declined; Chinese traders, legally unable to purchase land in Mauritius, instead brought their relatives from China over to Mauritius. After training them for a few years to give them a handle on the business and to introduce them to life in a Western-ruled colonial society, the traders sent those relatives on their way, with capital and letters of introduction, to establish businesses in neighbouring countries. For example, between 1888 and 1898, nearly 1,800 Chinese departed from Port Louis with ports on the African mainland—largely Port Elizabeth and Durban—as their destinations.

In the late 19th to early 20th century, Chinese men in Mauritius married Indian women due to both a lack of Chinese women and the higher numbers of Indian women on the island. From the late 1800s to the mid-1900s, a third wave of Chinese migrants came to Mauritius. This time, most of them were Hakka Chinese from the region of Meixian (梅县; commonly known as Moyen in Hakka). There were numerous reasons for their arrival in Mauritius, including their desire to escape starvation or seek fortune. During that period of time, Chinese women were allowed to come in Mauritius and contributed to an increase growth of the Chinese community; moreover, the Hakka were reluctant to marry with other ethnic communities and started organizing marriage with Chinese women back home to maintain their community's blood purity, some women even became known as "marriage breakers" as they attempted to break mixed marriage of Chinese men to make them remarry a Chinese spouse. The earliest migrants were largely Cantonese-speaking; but, later, Hakka-speakers from Meixian, further east in Canton (modern day Guangdong), came to dominate numerically; as in other overseas Chinese communities, rivalry between Hakka and Cantonese became a common feature of the society. The Hakka-Cantonese tensions led to the resettlement of many Cantonese in Reunion Island and Madagascar. By the end of the 19th century, the Hakkas became the dominant group outnumbering the Cantonese and Fukienese together.

By 1901, the Sino-Mauritian population had shrunk to 3,515 individuals, among them 2,585 being business owners. The 1921 census in Mauritius counted that Indian women there had a total of 148 children fathered by Chinese men. These Chinese were mostly traders.

Until the 1930s, Chinese migrants continued to arrive in Port Louis, but with the strain on the local economy's ability to absorb them, many found that Mauritius would only be their first stop; they went on to the African mainland (especially South Africa), as well as to Madagascar, Réunion, and Seychelles. After World War II, immigration from China largely came to an end.

Mid-1900s to late 1900s
Between 1950s and 1980s, there was a considerable reduction of contacts with China due to the establishment of the People's Republic of China; nearly all Chinese migration from China was stopped. During this period, Hakka women from Taiwan arrived to Mauritius to marry the local Hakka Chinese men in Mauritius. Until 1997, investors and merchants from Hong Kong were encouraged to come to Mauritius to start their own trading business but only few people from Hong Kong permanently migrated to Mauritius.

Sino-Mauritians continued to maintain the personal ethnic networks connecting them to relatives in greater China, which would play an important role in the 1980s, with the rise of the export-processing zones. Foreign investors from Hong Kong and Taiwan, and the factories they built in the EPZs, helped Mauritius to become the third-largest exporter of woollen knitwear in the world. Along with the investors came a new influx of Chinese migrant workers, who signed on for three-year stints in the garment factories.

After the 1980s, China reopened up and migration from China to Mauritius slowly restarted and therefore, the old marriage network of the Hakka was re-established, allowing Hakka women from Meixian to marry the local Hakka Sino-Mauritians. Simultaneously, Chinese women migrant workers who came to work in textile factories came from all regions of China and some of them decided to remain in Mauritius instead of returning to China after the completion of their work contract; these Chinese women therefore married with Sino-Mauritian men and settled their families in Mauritius. However, the local Sino-Mauritian community in Mauritius declined in numbers as they decided to immigrate to Canada, US, and Australia.

Cantonese / Namshun
Sino-Mauritians who trace their Cantonese ancestors from the province of Guandong are known as the "Namshun" (南顺) or "Cantonese" in Mauritius. Sino-Mauritian of Cantonese origins in Mauritius have their own separate associations, societies, and events; for example, the Nam Shun Society (Namshun Fooy Koon; 南顺会馆 ) in Port Louis. The Nam Shun society is an association for the Sino-Mauritians whose ancestors mainly originated from Nam Hoi (Nanhai district) and Shun Tak (Shunde).

Fokien / Fukien / Hokkien
Sino-Mauritians who trace their ancestors from province Fujian in China, are known as 'Fokien', 'Fukien' or 'Hokkien' people in Mauritius; this is in reference of the ancestral province location. Due to their intermarriage with other ethnic groups (mostly creole and Indian), people who are born with mixed ancestral are perceived as "Sino-creoles"; Sino-creoles, however, are often proud of their ancestors and perceived themselves as Chinese.

Hakka
Nowadays, most Sino-Mauritians living in Mauritius are Hakka (客家) who can trace their ancestry back to Meixian, Guangdong province.

Sino-creoles
The Sino-creoles are typically categorized as "General population" in demographic census despite being a subgroup of the Sino-Mauritian community.  The Sino-creoles community in Mauritius can include:

 * 1) Children born from a mixed-marriage between a Sino-Mauritian and a non-Chinese person.
 * 2) Descendants of Chinese migrants who married with non-Chinese community in Mauritius, e.g. descendants of the Fokien male migrants who married women of other Non-Chinese ethnic community.
 * 3) Children born between a Mauritian of non-Chinese origins who married a Chinese spouse from China,

Employment
Today, most Sino-Mauritians are businesspeople, with a "virtual monopoly" on retail trade. After the Franco-Mauritian population, they form the second-wealthiest group on the island. They own restaurants, retail and wholesale shops, and import-and-export firms. Chinese restaurants have greatly influenced Mauritian culture, and Chinese food is consumed all over the island by people of all backgrounds. Fried noodles is one of the most popular dishes. Mauritians from all ethnic origin and background also enjoy the various vegetables and meat balls (Niouk Yen, Sow Mai, Van Yen, Fee Yen) which originate from the Hakka cuisine in Meixian.

In a 2001 Business Magazine survey, 10 of the 50 largest companies were Chinese owned.

Language
Most Sino-Mauritian youth are at least trilingual: they use Mauritian Creole and French orally, while English—the language of administration and education—remains primarily a written language. In the 1990 census, roughly one-third of Sino-Mauritians stated Mauritian Creole as both their ancestral and currently spoken language. The other two-thirds indicated some form of Chinese as their ancestral language although only fewer than one-quarter of census respondents who identified Chinese as their ancestral language also indicated it as the language spoken in the home. Few Sino-Mauritian youth speak Chinese; those who do use it primarily for communication with elderly relatives, especially those who did not attend school and thus had little exposure to English or French. None use it to communicate with their siblings or cousins. Among those members of the community who do continue to speak Hakka, wide divergence with Meixian Hakka has developed in terms of vocabulary and phonology. Other of varieties of Chinese spoken in Mauritius aside Hakka are: Hokkien, Cantonese, and Standard Mandarin.

Chinese schools
Two Chinese-medium middle schools were established in the first half of the 20th century. The Chinese Middle School (华文学校, later called 新华中学 and then 新华学校) was established on 10 November 1912 as a primary school; in 1941, they expanded to include a lower middle school. Their student population exceeded 1,000. The Chung-Hwa Middle School (中华中学), established by Kuomintang cadres on 20 October 1941, grew to enroll 500 students, but by the end of the 1950s, that had shrunk to just 300; they stopped classes entirely in the 1960s, although their alumni association remains prominent in the Sino-Mauritian community. The Chinese Middle School also faced the problem of falling student numbers, as more Sino-Mauritians sent their children to mainstream schools, and in the 1970s stopped their weekday classes, retaining only a weekend section. However, their student numbers began to experience some revival in the mid-1980s; in the 1990s, they established a weekday pre-school section. Most of their teachers are local Sino-Mauritians, though some are expatriates from mainland China.

Media
Four Chinese-language newspapers continued to be published in Mauritius. A monthly news magazine also began publication in 2005. The newspapers are printed in Port Louis, but not widely distributed outside the city.

Chinese Commercial Gazette
The Chinese Commercial Gazette (华侨商报) was once the largest and most influential Chinese-language newspaper in Mauritius. It stopped publishing in the 1960s, and merged with the China Times.

Chinese Daily News
The Chinese Daily News (中华日报) is a pro-Kuomintang newspaper. It was founded in 1932. The rivalry between Beijing-friendly and Taipei-friendly newspapers reached its peak in the 1950s; then-editor-in-chief of the Chinese Daily News, Too Wai Man (杜蔚文), even received death threats.

China Times
The China Times (formerly 中国时报; now 华侨时报) was founded in 1953. The editor-in-chief, Long Siong Ah Keng (吴隆祥), was born in 1921 in Mauritius; at age 11, he followed his parents back to their ancestral village in Meixian, Guangdong, where he graduated from high school and went on to Guangxi University. After graduation, he signed on with the Chinese Commercial Gazette and returned to Mauritius. He left Mauritius again in 1952 to work for a Chinese paper in India, but a position at the China Times enticed him back.

Originally a four-page paper, the China Times later expanded to eight full-colour pages.

The Mirror
The Mirror (镜报) was established in 1976. It is published on a weekly basis every Saturday. At its peak, they had a staff of eight people. Their editor-in-chief, Mr. Ng Kee Siong (黄基松), began his career at the Chinese Commercial Paper in 1942 at the age of 25. After 18 years there, the paper was forced to shut down. He and a team of fellow journalists founded a paper to replace it, the New Chinese Commercial Paper. It was while working there that he met Chu Vee Tow and William Lau, who would help him to establish The Mirror. Another editor and journalist, Mr. Poon Yune Lioung POON YOW TSE (冯云龙), who studied foreign languages at Tsinghua University, was also solicited to lend a hand. The paper is printed by Dawn Printing, which is currently run by Ng Kee Siong's son David.

Most of The Mirror's readers are in their forties or older; it has subscribers not just in Mauritius, but Réunion, Madagascar, Canada, China, Australia and Hong Kong as well. The paper's local readership has been boosted slightly by guest workers from China, but the circulation barely exceeded 1,000 copies in 2001. By 2006, that number had fallen to seven hundred. In 2010, The Mirror stopped publication.

SinoNews
Hua Sheng Bao (华声报), also referred to as Sinonews, was founded in 2005. With regards to its editorial line, it is a supporter of Chinese unification. It began as a daily newspaper solely in Chinese, but then changed to an eight-page format, including one page each of English and French news. It mostly prints Xinhua newswire reports, with the last page devoted to local news.

Culture of Mauritians of Chinese origins
Nowadays, the Sino-Mauritians is a minority community in Mauritius which is facing numerous challenges, including deculturalization and the loss of ancestral values; with the young Sino-Mauritians losing their Chinese identity.

Chinese literature / legends / stories
Some Chinese legends and stories continue to persist and to be transmitted in the Sino-Mauritian community due to their associations with the major festivals in which they partake in.

Chinese legends and stories which continue to persist within the Sino-Mauritian community, include:

 * The legend of Houyi and Chang'e, associated with the Moon Festival (Mid-Autumn Festival)
 * The legend of Nian, associated with Chinese New Year's firecracker tradition
 * The Story of Dragon Boat Festival related to the consumption of zong and the commemoration of Qu Yuan, associated with the Dragon Boat Festival

Dance and music
Sino-Mauritians continue to perform some traditional Chinese dances, like the dragon dance. The lion dance and dragon dance holds an important place in the Sino-Mauritian culture.

Martial arts
Chinese martial arts are practiced within the Sino-Mauritian community and are no more exclusive to their community in Mauritius. Some of these martial arts are:

 * Kung fu
 * Tai chi
 * Wing Chun

Chinese clans, Chinese associations and society, and name structure
During the colonial period, the Chinese migrants who came to Mauritius were known to be "clanish" in nature. The 3 main Chinese subgroups (Fukien, Namshun, and Hakka) in Mauritius each had their own recognized leaders. Recognized leaders during that period were: Hahime Choisanne (Fukien), Affan Tank Wen (Cantonese).

Most Chinese immigrants who came to Mauritius during the colonial period easily rebuilt their clan network in Mauritius; these clan networks came to function as mutual aid societies and social centres for the Chinese immigrants and their descendants. Chinese Societies and clan associations continue to exist in present-day Mauritius.

Names of Sino-Mauritians
Sino-Mauritians may have a European name (usually a French name) as their first name.

Surname structure of Sino-Mauritians
The surname of Sino-Mauritians are typically composed of 2 or 3 syllables-long instead of being one-syllable long as found in typical Chinese surname; this is the result of surname alternation during the administrative process of the past Chinese immigration system to Mauritius, often happened through the stop over in Hong Kong during the Colonial period. Most Sino-Mauritians use the full Chinese name, which includes the Chinese surname (姓; xing) and Chinese first name (名字, mingzi), of their (patrilineal ), of their Chinese immigrant ancestor (i.e. the first generation Chinese immigrant who arrived to Mauritius) who had his full name turned into a last name during the immigration process. Therefore, when a baby is born in Mauritius (second generation), he is registered with the surname of his father and therefore inherit a three-syllables surname; this pattern of surname is later followed by the subsequent generations. The variation in Sino-Mauritian surname spelling is mostly due to the pronunciation of Chinese names into Latin script. Throughout the immigration process, some Chinese migrants had their first name turned into their surname while others had their Chinese nicknames (e.g. in the form of "Ah-given name") turned into their surname. Sino-Mauritians who lacks their forefather's xing in their surname rely on oral transmission from generations to generations to be aware of their ancestral surname.

Clothing
In the 19th century, Chinese men living in Mauritius working as shopkeepers wore shanku and braided their hair in a queue. When they walked on streets however, they would wear European shoes and large umbrellas; the wealthy Chinese merchants would carry leather bags. The picture of Ahime Choisanne stored in the Kwan Tee Pagoda in Les Salines shows him wearing formal official uniform of the Qing dynasty (Mandarin robe with buzi, Qing guanmao, chaozhu).

Nowadays, Sino-Mauritians mainly wear Western-style clothing in their daily lives.

Cuisine
Sino-Mauritian cuisine includes both Chinese cuisine and localization of Chinese cuisine. Sino-Mauritians also follow and/or have maintained some Chinese food traditions and customs. For example, the tradition of Chinese red eggs which are shared with family members. It is also customary for Sino-Mauritians to eat fried noodles on birthday celebrations. Despite being one of the smallest community in Mauritius, Sino-Mauritian cuisine is the most present in the restaurants throughout the island.

Chinese calendar and zodiac
Some Sino-Mauritian still refer to the Tung Shing (Chinese almanac) to find auspicious dates and time for diverse events in their lives, including:

 * Their wedding date;
 * The time to light firecrackers on Chinese New Year

The Chinese zodiac is still followed and holds an important place within the Sino-Mauritian community.

Festivals and holidays
Sino-Mauritian, like all Mauritians regardless of their origins, celebrates on the Gregorian calendar-based New Year's Eve and New Year (1 January). They also follow some Traditional Chinese festival and holidays:

Dual religion systems and other religions
The majority of the Sino-Mauritians are Catholics, a result of conversions during the colonial era. During the colonial era, some of the earliest converts to Catholicism were Chinese men who married with Christian Creole women. In this form of interethnic marriage, boys born of Chinese men could be baptized but they would still follow the traditions of their fathers; however, daughters were usually raised as Catholics. Therefore, some Chinese had to covert to Catholicism in order to marry. However, until the end of the 19th century, more than 92% of the Chinese were still following their traditional Chinese religions. Other reasons leading to the increase in Christianity of conversion were the social benefits of being Catholics; local schools also introduced Roman Catholic faith to their students; there were also many similarities in rites shared between Chinese religions and Catholicism which gave them a sense of familiarity; but the major reason is related to the tolerance of the Catholic church who allowed Chinese converts to continue their ancestor worship as it was considered a cultural practice instead of a religious practice. Many Hakka converted due to social pressure and interactions with the Catholic communities; e.g. Catholic neighbours would convince them to convert. Converting to Catholicism also allowed them to send their children to Catholic schools. The rate of conversion speeded up in the early 20th century; it is estimated that 17% of the Chinese were Christians in 1911 and by 1921, 28% of the Chinese and Sino-Mauritians in the country had become Christians. From the 1940s to 1960s, there were also many Catholics missionaries worked on converting the Chinese and Sino-Mauritians to Catholicism leading to a significant impact on the increase in the conversion speed. From the 1950s and onwards, Chinese religions re-emerged leading to the construction of more pagodas. By 1980s, 66% of the Sino-Mauritians were Catholic and a small amount converted to Protestants.

Nowadays, a majority of Sino-Mauritians also identify as Catholic Christians. Other Sino-Mauritians are Protestant. Despite their identifying as Catholics, there is however a long tradition of religious parallelism among the Sino-Mauritian families, and as such, elements of Chinese religions still continue to exist even among the Christian Sino-Mauritians families.  Nowadays, Sino-Mauritians (even Catholic Sino-Mauritian ) still follow some form of Chinese-related religions (which include Taoist and Chinese Folk religions); a minority of Sino-Mauritians follow Buddhism; they also follow Confucianism. Typically, some syncretism occurred, incorporating elements of Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism and traditional ancestor worship. Sino-Mauritian Christians, especially members of the older generations, sometimes retain certain traditions from Buddhism. Catholics Sino-Mauritians still frequent Chinese pagodas.  The Catholic Church of Mauritius also recognize the dual religion system practice by the Sino-Mauritians to preserve their distinct traditions, including ancestral worship which remains a significant aspect of their everyday life.

Traditional Chinese religion and Chinese pagodas
In the present-day, Guan Di (Kwan Tee; the god of wealth, also the god of war and the righteous and the benefactor) is an important deity for Sino-Mauritians, especially for those working in the business field. In Chinese Pagodas, altars can also be found for Guan Yin, the Goddess Mazu (also known as Tin Hao; the goddess of the sea and the protector of sailors), the God Choy Sun (the God of Good Fortune). The goddess Mazu is usually prayed by Sino-Mauritians to seek for protection for their relatives who travel abroad and to wish for their safe and good return home.  For the one-month old celebration of a Sino-Mauritian baby, the parents and the grandparents of the child make offerings to the Yudi (god of Heaven) and to GuanYin.

Pagodas also shelter ancestral cult altars and ancestral tablets. Following Chinese tradition, religious services is typically conducted one week after death at the Pagoda and the ancestral tablet of the deceased with his name written in Chinese characters will be deposited behind the altar. On Chinese New Year, descendants of the deceased can practice the ancestral rites before the Ancestral tablets as a sign of respect.

Burial Site and practices
By 1819, there was already a burial site for the Chinese community in Mauritius in Port Louis. The early Chinese graves in Mauritius (e.g. those dated from the late 1830s) were made of stones; each gravestone would 3 perpendicular row of characters engraved on them and coloured in red. Despite the majority of Sino-Mauritians identify as Catholics, some Sino-Mauritian families still preserve Traditional Chinese funeral rites and traditions.

Fengshui
Fengshui is important to the Sino-Mauritian community and their ancestors. The site location of the first pagoda in Mauritius, Kwan Tee Pagoda, was based on Fengshui.

Chinese medicine
Natural remedies (local or imported from China) are still used in the Sino-Mauritian community in Mauritius where Traditional Chinese medicine has likely been valued, preserved, and transmitted from generation to generation. Sino-Mauritians are also observed to have deep knowledge on the preparation and administration of herbal remedies.

Chinese numerology
Sino-Mauritians maintain certain beliefs related to Chinese numerology which impact their daily lives. For example,

 * The number 4 (四 si) continues to be associated with death (死 si), and therefore is considered an unlucky number to be avoided.

Significant cultural landmarks
Significant cultural landmarks of the Sino-Mauritian include: the Chinatown of Mauritius in Port Louis and the presence of Chinese pagoda throughout the island. In 2013, there were 11 pagodas in Mauritius all found in Port Louis. Port Louis also houses the Kwan tee Pagoda at Les Salines, which is the oldest Chinese pagoda in Mauritius and in the Southern hemisphere. Port Louis also houses one of the oldest Chinatowns in Africa.

Wedding and pre-wedding customs
Nowadays, many Sino-Mauritians have Catholic weddings and their wedding celebrations are almost similar to those of the Mauritian Creoles, but they also fuses some form of traditional Confucian or Buddhist traditions involving gift exchange between families and dowry, processions between each other's houses and performing prayers and rites at their family altars.

Traditionally, the parents of the bride throw a dinner party approximately one week before the wedding for her close relatives and friends.

On the day of the wedding, they offer offerings to their ancestors and the grooms eat 2 hard boiled eggs (symbol of fertility). Their bridal bed needs to be made by 2 women who are considered having a successful and fortunate marriage and who have a son and a daughter; this is followed by a young boy who performs a somersault.

The bride typically wears a white dress and her father helps place a headdress and a veil on her; the groom's mother gives a new set of gold jewelry to his new daughter-in-law as dowry when the groom's party goes to pick up the bride. The mother of the bride gives her a bouquet and they go to the church in separate cars; the church procession and services are the same as Catholic Mauritian creole wedding, but not all the Chinese guests attend as many older generations were not Christian and the latter would directly go to the reception hall and wait for the couple to arrive. They also perform the tea ceremony. Some couple consult the Tung Shing (Chinese almanac) to find auspicious dates and time for their tea ceremony to take place while others decide to have the tea ceremony between the church ceremony and the reception hall ceremony which made the couple and bridal party to make a detour to their house to perform the tea ceremony before going to the reception hall.

When the couple arrive to the reception hall, string of red firecrackers are set. The couple and their bridesmaid walk round the hall and food is served. Speeches and toasts are not very common. There is also a cake cutting moment and following this event, the guests start to disperse. Most Chinese wedding will also end with dances, and the sega is becoming increasingly popular.

Significant contributions to Mauritius
Despite being a minority group in Mauritius, thee Sino-Mauritians and their ancestors have contributed to the social and economic development of the Mauritian community and have influenced the multicultural society of Mauritius. They are a small community which has distinguished themselves from the other communities in Mauritius by being pioneers and being an indispensable part of the economic entity.

Notable Mauritians of Chinese origin

 * Entertainment
 * Patrick Kwok-Choon: film, television, and stage actor.
 * Brendan Pang: Australian cook and restaurant-owner who competed in MasterChef Australia.

 * Politics
 * Moilin Jean Ah-Chuen 朱梅麟: First Chinese Cabinet Minister, 1967–1976; First Chinese Member, Legislative Council, 1949
 * Joseph Tsang Mang Kin 曾繁兴: Cabinet Minister, 1995–2000; as a poet, Tsang has written a number of poems on the Hakka culture

Dick Christophe Ng Sui WA: Barrister and politician. Chairman of ICT Regulatory Authority of Mauritius. Former Commissioner of the Independent Police Complaints Commission. 2018-2019.
 * Government officials
 * Bernard Yeung Sik Yuen 杨钦俊: Chief Justice, Mauritius, 2008–2013

 * Corporate
 * Gaétan Siew: Architect. Past Secretary General of African Union of Architects. Past President of International Union of Architects
 * Lawrence Wong: CEO of LaTrobe. President of Mauritius Cycling Federation
 * Sports
 * Kevin Cheung: National swimmer
 * Karen Foo Kune: National badminton player; Sportswoman of the Year, 2004 and 2009; Ranked number one badminton player in the African continent on several occasions
 * Kate Foo Kune: African Badminton Champion 2018, 2017
 * Elodie Li Yuk Lo: National beach volleyball player
 * Lim Kee Chong: International football referee
 * Nathalie Lee Baw: swimmer
 * Christophe Lim Wen Ying: swimmer
 * Elodie Poo-cheong: swimmer
 * Nicki Chan-Lam: British-born badminton player
 * Alicia Kok Shun: swimmer
 * Shannon Wong: Tennis

title: Mauritians of Chinese origin


text:
1928–29 in Swedish football

The 1928-29 season in Swedish football, starting August 1928 and ending July 1929:

Division 2 Norra 1928–29

Norra

Södra

Norrländska Mästerskapet 1929

 * Final

National team results
🇸🇪 Sweden: Evald Andersson - Rudolf Carlsson, Ingvar Persson - Walfrid Persson, Bror Persson, Einar Snitt - Ernst Lööf, Hilmer Johansson, Erik Bergström, Helge Andersson, Sigurd Roos.

🇸🇪 Sweden: Anders Rydberg - Axel Alfredsson, Gunnar Zacharoff - Åke Hansson, Nils Rosén, Torsten Johansson - Charles Brommesson, Gunnar Olsson, Harry Lundahl, Tore Keller, Knut Kroon.

🇸🇪 Sweden: Anders Rydberg - Axel Alfredsson, Gunnar Zacharoff - Åke Hansson, Herbert Lundgren, Torsten Johansson - Rune Wenzel, Sven Rydell, Harry Lundahl, Wilhelm Engdahl, Knut Kroon.

🇸🇪 Sweden: Sigfrid Lindberg - Folke Andersson, Douglas Krook - Åke Hansson, Henning Helgesson, Allan Billing - John Nilsson, Sven Rydell, Per Kaufeldt, Albin Dahl, Knut Kroon.

🇸🇪 Sweden: Gunnar Ragnar - Nils Axelsson, Arne Johansson - Svante Kvist, Nils Rosén, Verner Andersson - Vigor Lindberg, Bertil Thulin, Harry Lundahl, Carl-Erik Holmberg, Wilhelm Engdahl.

🇸🇪 Sweden: Sigfrid Lindberg - Folke Andersson, Douglas Krook - Åke Hansson, Henning Helgesson, Allan Billing - John Nilsson, Sven Rydell, Per Kaufeldt, Albin Dahl, Knut Kroon.

🇸🇪 Sweden: Gunnar Ragnar - Folke Andersson, Douglas Krook - Henning Helgesson, Nils Rosén, Allan Billing - John Nilsson, Sven Rydell, Per Kaufeldt, Albin Dahl, Wilhelm Engdahl.

🇸🇪 Sweden: Sigfrid Lindberg - Erik Linder (46' Carl Huldt), Nils Axelsson - Svante Kvist, Fritz Lindfors, Erik Persson - Erik Jönsson, Harry Dahl, Harry Lundahl, Albin Dahl, Knut Kroon.

🇸🇪 Sweden: Sigfrid Lindberg - Herbert Samuelsson, Douglas Krook - Evert Blomgren, Henning Helgesson, Allan Billing - John Nilsson, Sven Rydell, Rupert Andersson, Albin Dahl, Knut Kroon.

title: 1928–29 in Swedish football


text:
Žalgiris

Žalgiris is the Lithuanian-language calque of the Polish placename Grunwald, notable for the Battle of Grunwald (Žalgirio mūšis).

Žalgiris may also refer to:

Kaunas, Lithuania

 * BC Žalgiris, basketball club from Kaunas founded in 1944
 * Žalgiris Kaunas, FBK Kaunas, association football club from Kaunas spanning 1960–2012
 * FK Kauno Žalgiris, association football club from Kaunas founded in 2004
 * MRK Žalgiris Kaunas, women's handball club from Kaunas
 * Žalgiris Arena, a multi-purpose indoor arena in Kaunas operating since 2011

Vilnius, Lithuania

 * BC Žalgiris Vilnius, former name of BC Statyba, a basketball club from Vilnius founded in 1963
 * FK Žalgiris, association football club from Vilnius founded in 1947
 * Žalgiris Stadium, a demolished multi-purpose stadium in Vilnius that operated between 1951–2011

title: Žalgiris