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Talk:North Hills, Los Angeles

Comment
I've noticed substantial changes in this article ; someone clearly wanted to blot out the negatives associated with the North Hills community. Perhaps the original article was not NPOV because it emphasized them overtly ; the changed article seems to deny entirely the well known problems with drug sales, prostitution, and gang activity that North Hills has become known for (and Sepulveda, to a somewhat lesser extent, was known for).

It's fair to mention positive aspects of North Hills, but completely leaving out its less positive aspects is clearly violating NPOV. And one other thing: generally in Los Angeles, being close to a freeway does not make a neighborhood desirable - it usually has just the opposite effect. This is not to say that there aren't desirable neighborhoods close to freeways, but freeway access is not the reason why they are desirable.

Also, why was the information about ethnic changes in North Hills left out? The old Sepulveda, which was overwhelmingly non-Latino white, suffered from the same exact problems as predominately Latino North Hills. The ethnic changes in the neighborhood were not the cause of those problems ; they may have been contributing factors in their exacerbation, but the problems existed before the ethnic changes in the early 1990s. I can say this having lived in Northridge in the 1980s, and having had members of my family owning property in what was then Sepulveda in the 1970s (right near where Nordhoff meets the 405).

This article should be better balanced. It certainly needs a correction, to emphasize both positive and negative aspects of the area. Prairie Dog

 * I think the article now reads like a real estate ad. The answer is to go out and find SOURCES that talk about the reality. LA Times, Daily News, Valley Beat, etc. There are plenty of papers covering the Valley - I'm sure you should be able to find respectabel sources. Cheers, -Willmcw 03:03, Jun 10, 2005 (UTC)

I did find an LA Times story online that, while generally positive, did mention the neighborhood's negative aspects. http://www.latimes.com/news/local/valley/la-re-guide1feb01,1,4538259.story?coll=la-editions-valley. Prairie Dog

I edited the article to present both positive and negative aspects of North Hills. This removes the NPOV issue. Prairie Dog.

 * Thanks for doing that. Cheers, -Willmcw 06:10, Jun 11, 2005 (UTC)

"The old Sepulveda, which was overwhelmingly non-Latino white, suffered from the same exact problems as predominately Latino North Hills."
 * No, it didn't. I lived in Sepulveda with my family right off of Woodley, and went to James Monroe High School.  There was no crime back then.  I lived there from the early 60's till 1976.  My mother would even let me be outside in the front yard alone, playing with barbie dolls.  There was zero crime then.  It was a great neighborhood.  Right next door to us lived a principal of a school, on the other side of us were people who worked at the university.  My father was a salesman.  And on Woodley, I had a friend whose father was a truck driver.  That's the kind of neighborhood it was.  It was diverse economically.  BTW, Wendy Sperber (now dead actress) was someone I knew at Mayall School and we walked home together ALONE at 8 years of age.  (FYI  her dad was a producer).  So no, it was not crime ridden then. Ruth E (talk) 08:06, 3 May 2008 (UTC)
 * Someone who grew up in East Los Angeles or Boyle Heights would say the same thing about how their neighborhoods were not crime-ridden in the same era, even though compared to the rest of Los Angeles those neighborhoods were considered amongst the most crime ridden. They were merely less crime ridden than in later years, considering the escalation of gang activity in the 1980s. Problems of drug dealing and prostitution around Sepulveda and Nordhoff go back to the 1970s. It is undoubtable that such problems have increased in Los Angeles as a whole over the years, and Sepulveda might look idyllic compared to today's North Hills - but one could say the same about the East L.A. of that period looking idyllic in comparison to later years, or even the South Central of that period seeming idyllic in comparison to later years. 71.118.50.36 (talk) 02:40, 5 June 2008 (UTC)
 * Wrong again. My grandmother grew up in Boyle Heights, and my mother grew up in East LA.  And when those neighborhoods were primarily Jewish, they were fine, but this was before the Latinos moved into them.  My family moved out of those neighborhoods, and by the mid 1960's those neighborhoods WERE crime ridden.  My family has lived in Los Angeles since about 1911, and so I am quite familiar with the neighborhoods of LA. Ruth E (talk) 20:26, 24 June 2008 (UTC)
 * Know any Latinos who grew up in the Boyle Heights of the 1960s (NOT the 1930s)? They'll describe the area as not being crime ridden at the time, in comparison to what happened later. Most likely the same is true of virtually any L.A. neighborhood (even those which have improved since the 1960s got worse before they got better) Prairie Dog —Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.106.215.45 (talk) 00:43, 17 November 2008 (UTC)

I support RuthE's comments. I grew up near Nordhoff and Hayvenhurst in 1964-75, and street crime and burglary were extremely rare. Bicycle theft was a big deal back then. DOR (HK) (talk) 01:26, 7 August 2008 (UTC)

 * By the way, what happened to my old alma mater, Parthenia Street Elementary School? There was another one, too, behind Oliver Wendell Holmes Junior High School. DOR (HK) (talk) 01:28, 7 August 2008 (UTC)

Parthenia Street school is still there. The one you're thinking of behind Holmes is Dearborn Street School. My daughter just graduated from there -- she was there from K-5, and it was a good school. However, they are actually in Northridge. I grew up in Sepulveda and now live in North Hills West. I am in a very nice part and feel safe here. (West of Hayvenhurst, east of Balboa.) — Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.90.184.155 (talk) 03:18, 14 November 2011 (UTC)

The date of name change from Sepulveda is not entirely correct.

We bought a house in what we were told was North Hills in 1986 after it was separated from Sepulveda. I'm unsure exactly when the name was officially changed, but it was much earlier than the 1991 date in the article. I was told by our neighbors the separation was because of the bad reputation of Sepulveda due to drugs, gangs, etc. east of the 405 freeway, and was done so due to efforts of real estate agents wanting to get higher prices for selling homes in what was then North Hills. Apparently, real estate interests in what was still known as Sepulveda (east of 405) moved to link back up with what had changed to North Hills by changing their name to North Hills in 1991 too.

Ironically we moved to a Northridge that had previously been a walnut and orange orchard, and real estate people there had the name of our area changed to Sherwood Forest to get better sales. So far, I don't know of any other neighborhoods of Northridge wanting to follow.

Photo request
I think it would help if this article had a photo Edward 14:06, 1 October 2006 (UTC)

In regards to the article about North Hills & its community:

I was born and raised in this neighborhood from 1980 - 2021. I am humored by any positive views of the city, especially from the previous authors perspective of being a resident in Northridge. Growing up, as kids, we thought Northridge was Beverly Hills in comparison.

North Hills is/was an extremely violent city to live in Los Angeles County. I lived on Langdon Street & Nordoff. The only slight improvement I saw in the neighboorhood was in 92 after the Rodney King Riots, when the police task force issued a curfew & placed street baracades on gang infested blocks. For only a brief moment did I feel somewhat "safe" in my home as a kid.

Prostitues, in front of the Knight Motel, would harrass me on my way to school. Random street perverts dealing drugs would stalk me, while simply walking to the market as a teenager. I had a close encounter with the infamous Valley Molester while riding my bike. I witnessed 3 stabbings, being unaffiliated with gangs. Seeing cars stolen & stripped in the middle of the night, outside my window, was common; as well as gunshots, and loud helicopters hovering.

Used needles & condoms littered the streets. Vicious pitbulls roaming the alleys attacking dogs & people. I saw 3 dogs murdered by dog packs, including my own black labrador "Sadie" (while on a leash). There is no "community", it is city formerly named "Sepulveda" that is still controlled by gang warfare.

After a long financial struggle, my mother (single parent of 4-- 2 being adopted) "had enough" & was finally able to move out of that hell hole. Unfortunately, at the cost of a home invasion robbery that has left my back scarred from me fighting off an intruder at only age 20. Did I mention it took 2hours for the police to arrive. I was locked up in a room, terrified my younger siblings were being killed.

My poor brother was beat-up everyday because of his blonde hair & blue eyes. My sister had a knife put to her throat in 7th grade, because she sat at the wrong tree during lunch recess.

I have nothing good to say about North Hills except that the only hope is gang intervention, police enforcement, parent guidance, & after school programs. Otherwise the sad cycle of poverty, crime, and ignorance will continue to grow like a deadly bacteria.

Yaya1582 (talk) 00:18, 19 February 2010 (UTC)

Move discussion in progress
There is a move discussion in progress on Talk:Miracle Mile, Los Angeles, California which affects this page. Please participate on that page and not in this talk page section. Thank you. —RM bot 19:30, 24 April 2010 (UTC)

Borders
There is a problem with links, at least the Map of North Hills East Neighborhood Council boundaries. The page it links to is in a foreign language.

I am having difficulty determining the official boundaries of North Hills. Is there a Los Angeles Neighborhood Council for it? I especially do not understand where North Hills is in relation to Mission Hills and Granada Hills. The locations of Mission Hills and Granada Hills seem clear to me and but not North Hills.

North Hills is the "Default City Name" for ZIP code 91343 but I think it is confusing since there seems to be no Neighborhood Council for it. Sam Tomato (talk) 07:20, 11 August 2015 (UTC)

title: Talk:North Hills, Los Angeles


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Allan Burns

Allan Pennington Burns (May 18, 1935 –January 30, 2021) was an American screenwriter and television producer. He was best known for co-creating and writing for the television sitcoms The Munsters and The Mary Tyler Moore Show.

Early life
Burns was born in Baltimore on May 18, 1935. His father died when he was nine years old. Three years later, he moved to Honolulu with his mother after his older brother was assigned to Naval Station Pearl Harbor. He attended Punahou School and illustrated a cartoon that featured several times a week in the Honolulu Star-Bulletin. He studied architecture at the University of Oregon starting in 1953, after being awarded a partial scholarship. He dropped out two years later and moved to Los Angeles, where he secured a job as a page for NBC.

Career
Before breaking into television and film, he started in animation, working for Jay Ward and collaborating on and animating The Rocky and Bullwinkle Show, Dudley Do-Right, and George of the Jungle. Burns also created the Cap'n Crunch character for Quaker Oats.

After his stint writing for Jay Ward, Burns formed a partnership with Chris Hayward. They created the series The Munsters (1964) and My Mother the Car (1965), and they were hired by producer Leonard Stern as story editors for the series He & She, for which they won an Emmy award for comedy writing. The last project between Hayward and Burns was the sitcom Get Smart. During this time, Burns co-wrote the unaired version of the 1965 pilot episode of The Smothers Brothers Show.

Burns first met James L. Brooks in 1965, getting him a writing job on his show My Mother The Car. After being impressed with the television pilot for Brooks's show Room 222, Burns began a partnership with Brooks and joined the Room 222 writing staff and later produced the series.

After Room 222, television executive Grant Tinker hired Brooks and Burns to develop a television series for CBS starring Mary Tyler Moore. In 1970, The Mary Tyler Moore Show premiered and became a critically acclaimed series, spawning spin-off series such as Lou Grant and Rhoda. Brooks and Burns also created the 1974 situation comedy Paul Sand in Friends and Lovers. Burns also worked as a writer and producer on the shows FM, The Duck Factory, Eisenhower and Lutz, and Cutters.

Burns also worked in film, co-writing the film A Little Romance (1979), for which he was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Adapted Screenplay. He also wrote the screenplays Butch and Sundance: The Early Days, Just the Way You Are and wrote and directed Just Between Friends.

Personal life
Burns married Joan Bailey in 1964; the couple had two children: Eric and Matthew.

Burns died at his home in Los Angeles on January 30, 2021, aged 85, from Parkinson's disease and Lewy body dementia.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Allan Burns


text:
Aseptic meningitis

Aseptic meningitis is the inflammation of the meninges, a membrane covering the brain and spinal cord, in patients whose cerebral spinal fluid test result is negative with routine bacterial cultures. Aseptic meningitis is caused by viruses, mycobacteria, spirochetes, fungi, medications, and cancer malignancies. The testing for both meningitis and aseptic meningitis is mostly the same. A cerebrospinal fluid sample is taken by lumbar puncture and is tested for leukocyte levels to determine if there is an infection and goes on to further testing to see what the actual cause is. The symptoms are the same for both meningitis and aseptic meningitis but the severity of the symptoms and the treatment can depend on the certain cause.

The most common cause of aseptic meningitis is by viral infection. Other causes may include side-effects from drugs and connective tissue disorders.

Signs and symptoms
Aseptic meningitis is a disease that can depend on the patient's age, however, research has shown some distinct symptoms that indicate the possibility of aseptic meningitis. A variety of patients notice a change in body temperatures (higher than normal temperatures 38-40 °C), marked with the possibility of vomiting, headaches, firm neck pain, and even lack of appetite. In younger patients, like babies, a meningeal inflammation can be noticed along with the possibility of hepatic necrosis and myocarditis. In serious cases, a multiple organ failure can also signal aseptic meningitis and oftentimes, in babies, seizures and focal neurological deficits can be early symptoms of aseptic meningitis. In fact, in newborns, the mortality rate is 70%. The next set of age group, like children, have similar but varying symptoms of sore throat, rashes, and diarrhea. In adults, symptoms and the harshness of them tend to be less in duration. Additionally, the probability of developing aseptic meningitis increases when patients have a case of mumps or herpes.

Symptoms of meningitis caused by an acute viral infection last between one and two weeks. When aseptic meningitis is caused by cytomegalovirus 20 percent of individuals face mortality or morbidity. If left untreated it can affect an individual's hearing and learning abilities.

Causes
The most common cause of aseptic meningitis is a viral infection, specifically by enteroviruses. In fact, 90 percent of all meningitis cases that are viral are caused by enteroviruses. Other viruses that may cause aseptic meningitis are varicella zoster virus, herpes, and mumps. Other causes may include mycobacteria, fungi, spirochetes, and complications from HIV. Side effects of certain drugs such as nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs), antibiotics (e.g., trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole or amoxicillin), and antiepileptic drugs can also cause aseptic meningitis.

There are multiple types of aseptic meningitis that are differentiated based on their cause.
 * Mumps PHIL 130 lores.jpg Viral meningitis
 * Enterovirus (EV) caused meningitis. This is the most common cause of viral meningitis, with 90% of viral meningitis cases being caused by EVs.
 * Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)
 * Mumps meningoencephalitis
 * Mosquito carried viruses of the flavivirus family. Saint Louis encephalitis (SLE) and West Nile virus (WNV) are the most typical.
 * Specific types of Herpes can result in aseptic meningitis. These are (HSV)-1, (HSV)-2, varicella-zoster virus, and (HHV6).
 * Bacteria
 * Lyme disease
 * Syphilis
 * Leptospirosis
 * Fungi
 * Cryptococcal infection
 * Coccidioidal infection
 * Drug-induced aseptic meningitis (DIAM)
 * Irritation of the meninges from drugs administered directly to the spinal canal or subarachnoid space. The hypersensitivity to the drug results in an immune response.
 * Autoimmune diseases
 * Systemic lupus erythematosus.
 * Cancer-caused aseptic meningitis such as neoplastic meningitis
 * This affects about 5% of all cancer cases, with a predominance in leukemias.
 * Neurosarcoidosis

Diagnosis
The term aseptic can be misleading, implying a lack of infection. On the contrary, many cases of aseptic meningitis represent infection with viruses or mycobacteria that cannot be detected with routine methods. Medical professionals will take into consideration the season of the year, the medical history of the individual and family, physical examination, and laboratory results when diagnosing aseptic meningitis.

One common medical test used when diagnosing aseptic meningitis is lumbar puncture. A medical professional inserts a needle between two vertebrae to remove cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) from the spinal cord. The cerebrospinal fluid collected from the lumbar puncture is analyzed by microscope examination or by culture to distinguish between bacterial and aseptic meningitis. Samples of CSF undergo cell count, Gram stains, and viral cultures, and polymerase chain reaction (PCR). Polymerase chain reaction has increased the ability of clinicians to detect viruses such as enterovirus, cytomegalovirus, and herpes virus in the CSF, but many viruses can still escape detection. Other laboratory tests include blood, urine, and stool collection. Medical professionals also have the option of performing a computed tomographic (CT) scan or magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), these tests help observe calcifications or abscesses.

Treatment
If CSF levels are irregular among individuals, they will undergo hospitalization where they receive antiviral therapy. If aseptic meningitis was caused by herpes simplex virus (HSV), the individual will receive acyclovir, an antiviral drug.

History
Aseptic meningitis was first described by Wallgren in 1925. Aseptic meningitis cases have varied historically. Aseptic meningitis caused by mumps has declined in the United States due to the increased use of vaccination which prevents mumps cases from occurring.

title: Aseptic meningitis


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Talk:Allan Burns

Untitled
Hi, I remember seeing 'Allan Burns' in the credits to The Munsters, is there anyone with information on that to put it on the page?69.119.204.184 (talk) 20:05, 25 April 2008 (UTC)

 * I have restored links to The Munsters and My Mother the Car, which were removed on 31 May 2006. (Instead of adding two links, somebody that day simply replaced these two!) Ailanto (talk) 01:20, 13 November 2013 (UTC)

Personal
Allan Burns is married to Joan Bailey Burns and has two sons, Eric and Matt. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 199.43.32.81 (talk) 16:40, 30 May 2008 (UTC)

title: Talk:Allan Burns


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Diagnosis of exclusion

A diagnosis of exclusion or by exclusion (per exclusionem) is a diagnosis of a medical condition reached by a process of elimination, which may be necessary if presence cannot be established with complete confidence from history, examination or testing. Such elimination of other reasonable possibilities is a major component in performing a differential diagnosis.

Diagnosis by exclusion tends to occur where scientific knowledge is scarce, specifically where the means to verify a diagnosis by an objective method is absent. As a specific diagnosis cannot be confirmed, a fall back position is to exclude that group of known causes that may cause a similar clinical presentation.

The largest category of diagnosis by exclusion is seen among psychiatric disorders where the presence of physical or organic disease must be excluded as a prerequisite for making a functional diagnosis.

Examples
An example of such a diagnosis is "fever of unknown origin": to explain the cause of elevated temperature the most common causes of unexplained fever (infection, neoplasm, or collagen vascular disease) must be ruled out.

Other examples include:
 * Fibromyalgia
 * Adult-onset Still's disease
 * Behçet's disease
 * Bell's palsy
 * Burning mouth syndrome
 * Chronic recurrent multifocal osteomyelitis
 * Long COVID
 * Psychogenic polydipsia
 * Schizophrenia
 * Somatic symptom disorder
 * Sudden infant death syndrome
 * Tolosa–Hunt syndrome
 * Systemic-onset juvenile idiopathic arthritis

title: Diagnosis of exclusion


text:
Satomi Arai

Satomi Arai (新井 里美), is a Japanese voice actress from Saitama Prefecture. She married voice actor Yoshimitsu Shimoyama in 2008 and had a son in 2010, but her husband's identity was not disclosed until 2016.

title: Satomi Arai


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James Olsen

James Olsen may refer to:

 * James Olsen (footballer) (born 1981), English footballer
 * Jimmy Olsen, a DC Comics character
 * Jimmy Olsen (wrestler) (born 1986), American professional wrestler

title: James Olsen


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Ann Patchett

Ann Patchett (born December 2, 1963) is an American author. She received the 2002 PEN/Faulkner Award and the Orange Prize for Fiction in the same year, for her novel Bel Canto. Patchett's other novels include The Patron Saint of Liars (1992), Taft (1994), The Magician's Assistant (1997), Run (2007), State of Wonder (2011), Commonwealth (2016), The Dutch House (2019), and Tom Lake (2023). The Dutch House was a finalist for the 2020 Pulitzer Prize for Fiction.

Biography
Ann Patchett was born on December 2, 1963, in Los Angeles, California, to Frank Patchett (a Los Angeles police captain who arrested Charles Manson and Sirhan Sirhan ) and Jeanne Ray (a nurse who later became a novelist). She is the younger of two daughters. Her mother and father divorced when she was young. Her mother remarried, and when Patchett was six years old the family moved to Nashville, Tennessee.

Patchett attended St. Bernard Academy, a private Catholic school for girls in Nashville, Tennessee run by the Sisters of Mercy. Following graduation, she attended Sarah Lawrence College.

After college, she attended the Iowa Writers' Workshop at the University of Iowa, where she lived with the memoirist and poet Lucy Grealy. Their time as roommates and their life-long friendship was the subject of her 2004 memoir Truth & Beauty.

In her early twenties Patchett married; however, the marriage lasted only about a year.

In her late twenties, Patchett won a fellowship to the Fine Arts Work Center in Provincetown, Massachusetts; during her time there, she wrote her first novel The Patron Saint of Liars, which was published in 1992.

In 2010, she co-founded a bookstore with Karen Hayes, Parnassus Books, in Nashville, Tennessee, which opened in November 2011. In 2016, Parnassus Books expanded, adding a bookmobile to expand the reach of the bookstore in Nashville.

Patchett lives in Nashville, Tennessee, with her husband, Karl VanDevender. It is Patchett’s second marriage.

Writing
Patchett's first published work was in The Paris Review, a story that appeared before she graduated from Sarah Lawrence College.

For nine years, Patchett worked at Seventeen magazine, where she wrote primarily non-fiction and the magazine published one of every five articles she wrote. She ended her relationship with the magazine after getting into a dispute with an editor and exclaiming, "I’ll never darken your door again!"

Patchett has written for numerous publications, including The New Yorker, The New York Times Magazine, The Washington Post, O, The Oprah Magazine, ELLE, GQ, Gourmet, and Vogue. In 1992, Patchett published The Patron Saint of Liars. The novel was made into a television movie of the same title in 1998. Her second novel Taft won the Janet Heidinger Kafka Prize in fiction in 1994. Her third novel, The Magician’s Assistant, was released in 1997. In 2001, her fourth novel Bel Canto was her breakthrough, becoming a National Book Critics Circle Award finalist, and winning the PEN/Faulkner Award.

A friend of writer Lucy Grealy, Patchett has written a memoir about their relationship, Truth & Beauty: A Friendship. Patchett's novel, Run, was released in October 2007. What now?, published in April 2008, is an essay based on a commencement speech she delivered at her alma mater in 2006.

Patchett is the editor of the 2006 volume of the anthology series The Best American Short Stories. In 2011, she published State of Wonder, a novel set in the Amazon jungle, which was shortlisted for the Orange Prize. In 2016 she published her novel Commonwealth to widespread critical acclaim. Patchett called the book her "autobiographical first novel," explaining, “The wonderful thing about publishing this book at 52 is that I know that I am [already] capable of working from a place of deep imagination.”

In 2019, Patchett published her first children's book, Lambslide, and the novel The Dutch House, a finalist for the 2020 Pulitzer Prize for Fiction.

In November 2021, she published These Precious Days, an essay collection she describes as the sequel to This Is the Story of a Happy Marriage. These Precious Days received wide acclaim, with review aggregator Book Marks rating it a “rave” based on 25 reviews. In 2023, Ann Patchett published a novel called Tom Lake, and it was ranked a The New York Times Best Sellers.

Her work has been translated into more than 30 languages.

For specific works

 * Nashville Banner Tennessee Writer of the Year Award, 1994.
 * Janet Heidinger Kafka Prize (Taft), 1994.
 * National Book Critics Circle Award finalist (Bel Canto), 2001.
 * PEN/Faulkner Award (Bel Canto), 2002.
 * Orange Prize (Bel Canto), 2002.
 * BookSense Book of the Year (Bel Canto), 2003.
 * Wellcome Trust Book Prize shortlist (State of Wonder), 2011.

For corpus

 * Guggenheim Fellowship, 1995 (mid-career).
 * In 2012, Patchett was recognized on the Time 100 list as one of the most influential people in the world by Time magazine.
 * Peggy V. Helmerich Distinguished Author Award (body of work), 2014.
 * 2014 Kenyon Review Award for Literary Achievement
 * American Academy of Arts and Letters, 2017
 * Carl Sandburg Literary Award from Chicago Public Library Foundation, 2024

Novels

 * Reprinted in the following year, see
 * Reprinted in the following year, see

title: Ann Patchett


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Diagosis of exclusion

Delete request by stub author: I created this stub from a dead link from another page. Didn't realize the link (and subsequent title) was misspelled—my apologies. I don't think this even represents a potentially common misspelling worth keeping. I copied the material to a new article, diagnosis of exclusion. Polacrilex 01:27, Jun 10, 2005 (UTC)
 * Speedied. JFW | T@lk  07:49, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)


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Comparative negligence

Comparative negligence, called non-absolute contributory negligence outside the United States, is a partial legal defense that reduces the amount of damages that a plaintiff can recover in a negligence-based claim, based upon the degree to which the plaintiff's own negligence contributed to cause the injury. When the defense is asserted, the factfinder, usually a jury, must decide the degree to which the plaintiff's negligence and the combined negligence of all other relevant actors all contributed to cause the plaintiff's damages. It is a modification of the doctrine of contributory negligence that disallows any recovery by a plaintiff whose negligence contributed even minimally to causing the damages.

Types of comparative negligence
Prior to the late 1960s, only a few states had adopted the system. When comparative negligence was adopted, three main versions were used. The first is called "pure" comparative negligence. Under this type of comparative negligence, a plaintiff who was 90% to blame for an accident could recover 10% of his losses.

The second and third versions are lumped together in what is called "modified" comparative negligence. One variant allows plaintiffs to recover "only" if the plaintiff's negligence is "not greater than" the defendant's. In some states this threshold is 50 or 51%.

The other variant allows plaintiffs to recover "only if" the plaintiff's negligence is "not as great as" the defendant's (the plaintiff's negligence must be less than 50% of the combined negligence). The apparently minor difference between the two modified forms of comparative negligence is thought by lawyers handling such cases to be significant, as juries who ordinarily assign degrees of fault are much less willing to award damages to a plaintiff who is equally at fault than to one who is less at fault than the defendant.

Contributory negligence doctrine
Some states, though, still use the contributory negligence doctrine to evaluate negligence in a tort. For instance, Alabama, Maryland, North Carolina, and Virginia continue to use contributory negligence.

Neither comparative negligence nor contributory negligence should be confused with joint and several liability, which generally holds each of two or more culpable defendants responsible for all the damages sustained by a plaintiff. For practical reasons, a plaintiff who faces the defense of comparative negligence may wish to join all potentially culpable defendants in his action since the plaintiff's negligence will be balanced against the combined negligence of all defendants in apportioning damages even if the plaintiff may not be able actually to get compensation from some of them: for example, if an insolvent individual and a major corporation were both negligent in causing plaintiff's harm.

Special circumstances
Sometimes a plaintiff and a defendant are both found to be negligent, but the court allocates full responsibility to the defendant in the interests of policy or justice. For example, in Bexiga v. Havir Manufacturing Corp., 290 A.2d 281 (N.J. 1972), a minor operating a power punch press for his employer had his hand crushed by the ram of the machine. Although the plaintiff was negligent by placing his hand under the ram, the defendant (the manufacturer of the machine) had failed to provide additional safety equipment and was found to also be negligent. The court held that because the type of negligence was foreseeable and the very "type of eventuality the safety devices were designed to guard against," the defendant was liable for the plaintiff's damages.

Another example can be found in ''Christensen v. Royal Sch. Dist.'', 124 P.3d 283 (Wash. 2005). In that case a 13-year-old girl engaged in sexual activity with her teacher. The court held that the girl had no duty to protect herself from sexual abuse because it was in society's interest. Therefore, as a matter of law, anybody under the age of sixteen could not have contributory negligence found against them in this type of relationship.

In Derheim v. N. Fiorito, Inc., the Supreme Court of Washington held that the defendant cannot use a seat belt defense to blame the plaintiff who had exhibited comparative negligence by not wearing a seat belt.

Serious-Misconduct Bar
Some states, such as West Virginia have comparative negligence statutes which bar recovery for injuries that occurred while the individual was committing a felony or violent misdemeanor.

title: Comparative negligence


text: User talk:69.136.254.10

title: User talk:69.136.254.10


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Talk:Dai people

Meaning of "Dai"
The last version said "The term 'Dai' means Heaven, or Sky." User 202.57.165.90 corrected that to "The term 'Dai' means free." Neither of these claims was substantiated and I'd like to see sources for that. Babelfisch 01:29, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Dai Religion
I'm very interested in learning about the Dai traditional religion that's mentioned in the article. Gringo300 07:31, 23 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Shan in Burma
Should this be linked to the Shan article? Or maybe even merged with it? Or are they actually different groups? Carl Kenner 19:35, 13 December 2005 (UTC)
 * They're same group. Shan is the name given by Myammar. Dai ([]) is their own name and adopted by China. In the past, Chinese call them Bai Yi people (摆夷族). --220.181.106.54 (talk) 17:52, 14 September 2010 (UTC)

tai pong
ethnologue has Tai Pong listed as a dialect of Tai Nua. Abstrakt

 * Ethnologue usually doesn't distinguish clearly between languages and dialects, and their sources are often dubious. —Babelfisch 06:04, 24 July 2006 (UTC)

Is “Dai people” an umbrella term?
Dai people simply refer to those who call themselves Dai, and in English, "those nuclear Tai peoples who call themselves Tai". Those "Tai people" mentioned in this article, such as Zhuang, Hlai, accutually do not call themselves "Tai". They have their own names such as Bouxcuengh, etc., and when mentioned as one group, then prefer them name Rauz (a.k.a. Raeuz, Lao, Rau, Liao). The name "Dai" is NOT a Han-Chinese cultural concept but a national self-will of Dai.
 * Yes, that is there Chinese name, but that barely matters (unless, of course, the identification of a "nuclear Dai people" is after all a Chinese invention hoisted upon apolitical Dai peasants). What matters is their name in their OWN language. --Yalens (talk) 14:19, 14 September 2010 (UTC)
 * It's not Chinese invention, but that Dai people and Zhuang people are indeed different. All Dai people call them selves as “Dai X” (such as Dai Lü, Dai Le and Dai Ddam), but did you hear any Zhuang people call themselves “Dai Cuengh”? Now I can answer your question: their name in their OWN language is “DAI” or “TAI”! --220.181.106.54 (talk) 14:55, 14 September 2010 (UTC)
 * Question: What's the name of Tai peoples in their OWN language? --220.181.106.54 (talk) 17:50, 14 September 2010 (UTC)

Tai/Dai
Even the name "Dai" is not Hanyu Pinyin of Chinese language, for the letter "D" merely refers a tenuis consonant. It's true that the Royal Thai General System of Transcription use "d/t/th" to distinguish IPA [d], [d̥] and [tʰ], but there's no rule that all D̥ai people should follow that. In China, Dai people use "dd/d/t" to distinguish them (and it seems this is statistically more scientific because among languages of Dai [tʰ] occurs more infrequently than [d]).

What about the English-concept “Tai people”?
If “Dai people” is an umbrella term, the term “Tai people” suit it more appropriately. Most groups under “Tai people” do not actually call themselves Tai. Besides Zhuang and Hlai, Buyei, Nung, Kra peoples and Kam-Sui peoples do not have traditions to call themselves Tai. Basically the northern part of Tai and Lao people call themselves Rauz/Raeuz/Lao/Liao while the southern part call themselves Dai/Tai/Thai. So it would be better to say “Rau-Dai peoples (or Lao-Tai peoples) + Kra peoples + Kam-Sui peoples” or “Kradai peoples” rather than “Tai peoples”. The term “Tai people” might be imposed by Thai-nationalists and is not accepted by all Kra-Dai speaking peoples.

Some links

 * A Rauz community
 * zh:僚人 —Preceding unsigned comment added by 220.181.106.54 (talk) 13:50, 14 September 2010 (UTC)

Leave your comment here if you want to discuss the term “Dai people”
I do not have a problem with the article pointing out the artificiality of the Chinese official usage, but I do have a problem with the fact that the section dealing with this is almost incomprehensible. Could it be rewritten so that the issues become comprehensible? For instance, by discussing the range of terms that do exist and what their coverage is. Something like:

Tai peoples: Ethno-linguistic category covering xxxx.

Tai: Peoples referring to themselves as Tai, includes xxxx.

Dai: Chinese ethnic category, refers to Tai-speaking groups within China (in Yunnan).

Etc.

The main problem with Chinese ethnological classifications is that they are concerned with 'Chinese sovereignty'. The ethnic groups of China are part of the 'Zhonghua Minzu', and the Chinese authorities are mainly concerned with asserting their place within the Zhonghua Minzu as part of the Chinese state on Chinese sovereign territory, playing down their connections to coethnics who are not part of the Zhonghua Minzu (i.e., are not subject to Chinese sovereignty). Chinese usage thus needs to be elucidated, but not in the controversial and confusing way that is presented here.

Therefore, a paragraph (as suggested above) setting out the Chinese usage, a paragraph setting out the usage of the peoples themselves, and a paragraph setting out linguists' usage (which extends to the Zhuang, it appears) would be in order.

61.49.173.170 (talk) 23:13, 27 January 2013 (UTC)

removing POV tag with no active discussion per Template:POV
I've removed an old neutrality tag from this page that appears to have no active discussion per the instructions at Template:POV:
 * This template is not meant to be a permanent resident on any article. Remove this template whenever:
 * There is consensus on the talkpage or the NPOV Noticeboard that the issue has been resolved
 * It is not clear what the neutrality issue is, and no satisfactory explanation has been given
 * In the absence of any discussion, or if the discussion has become dormant.

Since there's no evidence of ongoing discussion, I'm removing the tag for now. If discussion is continuing and I've failed to see it, however, please feel free to restore the template and continue to address the issues. Thanks to everybody working on this one! -- Khazar2 (talk) 00:43, 18 July 2013 (UTC)

48 million in Thailand?
That would make them about 2/3 of the Thai population. Is there an extra 0 in that figure? Cameron Nedland (talk) 14:21, 13 November 2015 (UTC)

Java, Indonesia?
What's the reference for Tai/Dai dialect in Java, Indonesia? This is something I'm not familiar with, and I am from Indonesia. Thanks, XoXo (talk) 14:02, 31 May 2016 (UTC)
 * OK, I just removed the statement about Tai/Dai dialect in Java, since there seems to be no reference about it added so far. Please add it back if you have the relevant reference. Thanks, XoXo (talk) 03:33, 23 August 2016 (UTC)

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Wikilinks for broad groupings
Hello, most broad groupings are lacking a wikilink. What should be done? Kind regards, --Sarcelles (talk) 10:33, 2 February 2018 (UTC)

Nationalism and separatism
Please add about Dai Nationalism and separatism--Kaiyr (talk) 07:36, 15 May 2018 (UTC)

Mistake in article
There are also Dai people living in Pu'er City. Please fix. 173.88.246.138 (talk) 03:28, 29 December 2020 (UTC)

There are also Dai people living in Pu'er City. Please fix. 173.88.246.138 (talk) 04:21, 22 July 2021 (UTC)

"help relieve heat and heat"
What does "help relieve heat and heat" mean? 173.88.246.138 (talk) 04:21, 22 July 2021 (UTC)

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the nomination page. —Community Tech bot (talk) 18:24, 15 August 2022 (UTC)
 * Tai dress.jpg

title: Talk:Dai people


text:
Josephites (Maryland)

The Society of Saint Joseph of the Sacred Heart (Societas Sodalium Sancti Joseph a Sacra Corde) abbreviated SSJ, also known as the Josephites, is a society of apostolic life of Pontifical Right for men (priests and brothers) headquartered in Baltimore, Maryland. They work specifically among African Americans.

They were formed in 1893 by a group of Mill Hill priests working with newly-freed Black people emancipated during the American Civil War. The founders included Fr John R. Slattery, who led the group and would become the first Josephite superior general, and one of the nation's first black priests, Fr. Charles Uncles. With permission from the Mill Hill leaders as well as Archbishop of Baltimore Cardinal Gibbons, the group established the Josephites as a mission society independent from Mill Hill, based in America, and dedicated totally to the African-American cause.

Since then, they have served in Black parishes, schools, and other ministries around the country, and played a major role in the Black Catholic Movement of the late 1960s through 1990s, in which Black Catholicism became a more obvious part of the Black church, liturgically and otherwise. The Josephites were instrumental in the restoration of the permanent diaconate in the United States following the Second Vatican Council, and the Josephite bishop John Ricard helped found the National Black Catholic Congress in 1987.

In 2011, the society elected its first African-American superior general, Fr William "Bill" Norvel, SSJ, who established a vocations hub for the society in Nigeria. The next two superiors since have also been African Americans, but as of September 2021, the society's leadership and new seminarians and priests are almost all Nigerians.

Background (1865–1869)
1865 ushered in the period of Southern Reconstruction, during which time, the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, outlawing slavery, was passed. Ten former Confederate states were divided into five military districts. As a condition of readmission to the Union, the former Confederate states were required to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which granted citizenship to all people born in the U.S. regardless of race.

It was against this backdrop that the U.S. Catholic bishops met for their tenth provincial council in Baltimore, Maryland in 1869. The fifth decree of this council exhorted the Council Fathers to provide missions and schools for all black Americans in their dioceses, as education was seen as a critical need by the community.

Subsequently, the Council Fathers wrote a letter requesting clergy for that purpose to Father Herbert Vaughan, superior general of the Saint Joseph's Society for Foreign Missions in Mill Hill, London. He had founded the society in 1866, and in 1869 opened St Joseph's Foreign Missionary College in that area of London. Vaughan later became Archbishop of Westminster and a cardinal.

American beginnings and independence (1870–1893)
Vaughan, with an additional commission for the work from Pope Pius IX, brought a group of his priests to Baltimore in 1871 to serve the freedmen. Bishops around the U.S. had varying constituencies of Black Catholics during this period, and often too few priests, parishes, and programs to serve them. While this didn't necessarily concern individual bishops, the larger bishops' group for the country did take up the cause, establishing a system of missionary work to the black apostolate that was most often filled by groups like the Mill Hill Fathers. As the need arose in a given diocese for black-focused ministry, they would be called in to pastor parishes, staff schools, and establish missionary posts to gain converts.

In 1893, Fr John R. Slattery (a leader within the North American branch of the Mill Hill Fathers) petitioned that the Mill Hill priests in the U.S. reorganize to create a U.S.-based institution. The commitment to the African-American apostolate by the new society was to be the same as before: to teach the faith of the Catholic Church and to promote the Church’s teachings on social justice. The plan was approved, and a small number of the US Mill Hill priests agreed to transfer and were received by Baltimore archbishop James Gibbons to form what would begin as a diocesan institute.

Initial struggles and Fr Uncles (1893–1933)
Among the small founding group of Josephite priests in 1893 was Fr. Charles R. Uncles, the first African-American priest ordained on US soil (and the first trained in the United States, though his initial studies were at a seminary in Quebec).

Fr Uncles would go on to face unremitting opposition both within and outside the order, as ordaining a black priest and placing one were two entirely different matters. Racist laypeople, priests, and bishops alike soured the new venture, ensuring that black priests were not welcome in local parishes and communities—stifling Slattery's dreams of a booming black priestly class. Instead, black priests like Uncles were relegated to preaching tours in the Deep South, subservient parochial roles, and teaching posts at the Josephite seminary in DC. Meanwhile, the white Josephite priests pressed on, expanding their work across the country.

John Henry Dorsey, SSJ, was ordained in the society on June 21, 1902, becoming just the second black priest ordained in America (after Uncles). He would go on to help found the Knights of Peter Claver in 1909 at Most Pure Heart of Mary Catholic Church in Mobile, Alabama. He would die tragically, however, in 1923 after being murdered by a student's father.

Epiphany Apostolic College was opened in 1925 near Newburgh, New York and would serve as the society's minor seminary, educating students through high school and for two years of college studies. That same year, the Josephites would help to found Xavier University of Louisiana, then the nations only Black Catholic university. Fr Edward Brunner, SSJ served as the institution's first and only priest president. The Josephites were elevated to the status of a society of apostolic life of pontifical right in 1932.

On his part (and mostly due to the unrelenting racism he saw in the US Catholic Church), Slattery would eventually lose hope in the mission, in Catholicism, and in Christianity overall—leaving his post, the priesthood and eventually the faith. He then married and became a successful lawyer, leaving his fortune and papers to the New York Public Library upon his death the same year as Dorsey.

Fr Uncles died an outcast within the order in 1933, frustrated by racist circumstances to the point that he no longer considered himself a Josephite at all.

Growth and continued racism (1933–1950)
After the initial experiences with Uncles and a scant few others, subsequent Josephite superiors general were hesitant to accept black candidates to the order at all; they accepted a mulatto here and there, but largely stayed away from the question of black priests even as they continued to work with blacks.

This reticence (and vocational dearth) was noticed by Black Catholics themselves, most notably Thomas Wyatt Turner and his Federated Colored Catholics organization. This pressure would not have much effect for many years, but the issue remained on the table as the Josephites continued to grow in both membership and parochial administration.

Louis Pastorelli, the Josephite's longest-serving superior general, throughout the Interwar Period continued the society's policy of restricting black candidates, but cautiously supported other orders' black priesthood efforts—specifically the Divine Word order's plans for a black seminary in Mississippi, which quickly produced four new, well-received black priests.

As more dioceses and orders began to accept black candidates into their priestly formation programs, the Josephites slowly became more open to receiving black candidates without restriction. During the 1940s, Josephite superior general Edward V Casserly instituted official policies allowing more freely for black applicants. During the same period, the order also added 20 parishes and 20 schools—including the all-black (and all-male) St Augustine High in New Orleans, formerly a diocesan school.

Civil Rights and Black Power (1950–1971)
As the door flew open to black priests in the lead-up to the Civil Rights Movement, the Josephite order faced the possibility of changing color, causing consternation among not a few members. One higher-up from the old guard went so far as to institute an explicitly racist policy to prevent black applications from being assessed at all; Casserly quickly called a meeting of the leadership and quashed the overreach. Even so, Casserly's heavy-handed management style made for an abrupt end in 1948 to his tenure as superior general. His successor, Thomas P. McNamara (and McNamara's right-hand man, future superior general George F. O'Dea), would continue the expansion of Josephite activity and black vocations.

After a few decades of positive signs and progress (including the notable saga of oft-arrested Josephite activist Philip Berrigan), the bloody end to the Civil Rights Movement proper presented a new challenge: black radicalism. The assassination of Martin Luther King Jr brought issues of racism to a head and fostered a newfound commitment to social justice and Black Power among many black clergy and religious. This began in earnest with the convening of the inaugural National Black Catholic Clergy Caucus (NBCCC), held in Detroit in April 1968, shortly after King's assassination and the resultant riots. It was the first-ever meeting of the nation's Black Catholic clergy and produced a statement that in its opening line called the Catholic Church in America "primarily a White, racist institution."

This helped produce calls for more authentic black freedom and expression, as well as black oversight of black parishes and schools, causing tension across the Church—including at St Joseph's Seminary (the Josephite house) in Washington, D.C. Epiphany, the minor seminary in New York, rapidly lost numbers around the same time, and was merged with another society's minor seminary program in 1970; it would soon close altogether. Black laypeople protested at St Joseph's in summer 1971, and eventually a good number of seminarians would leave or be asked to leave altogether, causing the school to close for studies that same year. (Josephite seminarians, retired Josephites and other priests, and outside renters continue to use the building for lodging, and it also houses the Josephite archives, Pastoral Center, library, and other publicly accessible spaces.)

Some of the demands made by laypeople during the period of rupture were in fact met, including the reestablishment of the permanent diaconate, an act which came largely at the behest of a Josephite priest and with a focus on the African-American community.

After the Black Power crisis, Josephite seminarians began to study at the now-closed Washington Theological Union. The society would later utilize Xavier University of Louisiana—which the Josephites helped to found—as a sort of minor seminary. The society eventually began sending its students successively to the Washington Theological Union, the Dominican House of Studies, Howard University, Catholic University of America, and/or other DC institutions.

Modern era
During the 1980s, the Fr William Norvel served as consultor general for the Josephites and as president of the NBCCC. He is credited with starting the Catholic gospel choir movement in Washington, D.C., and Los Angeles, implementing in a liturgical way some of the calls for black expression that came out of the Detroit meeting. In 1987, the Josephites' Bishop John Ricard founded the National Black Catholic Congress, a revival of the Colored Catholic Congress movement of the late 19th century.

In June 2011, some 130 years after their founding, the Josephites elected Norvel as their first black superior general. Both of the following superiors general have also been black, including the sitting, Bishop Ricard.

Nigeria
Norvel also established a Josephite house of spiritual formation in Nigeria, where he served for five years and which now produces most of the Josephite's vocations; the society's new seminarians and priests have been almost entirely Nigerian for some time. The society currently operates a minor seminary there, and in 2021 received roughly a dozen new students for the school.

Relocation of headquarters
St Joseph's Manor, which had been the residence of the superior general and other administrators, was sold in January 2019. They now reside nearby in a shared residential and office space, which has functioned as the Josephites headquarters since around 2016.

Organization and membership
The society operates 34 parishes across 12 (arch)dioceses, as well as St. Augustine High School in New Orleans, Louisiana, a historically black high school, established by the society with the Archdiocese of New Orleans in 1951.

The headquarters is located in northern Baltimore and their seminarian and retiree residence, St. Joseph Seminary, is in Washington, D.C.

In 2012, the society had 40 houses and 88 members, including 76 priests.

In late 2020, Vicar General Fr Thomas Frank reported that the order had 60 members.

The Josephite Harvest (magazine)
The Josephite Harvest is the official magazine of the society, and is the oldest extant Catholic missions magazine in the US. It first began in 1888, published under the name The Colored Harvest, before changing its name in 1960. During the 20th century, The Harvest chronicled the Josephites' efforts to build parishes and schools for African-Americans throughout the nation.

Today, the magazine publishes quarterly in a physical format with a digital version also available.

St Joseph's Seminary

St Joseph's, the Josephite seminary, is located in Brookland Washington, D.C., It is one of the many vaunted Catholic institutions in the area, known today for its heavy Catholic influence and presence.

While the seminary closed for academic studies in 1971, it continues to house the Josephite seminarians during the school year, as well as retired Josephites (and other) priests and unaffiliated renters year-round.

Archives
Also found in this building are the Josephite archives, widely regarded as some of the most extensive records of African-American history in the entire country. They were most recently managed by Josephite priest, but after his passing were passed on to a lay archivist (who heavily updated their organization and availability for researchers).

Pastoral Center
The Josephite Pastoral Center (JPC}, also located in the seminary, remains one of the few providers of materials meant specifically for African-American Catholic ministry. The shop is open to the public and sells items ranging from calendars (including the annual Josephite African American history calendar) to artwork to books to music. The JPC was also once the main outpost for the distribution of the "Jesus Mafa" art series, which was originally licensed to the Josephites by its creator. The JPC also manages an online store for its merchandise.

Library
The St Joseph Seminary Library is also significant, housing a number of important artifacts and documents related to both African American and African-American Catholic history. Some of these exhibits are open to the public, while others are undeveloped and largely untouched.

Notable members

 * Charles Uncles, first African-American Catholic priest ordained on US soil
 * Edward Murphy, famous playwright
 * Philip Berrigan, anti-war activist
 * Eugene Marino, first African-American archbishop in the Catholic Church
 * Carl Fisher, first and only African-American Catholic bishop west of Texas
 * John Ricard, retired bishop and superior general elected in 2019

Prelates from their ranks

 * Living
 * John Huston Ricard, Bishop emeritus of Pensacola–Tallahassee (US)

 * Deceased (by year of death)
 * 1993: Carl Anthony Fisher, Auxiliary Bishop of Los Angeles (US)
 * 2000: Eugene Antonio Marino, Archbishop of Atlanta (US)

title: Josephites (Maryland)


text:
Central Florida Research Park

The Central Florida Research Park (CFRP) is a research park abutting the main campus of the University of Central Florida (UCF) in Orlando, Florida, United States. CFRP is the largest research park in Florida, the fourth largest in the United States by number of companies, and the seventh largest in the United States by number of employees. CFRP is home to numerous centers hosted by the United States Department of Defense, UCF, and private corporations.

Park
The Park was established as a result of legislation passed by the Florida Legislature in 1978, and is a cooperative effort between the University of Central Florida, the Orange County Research and Development Authority, and the Orange County Board of County Commissioners. The governing body of the Park is the Orange County Research and Development Authority. The university and officials of CFRP believe that the potential for the establishment of close ties between the university and industry will create an attractive environment conducive to the location of research-oriented industry in the Park. This activity will enrich and support the academic, teaching, and research programs of the university. Businesses can purchase or lease land in the park on which to construct a facility or can lease space for office, lab, or light manufacturing activities.

Planned to provide a campus-like environment for business adjacent to UCF, the CFRP covers over 1027 acre, directly south of UCF's 1415 acre main campus in Orlando. Located approximately 13 mi northeast of downtown Orlando and 55 mi southwest of Daytona Beach, the park was built to supplement the university's goal of providing highly trained personnel to support the Kennedy Space Center and NASA, which is located only 35 mi to the east.

Partnerships
Significant organizations, including the Institute for Simulation and Training, National Center for Simulation, Team Orlando, and the National Center for Forensic Science, are located in the Research Park.

Given the importance of simulation and training to the Department of Defense, an extensive military presence is also located in the park centered on the Orlando area's last remaining active duty military installation, Naval Support Activity Orlando. Tenant commands at NSA Orlando include the Naval Air Warfare Center Training Systems Division (NAWCTSD), the US Army Program Executive Office for Simulation, Training, and Instrumentation (PEO STRI), Research, Development and Engineering Command United States Army Simulation and Training Technology Center (STTC), Marine Corps Program Manager for Training Systems (PM TRASYS), and the Air Force Agency for Modeling and Simulation (AFAMS). Over $1.4 billion in federal contracts is awarded by the U.S. military each year for activities in and in the vicinity of the park.

Notable tenants

 * Aon Hewitt
 * AT&T Inc.
 * BAE Systems Land & Armaments
 * Bank of America
 * Boeing
 * Booz Allen Hamilton
 * CAE
 * Cisco Systems
 * Cubic
 * Florida Technical College
 * General Dynamics
 * Hewlett-Packard
 * Kaplan University
 * L3Harris
 * Leidos
 * National Center for Simulation
 * Northrop Grumman
 * Raytheon
 * Rockwell Collins
 * SAIC
 * Siemens
 * United States Army Corps of Engineers
 * United States Geological Survey
 * Wyle Labs

NOTE:
 * Lockheed Martin maintains a large facility dedicated to simulation and training approximately 3.5 miles southwest of the Central Florida Research Park.
 * Camber Corporation maintained facilities in the Central Florida Research Park until relocating to The Quadrangle business park, approximately 1.5 miles to the northwest. It later relocated back to the south side of the park.  In December 2016, Camber Corporation was acquired by Huntington Ingalls Industries, which continues to maintain this facility.

title: Central Florida Research Park


text:
Talk:Harlan F. Stone

Untitled
The correct designation of the Chief Justice is

Chief Justice of the United States.

As written, the article would not allow the user to click on the Supreme Court link if that were simply changed, so the article would have to be slightly rewritten in order to designate the office properly.

Stone wrote several important decisions, but only one is mentioned in that article. That would not be a problem in and of itself. The case was Hansberry v. Lee, which also would not be a problem since Hansberry is a significant case (though perhaps not Stone's most significant). The problem is why Hansberry made the cut -- not because of its substance but rather because one of the parties had a daughter who wrote a significant play! That fact is worth mentioning in the article about the case itself, but really doesn't belong in the article about Stone. I'll resist the temptation to cut that line in case anyone cares to defend its inclusion.

Stone's death
The article reads that Stone is the only Supreme Court Justice who died during a court session. Technically, however, Stone suffered a stroke while presiding in open court, but was carried off the bench and did not die until several hours later. (The difference matters; I believe the court came back into session in the interim to hand down at least one 5-4 decision in which Stone's vote was dispositive.) I tried revising the sentence, but could not come up with a good wording. Suggestions? Newyorkbrad 01:55, 9 September 2006 (UTC)

 * What should have been done, is an editor check for a google news article on Stone's death. That is what I did. Stone died at his home, not while at the court. I just corrected the article to state so.- William 02:49, 7 February 2012 (UTC)

Bot-created subpage
A temporary subpage at User:Polbot/fjc/Harlan Fiske Stone was automatically created by a perl script, based on this article at the Biographical Directory of Federal Judges. The subpage should either be merged into this article, or moved and disambiguated. Polbot (talk) 21:50, 5 March 2009 (UTC)

The Harry S. Truman name incident
Should it be included in this article? (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harry_Truman#Truman.27s_middle_initial) if so please add it to the article as i will not be checking back on this talk page. Guitarplex (talk) 18:40, 23 May 2009 (UTC)

Find a Grave
The correct link to Stone at Find a Grave is. It currently links to Oliver Ellsworth. Can an administrator correct it? Dr. Dan (talk) 22:46, 14 March 2010 (UTC)

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Removed some grave details
I removed this content from the article:

"His burial is said to be 'quite neighborly with other Justices even after death.' Four justices buried in Rock Creek 'are essentially paired off.' Justice Willis Van Devanter is in a family plot within 40 yards of the senior John Marshall Harlan. Chief Justice and Mrs. Harlan Fiske Stone have a 'handsome memorial' within 25 yards of Stephen Johnson Field's 'imposing black obelisk'."

And replaced it with a simple list of the other justices who are buried nearby. The grave details of the other justices don't seem relevant to an article about Fiske. As for the quote about being neighborly: it is (a) uncited, although I take it to be from the same source as the information about the other justices' final resting places; and (b) kind of an odd thing to find in an encyclopedia, since it ascribes an attitude or disposition to a dead person.

Just dropping this here in case somebody wants to put that stuff back or argue for its inclusion. 68.33.77.181 (talk) 21:51, 9 November 2019 (UTC)

title: Talk:Harlan F. Stone


text:
Melbourne Racing Club

The Melbourne Racing Club (MRC) is one of three metropolitan horse racing clubs in Melbourne, Victoria, Australia. It began life as the Victoria Amateur Turf Club, in 1875 with Mr. E.C. Moore as the club's first Secretary. The Dowling Forest Racecourse in Ballarat was the location for the first VATC race meeting on Friday, 24 March 1876. Within six months the VATC were granted use of Crown land at Caulfield as a permanent home in Melbourne.

History and race meetings
In 1879, the club staged the first running of the Caulfield Cup, and two years later, introduced the Caulfield Guineas and the Toorak Handicap. In addition the Caulfield Cup was switched to the spring racing season and became the lead up race to the Melbourne Cup. The Futurity Stakes was added to the racing calendar in 1898. The Club suffered the loss of the Members' Stand in 1922 when it was destroyed by fire, and five years later the Guineas Stand was also burnt down. The military occupied Caulfield Racecourse in 1940 for a period of four years when it became a depot and barracks for army recruits during the Second World War. The then Vice-President of the United States, Richard Nixon attended the Caulfield Cup meeting in 1953.

In 1963 the Melbourne Racing Club, which had been created from an amalgamation of the Williamstown Racing Club and the Victorian Racing and Trotting Association, was incorporated into the VATC. Following the merger, the newest of Melbourne's race tracks, Sandown Racecourse, was opened on 19 June 1965 in front of a crowd of over 52,000.

The first Blue Diamond Stakes, a race for 2-year-olds, was run at Caulfield in 1971 and won by Tolerance.

The glass-fronted Rupert Clarke Grandstand, which replaced the main Caulfield grandstand of the 1920s, was opened in 1992.

With the increase in the number of visiting international horses to the Melbourne Spring Racing Carnival a permanent Quarantine Centre was established by the VATC at Sandown Racecourse in 1997.

In 2001 the Club commenced a five-year, $20 million, strategic plan which included the establishment of 20 feature race days at Caulfield; construction of a second turf track at Sandown to be known as Hillside, with the existing circuit being renamed Lakeside; a major upgrade of facilities and training tracks at Caulfield; and the change of club name from Victoria Amateur Turf Club to Melbourne Racing Club.

Jumps racing is conducted at the Sandown track during the winter months, the blue ribbon events being the Australian Steeple and the Australian Hurdle.

title: Melbourne Racing Club


text: Talk:Katie Jones

title: Talk:Katie Jones


text:
Talk:Atypical gender role

Untitled
I have no idea what the subsection on role models is trying to say. It feels like weasel words, but I'm not exactly sure. Secretlondon 01:36, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC) It sometimes happens, or at least it happened in the past in the US, that infants would grow up with no appropriate gender role models in their immediate surroundings. They would then learn the forms of speech, the gestures, etc., of the other gender. When things happen like this, or when people move to a new culture where the signals are different from the ones they learned as a child, there can be problems because people may become upset by "this young woman trying to act like a man," or vice-versa. That's not quite the same problem as the person who is anatomically male but has an experience of self that says "woman," and who tries to adopt a feminine gender role. In the first case the anatomical sex of the individual is congruent to his or to her gender identity, but the person just has the gender role a bit off. It is relatively easy to learn the "right way to do it," and the individual doesn't have any conflict with making gender role conform to gender identity. But the people whose gender identities is not congruent with their anatomical sex may well want to adopt a gender role that is not congruent with their anatomical sex. When other people in their society discover this fact they are frequently subjected to negative reactions. So the article is trying to point out that not all gender roles that do not conform to the norms of a given society in fact indicate an underlying psychological lack of conformance, just a mistaken way of communicating. P0M 20:31, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)

winkte
Regarding the section on winkte: I am removing one sentence:
 * It generally refers to someone who is transgender (i.e., male humans who do not conform to the ordinary man's gender role).

This sentence mixes up several levels of analysis. People who do not conform to ordinary gender roles can be doing so for any number of reasons, not just because they experience themselves as having a conflict between their genetalia and their sense of self. I have not seen any discussions by winkte stating that they experience themselves as having a body type that is inappropriate to their sense of masculinity or feminity, and I haven't even seen non-winkte Native Americans making that sort of claim. If there are such claims, they need to be cited. The way the author of Lame Deer, Seeker of Visions explains winkte, they are "backwards" in all regards, not just (and not primarily judging by what he chooses to discuss) in regard to their sexualities. They wear hot clothing in summer time, short sleeves or whatever in wintertime, etc. There is no indication that I have seen that they "want to be a woman." Instead, they have their own particular role in society. They do not, for instance, become the wife of some man. They live in their own dwellings. About the most that Lame Deer says about their sexuality is that teen age boys are discouraged from spending too much time with them.

I need to relocate my copy of John Fire Lame Deer's book and update the article on winkte on that basis. It would be going too far to simply assume that those who are familiar with Western ideas on sexuality have the right take on what a winkte "really is," and that the inheritors of the old Lakota ways like Lame Deer simply didn't know what was really going on. And if there is a modern anthropological or depth psychology "take" on what goes in to making a winkte, then that research should be found and cited. 金 (Kim) 03:40, 25 August 2005 (UTC)

Sexuality?
This articles seems mostly to focus on sexuality than on gender. Shouldn't there be less talk of gay/lesbian/bi/ and more about 'tomboys' 'sissies' 'cross-dressers''househusbands' 'career women' 'metrosexual' ect. and other terms that may be used to identify someone who doesn't embrace the norm for societal gender roles without regard to homosexuality or bisexuality? GENDER ROLE is not the same as SEXUAL ORIENTATION. (sorry, didn't mean to yell)

Fixed it up.
I strongly agree with the comment about sexuality, so I went and fixed up the page. The previous one was so heteronormative I couldn't stand it. It was very inaccurate. Hopefully the new version will serve it's purpose. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Jakku84 (talk • contribs) 07:53, 20 February 2007 (UTC).

Anonymous comments copied from Talk:Gender variance
The comments below were left on the talk page for Gender variance, but they seem to be referring to this article instead.

This article is totally wrong. It seeks to describe things from a radical 'queer' perspective. Eg, heteronormativity is described "a binary system in which a person's gender identity and gender role should match a person's external genitalia."

This view wrongly sees as heterosexuality as the same as 'Gender Congruent behaviour,' e.g. 'masculinity in males' ... and non-heterosexuality, e.g. sexuality between men as 'Gender Congruent behaviour,' which is akin to femininity in males.

Heteronormativity is about expecting or conditioning or forcing people to be heterosexual.

Also, people of third gender (like Hijra) are described as gender atypical, when in our societies, they have been assigned a valid gender identity (third gender) and Hijras behave typically as per their Gender (which is feminine male). (122.176.198.236 (talk) 12:01, 12 August 2010 (UTC))

title: Talk:Atypical gender role


text: User talk:194.80.134.139

title: User talk:194.80.134.139


text:
Rolls-Royce Corniche (2000)

The Rolls-Royce Corniche V is a high end, two-door, four-seater luxury convertible car, that was produced in the United Kingdom from  1999 until 2002.

The model debuted in January 2000 and it was the second new model generation to bear the Corniche name, after four consecutive Corniche series derived from the Rolls-Royce Silver Shadow. Contrary to all its predecessors, this Corniche was also the first Rolls-Royce with a soft-top that folded into the car's body.

Despite all-new sheetmetal, bearing a strong resemblance to the Silver Seraph, it had instead been derived from the pre-BMW era Bentley Azure, the model continued use of the traditional Rolls-Royce 6.75L V8 engine-block, in common with its predecessors, albeit significantly modernised, with improved performance, due to the Bentley-inherited turbocharger — this was the first Corniche to have this feature standard.

Released after a five-year production gap, the fifth series Corniche was Rolls-Royce's most expensive model and flagship car, with a base price of US$359,900. From 2003, Rolls-Royce motor car production was handed over to BMW, who did not prolong the production of any of the existing models, but instead reintroduced the brand with an all-new Phantom VII.

The Corniche V was the only Rolls-Royce model launched under Volkswagen holding ownership; the last Rolls-Royce Corniche to date, and with just 384 units built.

Performance
The Rolls-Royce Corniche V is powered by a 325 hp (240 kW) 6.75 L turbocharged Rolls-Royce V8. The engine is capable of producing 738 N·m (544 lb·ft) of torque between 2,100-2,300 rpm. The engine is mated to a four-speed automatic transmission. It has a top speed of 135 mph (220 km/h) and a 0-60 mph (96 km/h) acceleration time of 8 seconds. The convertible, weighing 6,031 lb (2,736 kg), was built more for comfort than for speed.

Features
The Corniche V came outfitted with every luxury and refinement characteristic of a Rolls-Royce.

The interior has Connolly Leather interior, Wilton wool carpets, lambswool rugs, chrome gauges and a wide choice of exotic wood trims applied to the dashboard, console & waistrails, Dual automatic temperature control, powered adjustable front seats, 2 stage heated seats (front and rear), 4 x 30 watt stereo, tuner, cassette and CD system with six CD changer unit mounted in the front seat armrest with eight speaker system. The exterior has a powered retractable soft top, automatic dual-headlamps with chrome surrounds, powered boot mechanism, 17" Alloy wheels, automatic ride control and Electronic Traction Assistance System (ETAS).

Styling cues were taken from the Rolls-Royce Silver Seraph sedan, but it shares little mechanically with that BMW-engined car. Instead, the Corniche's V body was set onto the older platform used for the Bentley Azure, the Rolls-Royce SZ platform. Making it the first and only Rolls-Royce developed from a Bentley rather than the other way around, (not withstanding the fact that the Bentley Azure was developed on a Rolls-Royce platform to begin with.)

The Corniche V was the only new Rolls-Royce developed under Volkswagen's ownership, before the marque was sold in 2003. All Corniches were completely hand-built. The car was considered a slightly softer, much more exclusive version of the Azure.

Corniche V "Final Series"
Towards the end of production of the Corniche V, a limited run of 56 "Final Series" cars was planned, 56 being the years in which Rolls-Royce were built at Crewe. Ultimately, only 45 were made out of the original expected 56. They are distinguished by, but not limited to the following:
 * Front-fender badges reading “Rolls-Royce Cars, Crewe, England,” with a Union Jack insignia
 * Chromed mirror housings
 * Restyled & chromed Bentley Azure wheels
 * Spirit of Ecstasy Hubcaps
 * Red Rolls-Royce badges on the grille and trunk lid
 * Rosewood Burr & Cherry Wood trim with Spirit of Ecstasy inlay
 * Individually numbered commemorative plaque on the centre console (out of 56)

Final Rolls-Royce Corniche V

The last Rolls-Royce Corniche (Chassis 2079) was manufactured on 30 August 2002. Along with most features from the "Final Series" specification, It also had a unique seat style: A Chesterfield buttoned theme in spruce Green without seat edge piping, different centre console plaque reading "A Century of Excellence" with the RR logo, and the cities where Rolls-Royces were produced from 1904 to 2002 (in place of the numbered commemorative plaque), silver text inlays on the radio flap reading "The Final Rolls-Royce Corniche Chassis 2079" & treadplates, reading "The Final Rolls-Royce Corniche Chassis 2079 Rolls-Royce Motor Cars, Crewe, England 1946-2002". This was the last Rolls-Royce to be made at Crewe before it was transferred to Bentley models. It was in Rolls-Royce's ownership until September 2018 when it was auctioned off by Bonhams. The production run consisted of 384 cars.

*stated by Pininfarina production records

**From 2 varying documents, newer data used

title: Rolls-Royce Corniche (2000)


text: User talk:4.154.76.21

title: User talk:4.154.76.21


text: Talk:Daughter in a box

title: Talk:Daughter in a box


text:
Talk:Irish Film Classification Office

Older posts
Can anyone comfirm that the IFCO never rated games? I recall seeing IFCO 18 rating stickers stuck over the BBFC ratings on a certain game (probably one of the Grand Theft Auto games), but I suppose it is possible that they were just stuck on them by the retailers or distributors to make them look like legally-binding ratings.

Also, how long have IFCO ratings been around on home video formats? I seem to not recall seeing them on any tapes until the mid-90s - before that I just remember BBFC ratings. This does raise the question of how local productions (such as RTÉ videos) were rated... --Zilog Jones 01:38, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * Video Recordings Act 1989 gave IFCO power over video tapes - before that BBFC ratings were on tapes here. Presumably RTÉ videos would also (and continue to be) have been BBFC rated, or they couldn't be sold in NI. --Rdd 20:30, 15 March 2006 (UTC)

 * The principal legislation in the UK allows a number of exemptions apparently ("2. Exempted works"), could be worth checking. Djegan 23:28, 15 March 2006 (UTC)

 * According to GAME head office, and IFCO, GAME took 'spare' stickers off the DVD's they used to sell and put them over the BBFC stickers to give the staff more power to try and stop kids buying games. However, they were breaking the law... --Kiand 07:20, 10 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * I think (well actually I KNOW, I'm just trying not to sound like a know-it-all) that the shops are either too stupid or too lazy to use PEGI stickers. For instance the game Destroy All Humans was rated by BBFC as 15 and by PEGI as 12+ and you can confirm Ireland's rating is the PEGI one, yet I've seen (in more than one shop) them not just using an IFCO label, but using a 15 IFCO label. Although, now that the BBFC seem to rating nearly all new games, I think some shops have copped on to using the right ones (I saw a HMV in Dublin with a game relabeled with a PEGI cert.) - Gerbon689 09:59, 12 August 2005 (UTC)
 * But PEGI ratings aren't legally binding in Ireland, IIRC. Either way, its irrelevant to me, as my days of needing to challenge managers about 15/18's games are gone; although I will still refuse ID if its asked for.... --Kiand 11:50, 12 August 2005 (UTC)

 * The following discussion is an archived debate of the . Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. No further edits should be made to this section.

move. — Nightst a  llion  (?) 09:43, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

Move
Since when you head to ifco.ie you are presented with the title "Irish Film Censor's Office", and the logo reads "IFCO", coupled with the facts that government agencies in Ireland have English as well as Irish names and that this is en:, I propose moving this article to an English title that reflects its official name in English, either Film Censor's Office or Irish Film Censor's Office. This is per WP:UE and WP:IMOS. 22:58, 23 February 2006 (UTC)
 * I support this, as even if the current Irish title is the official name, this is the English-language Wikipedia. --Kiand 02:54, 24 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Support. Use English; consensus on practice. Septentrionalis 04:09, 26 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Support, see also Manual of Style (Ireland-related articles); I support Irish Film Censor's Office of course (per the official website) --Francis Schonken 11:52, 26 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Support a move to Official Censor of Films (the only official name in accordance with the law) or Film Censor's Office (as a compromise) used in statutory instruments; but not Irish Film Censor's Office - we should be reserved in moving articles to names that start "Irish..." unless it is official or compromise solution. It is also notable that the office has never being offically granted an Irish name in law in any case, but rather a matter of convention. Djegan 14:09, 26 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Irish Film Censor's Office is what's on their website, and what their logo refers to, so I appended my vote above to make clear what I think to be logical. I can't follow Djegan's playing around with the terms "official" and "in accordance with the law": what Djegan says is something like "Oifig Scrúdóir na Scannán" is in no way official, and because of that reason we should translate it to English, and use that as the official name. Sorry, the organisation has an English name (as in naming conventions (common names)), regardless of its statute w.r.t. the Law of the Republic of Ireland --Francis Schonken 16:50, 26 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Maybe you have misunderstood me (my comments can be complicatedly worded), the law which gives the name is Censorship of Films Act, 1923 (Section 1) and has not being amended in so far as it relates to the name, it only gives an English language name and their has never being an official corresponding Irish language name. In so far as "Irish Film Censor's Office" is concerned this can be compared to other misinformed titles like "Irish Republic", "Irish police" and "Irish Prime Minister" - it might have some sanction (and be quite common) but is simply incorrect. But lets not get personal about it. Djegan 17:07, 26 February 2006 (UTC)
 * My comments make it clear above that Film Censor's Office is an acceptable compromise to other solutions. This is used on all certificates of the office that a video must carry within the Republic of Ireland and this must count for something as their are potentially hundredths of thousands. Djegan 17:21, 26 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Website says Irish Film Censor's Office, logo reads IFCO, quote on front page from the current Film Censor says IFCO, website address is http://www.ifco.ie/, and textual references include the word "Irish". I'd say that's more than enough to suggest that including "Irish" in the title shouldn't be ruled out entirely.  Similarly, in English law, there are countless references to the Police of the Metropolis, but that's not where our article is, and equally not where it should be.  Having looked a little into the matter, it appears that "Official Censor of Films" is the title of the person in charge of the Office.  I object to the suggestion that prepending "Irish" to the title is in any way improper.  19:31, 26 February 2006 (UTC)
 * I am not saying using "Irish" is improper, only that if we use it then it should be only using it if its part of the official or common name - not a defacto disambiguation tack-on. "Irish Film Censor's Office" is some corporate rebranding scheme gone wrong and is a very recent change. Djegan 20:24, 26 February 2006 (UTC)
 * It is corporate rebranding gone wrong in your opinion. Evidently, "Irish" is a part of the official name in English, otherwise the above references simply would not be. ;-)  00:24, 27 February 2006 (UTC)
 * As confirmed by the above references I supplied as late as 1996 it was officially refered to as "Film Censor's Office". Djegan 00:37, 27 February 2006 (UTC)
 * ... and as confirmed by above evidence as late as 2006, it is officially referred to as the "Irish Film Censor's Office". I note at this point that everyone else in this discussion appears to agree with this.   09:08, 27 February 2006 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page. No further edits should be made to this section.

Ratings on Video Games
Would I be correct in assuming that shops do actually have the right to enforce PEGI ratings when selling? The article currently makes it sound like they're not even allowed to if they want. But are they? I think they are. Someone know forsure? - Red  Hot  08:39, 12 April 2006 (UTC)
 * No. Only under the standard "right to reserve admission" rules. Most of them back down extremely quickly when you mention age discrimination. --Kiand 09:13, 12 April 2006 (UTC)
 * Oh. It's never come up for me, although I have attempted to buy games above my age, they've never tried to stop me. Same with DVDs; when I was 12 (yes I'm not exaggerating) I managed to buy a 15 DVD in Golden Discs, no questions asked, so I'm not too surprised they'd back down. - Red  Hot  08:33, 13 April 2006 (UTC)
 * It wouldn't qualify as age discrimination, as the Equal Status Act says discrimination on the age ground doesn't count if you are discriminating in favour of or against someone under 18. 193.95.165.190 14:52, 22 October 2007 (UTC)

Replying to your PEGI isn't legally binding comment higher up the page, Kiand.

PEGI ratings don't have statute law enforcement backing in Southern Ireland, that's true, but one of the men in IFCO, Ger Connolly, I think, is the representative from the State on the PEGI board, so the PEGI system does have some sort of "Official approval" from the State.

Not all systems need to have the threat of statutory enforcement to be legitimate or just to work as intended. Arguably, the unofficial system of using the BBFC video certificates which was what rental & retail shops used all the way through the 80's until the 1st of September 1993 was more illegitimate than the PEGI system which has been designed on a pan-european basis to include Southern Ireland.

There is a debate now in the UK about either giving the BBFC purview over games or of giving the PEGI ratings statutory backing. Perhaps the government in the South will give the PEGI ratings statutory backing at some point. Given that the censor has banned Manhunt 2, a ban which has been overturned in the UK, I'd prefer PEGI to have control than Kelleher.

Respect due for refusing to prove your age, Kiand. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 213.202.152.174 (talk) 17:13, 6 December 2008 (UTC)

Disambiguation
Is there any way to redo the linking so that one searching for another IFCO isn't automatically sent here without having the option of going to a disambiguation page? Even just a link at the top of the article like other ones. It's kind of annoying to actually have to search and find it through obscure means. 216.191.40.149 19:15, 7 June 2007 (UTC)

12RA
so is this "no longer used", or is it "not to be confused with an obsolete certificate, as it is still issued."? There is an inconsistency in the article Farannan 05:39, 18 September 2007 (UTC)
 * It's no longer used. 193.95.165.190 14:51, 22 October 2007 (UTC)

Name revisited
Well, the argument should be solved now. The office of Official Censor of Films, trading as the Irish Film Censor's Office, has been renamed legally to the Irish Film Classification Office under the newly commenced Civil Law (Miscellanious Provisions) Act 2008. So the trading name and the legal name are now the same. --Rdd (talk) 18:58, 22 July 2008 (UTC)

"Relationship with BBFC" section
I am striking out the section entitled "Relationship with the BBFC" as the section does not describe the relationship (if any) between the BBFC and the IFCO, and instead amounts to little more then an observation that the packaging of English language Region 2 videos sometimes has the UK and Irish certificates alongside each other, while at other times the Irish certificate will be a sticker placed over the BBFC rating logo. The only referenced point in the section is a memo from the BBFC's website regarding the labeling of videos available for sale in the UK which points out that videos on sale in the UK should not carry an Irish certificate alongside a British one where the Irish rating permits supply to those of a lower age then the British one. This point is not relevant to Ireland or the IFCO, and consequently the section belongs on the BBFC wiki page (but it is such a minor point I doubt it warrants inclusion there either). Rubensni (talk) 16:35, 11 January 2010 (UTC)

The Others
What is the Ireland rating for the Nicole Kidman movie The Others? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2601:0:8500:472:8511:1939:4FB5:500 (talk) 20:30, 1 March 2015 (UTC)

15 — Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.3.43.15 (talk) 22:28, 9 January 2017 (UTC)

Reason for introduction of 16 certificate
I have a recollection of reading, years ago in this article, about the reason for the introduction of the 16 certificate and the re branding of 12PG and 15PG to 12A and 15A. Apparently the film Bad Santa received complaints from parents, unaware of the film's adult content, who brought their children to see the film which was rated 15PG in cinemas. When I recently rented the film on Blu-ray I found the Irish 18 logo on the disc. I still feel this information is relevant to the article if it caused IFCO to review the cinema certificates. A similar discussion has appeared on the talk page to the Bad Santa article but the (currently) sole contributor is having problems finding reliable sources to this. Tk420 (talk) 20:31, 28 January 2016 (UTC)
 * I now also seem to recall reading that most of the complaints about the rating of Bad Santa were made to cinemas and talk shows while IFCO only received two complaints.Tk420 (talk) 11:21, 16 November 2018 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Irish Film Classification Office