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Soviet partisans

Soviet partisans were members of resistance movements that fought a guerrilla war against Axis forces during World War II in the Soviet Union, the previously Soviet-occupied territories of interwar Poland in 1941–45 and eastern Finland. The activity emerged after Nazi Germany's Operation Barbarossa was launched from mid-1941 on. It was coordinated and controlled by the Soviet government and modeled on that of the Red Army.

The partisans made a significant contribution to the war by countering German plans to exploit occupied Soviet territories economically, gave considerable help to the Red Army by conducting systematic attacks against Germany's rear communication network, disseminated political rhetoric among the local population by publishing newspapers and leaflets, and succeeded in creating and maintaining feelings of insecurity among Axis forces.

Soviet partisans also operated on interwar Polish and Baltic territories occupied by the Soviet Union in 1939–1940, but they had significantly less support there and often clashed with local national partisan groups, as well as German-controlled auxiliary police.

Formation of anti-German Soviet resistance
After the German invasion of Poland in 1939, which marked the beginning of World War II, the Soviet Union invaded the eastern regions of the Second Polish Republic (referred to as the Kresy) and annexed the lands totalling 20,1015 km2 with a population of 13,299,000 inhabitants including ethnic Belarusians, Ukrainians, Poles, Jews, Czechs and others. Soviet era sources state that in 1939, Soviet forces took control of regions of the Polish Republic that had "a population of more than 12 million, including more than 6 million Ukrainians and about 3 million Belarusians."

The program of the partisan war was outlined in Moscow after the German attack in 1941 against the USSR. Directives issued on July 29, 1941 and in further documents by the Soviet People's Commissaries Council and Communist Party called for the formation of partisan detachments and 'diversionist' groups in the German-occupied territories. Joseph Stalin iterated his commands and directives to the people in his radio speech on 3 July 1941, and appointed himself Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army on 20 July 1941.

In 1941, the core of the partisan movement were the remains of the Red Army units destroyed in the first phase of Operation Barbarossa, personnel of destruction battalions, and the local Communist Party and Komsomol activists who chose to remain in Soviet-occupied prewar Poland. The most common unit of the period was a detachment. The first detachments commanded by Red Army officers and local Communist Party activists were formed in the first days of the war between Germany and the Soviet Union, including the Starasyel'ski detachment of Major Dorodnykh in the Zhabinka district (June 23, 1941) and the Pinsk detachment of Vasily Korzh on June 26, 1941. The first awards of the Hero of the Soviet Union order occurred on August 6, 1941 (detachment commanders Pavlovskiy and Bumazhkov). Some partisan detachments were parachuted into German-occupied territories in the summer of 1941. Urban underground groups were formed as a force complementing the activities of partisan units, operating in rural areas. The network of underground structures developed and received a steady influx of specially chosen party activists. By the end of 1941, more than 2,000 partisan detachments (with more than 90,000 personnel) operated in German-occupied territories.

However, the activity of partisan forces was not centrally coordinated and supplied until spring of 1942. In order to coordinate partisan operations the Central Headquarters of the Partisan Movement under Stavka, headed by Panteleimon Ponomarenko (Chief of Staff) and initially commanded by top Politburo member Kliment Voroshilov, was organized on May 30, 1942. The Staff had its liaison networks in the Military Councils of the Fronts and Armies. The territorial Staffs were subsequently created, dealing with the partisan movement in the respective Soviet Republics and in the occupied provinces of the Russian SFSR.

Some formations calling themselves Soviet partisans operated a long way outside Soviet territory – usually organized by former Soviet citizens who had escaped from Nazi camps. One such formation, Rodina (Motherland), acted in France. In 1944 Soviet partisans provided "proletarian internationalist" help to the people of German-occupied Central Europe, with seven united formations and 26 larger detachments operating in Poland, and 20 united formations and detachments operating in Czechoslovakia.

Belarus
By Soviet estimates, in August 1941 about 231 detachments were operating already. Units formed and inserted into Belarus totalled 437 by the end of the 1941, comprising more than 7,200 personnel. However, as the front line moved further away, conditions steadily worsened for the partisan units, as resources ran out, and there was no large-scale support from beyond the front until March 1942. One particular difficulty was the lack of radio communication, which was not addressed until April 1942. The partisan unit also lacked the support of local people. For several months, partisan units in Belarus were virtually left to their own devices; especially difficult was the winter of 1941–42, with severe shortages in ammunition, medicine and supplies. The actions of partisans were generally uncoordinated.

German pacification operations in the summer and autumn 1941 were able to curb the partisan activity significantly. Many units went underground, and generally, in late 1941 to early 1942, the partisan units were not undertaking significant military operations, but limiting themselves to sorting out organizational problems, building up support and establishing an influence over the local people. Although data is incomplete, at the end of 1941, 99 partisan detachments and about 100 partisan groups are known to have operated in Belarus. In winter 1941–42, 50 partisan detachments and about 50 underground organisations and groups operated in Belarus. During December 1941, German guard forces in the Army Group Center rear comprised 4 security divisions, 1 SS Infantry Brigade, 2 SS Infantry Brigade, and 260 companies from different branches of service.

By the end of 1943, partisans controlled more than 100 thousand square km. of Belarus, which was about 60 percent of the republic's territory. The partisans controlled more than 20 regional centers and thousands of villages. By the time of the return of the Soviet Army, most of the Byelorussian SSR was in the hands of the partisan groups and the actual size of the republic controlled by the Germans was small.

Vitsyebsk gate and Western Belarus
The turning point in the development of the Soviet partisan movement came with the opening of the Vitsyebsk gate, a corridor connecting Soviet-controlled and German-occupied territories, in February 1942. Soviet strategists started taking the partisan units into account after that. The Red Army organized centralized administrative and logistical support, and the Gate proved an important factor in assisting partisan detachments in occupied territory with weapons. As a result, the partisans were able to effectively undermine German troops and significantly hamper their operations in the region from April 1942 until the end of the year. Some Jews and lower-rank Soviet activists felt more secure in the partisan ranks than in civilian life under Soviet rule.

In spring 1942, the concentration of smaller partisan units into brigades began, prompted by the experience of the first year of war. The coordination, numerical buildup, structural reworking and established supply lines all translated into greatly increased partisan capability, which showed in the increased instances of sabotage on the railroads, with hundreds of engines and thousands of cars destroyed by the end of the year.

In 1942 terror campaigns against the territorial administration staffed by local "collaborators and traitors" received extra emphasis. This resulted, however, in definite divisions within the local civilian population, resulting in the beginning of the organisation of anti-partisan units with native personnel in 1942. By November 1942, Soviet partisan units in Belarus numbered about 47,000 persons.

In January 1943, out of 56,000 partisan personnel, 11,000 operated in western Belarus, 3.5 fewer per 10,000 local people than in the east, and even more so (up to a factor of 5 to 6) if one accounts for much more efficient Soviet evacuation measures in the east during 1941. Smallholders in the west showed "surprising" sympathies to the partisans.

There is strong evidence that the central Soviet authorities deliberately refrained from a larger accumulation of partisan forces in western Belarus and let Polish underground military structures grow in these lands during 1941–42 in order to strengthen Moscow's relations with the Polish government-in-exile of Władysław Sikorski. A certain level of military cooperation, imposed by the command headquarters, was noted between Soviet partisans and the Polish Home Army, Armia Krajowa (AK). Soviet partisans avoided to some extent attacking people of Polish nationality during the terror campaigns in 1942. After the breakdown of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the Polish government-in-exile in April 1943 resulting from the discovery of the Katyn massacre (which the Katyn Commission of April–May 1943 attributed to the Soviets), the situation changed radically. From this moment on, Moscow treated the AK as a hostile military force.

The 1943–44 buildup
The buildup of the Soviet partisan force in western Belarus was ordered and implemented during 1943, with nine brigades, 10 detachments and 15 operational groups transferred from east to west, effectively tripling the partisan force there (reaching 36,000 troops in December 1943). It is estimated that 10–12,000 personnel were transferred, and about the same number came from local volunteers. The buildup of the military force was complemented by the intensification of the underground Communist Party structures and propaganda activity.

The Soviet victory at Stalingrad, a certain lessening of the terror campaign (de facto from December 1942, formally permitted in February 1943) and an amnesty promised to collaborators who wished to return to the Soviet camp were significant factors in the 1943 growth of Soviet partisan forces. Desertions from the ranks of the German-controlled police and military formations strengthened units, with sometimes whole detachments coming over to the Soviet camp, including the Volga Tatar battalion (900 personnel, February 1943), and Vladimir Gil's 1st Russian People's Brigade of the SS (2,500 personnel, August 1943). In all, about 7,000 people of different anti-Soviet formations joined the Soviet partisan force, while about 1,900 specialists and commanders were dropped into occupied Belarus in 1943. However, local people mainly accounted for most increases in the Soviet partisan force.

Ukraine
The first year of the war was devastating for the Soviet partisans of Ukraine. Nevertheless, between August 1941 and the beginning of March 1942, 30,000 partisans had been organised into more than 1,800 detachments; by the beginning of May 1942, there were just 37 detachments, consisting of 1,918 individuals, that were operational and communicating with the Soviet Union.

In 1942–43, Putivl' partisan detachment led by Sydir Kovpak carried out a raid from the Briansk forests to eastern Ukraine through Pinsk, Volyn', Rovno, Zhitomir, and Kiev oblasts. In 1943, they carried out operations in the Carpathians. Kovpak's Sumy partisan unit covered a distance of more than 10,000 kilometers in fighting at the rear of German troops and destroyed garrisons in 39 populated areas. Kovpak's operations played an important role in the development of the partisan movement against German occupying forces. This precipitous growth in the strength and activity level of partisan units prompted members of the German General Staff to suggest that Hitler consider the use of poison gas as a possible remedy to deal with the growing partisan menace.

Partisans in regions of Ukraine assisted the Soviet Army in battles in Kiev, where the first partisan regiment under the command of E.K. Chekhov was formed by forces from the NKVD, the local Communist Party and Komsomol. Partisans in Dnipropetrovsk province provided significant assistance to troops on the southern and southwestern fronts, who helped restrain the German offensive in the Donbass in October–November 1941. Partisan detachments operating in the Novomoskovsk region under the command of P. Zuchenko raided a prisoner of war camp where Soviets were held, and having defeated the guards of the camp, released 300 prisoners.

The partisan struggle was noteworthy in Odessa province, with partisan forces led by V. Molodtsov-Badaev. Occupation forces testified that "During the two years of occupation, carried out mainly by Romanians, the city turned into a fortress of the partisan movement. Withdrawing from Odessa in the autumn of 1941, the Russians created a reliable partisan core in the city. The partisans settled in catacombs, the extensive network of which at 100 kilometers had no equal in Europe. It was a real underground fortress with staffs, shelters, logistical facilities of all kinds, right up to its own bakery and printing house, in which leaflets were printed."

According to historian Alexander Gogun, the partisans overstated their effectiveness in their reports. These inflated figures were passed back up the chain of command to Stalin, even finding their way into Soviet history books. Gogun says that the primary partisan targets in 1941–42 were not the German invaders but rather the local police, who were under German direction, and civilian collaborators. Gogun argues that the years 1943–44 were the peak of partisan activity within the territory of present-day Ukraine, as the Soviets battled the far-right, nationalistic OUN and the UPA, both of whom collaborated with the Nazis. According to Gogun, reprisal measures for attacks on Soviet partisans or support for Ukrainian nationalists included burning down villages and executions. Gogun cites sources stating that whole families were killed, and children, even babies, were sometimes bayoneted or burned alive.

Russia
In the Bryansk region, Soviet partisans controlled large areas behind the German lines. In the summer of 1942 they effectively held more than 14000 km2 with a population of over 200,000 people. Soviet partisans in the region were led by Oleksiy Fedorov, Alexander Saburov and others and numbered over 60,000 men. The Belgorod, Oryol, Kursk, Novgorod, Leningrad, Pskov and Smolensk regions also had significant partisan activity during the occupation period. In the Oryol and Smolensk regions, partisans were led by Dmitry Medvedev.

Territories liberated or under partisan authority were important during the war. There were major partisan areas and zones in Leningrad, Kalinin, Smolensk, and Orel oblasts. In Kalinin Oblast, for example, the partisans held 7,000 km2. Partisan zones and areas made it difficult for the German-led occupation forces to carry out re-groupings and pinned down a considerable portion of their forces. During offensives by Soviet troops, German-led forces were often unable to organize strong defenses in the partisan zones. As a result, the German forces was forced to group forces only along the roads. Partisan areas were frequently used by regular Soviet troops to reach the flanks and rear of German groupings rapidly, to drop (land) airborne forces, and to disrupt organized enemy withdrawal.

The partisan and underground struggle in the German-occupied territories influenced the reduction of morale and combat effectiveness of the German-led armed forces and contributed to Soviet Army victories. There was a collapse of German military and political leadership in the occupied Soviet territories that deprived German forces of raw materials, food, and labor. The political work of the partisans and underground forces was a powerful force in the struggle against occupation. According to the commander of garrisons belonging to German Army Group Center, the partisan movement was combined with "efficient and skillful propaganda, which calls on people of the occupied areas to fight against invaders." This led to more reluctance to collaborate with German occupation forces.

According to the memoirs of Marshal G.K. Zhukov, the partisan fighters operating in Smolensk and Orel districts contributed significantly to Soviet Army victories in the summer of 1943 in Kursk and Orel. Further, as in the case of the earlier Soviet victories at Moscow and Stalingrad, the Kursk victory too stimulated strong new growth of the partisan movement overall.

Because of the aggressive partisan attacks on rail communications, German Army Group North was forced to use truck transport to move reinforcements to the crucial sectors of the front where combat raged. German occupation leader Ziemke discussed the intensity of partisan fighting in northwestern Russia, stating: "Meanwhile, the partisans had so thoroughly disrupted the railroads that the other two reserve divisions had to be routed to Pskov, 130 miles north of Nevel, and there loaded in trucks, not enough of which were available. On 9 October Kuchler decided to wait until the reinforcements were assembled before trying again to close the gap."

According to German estimates, in August 1941, 10 percent of the Nazi rear area was full of Soviet partisans. By October 1942 this figure had risen to 75 percent, and by the autumn of the same year, fully 10 per cent of all German field divisions in Russia were engaged in fighting with partisans.

In 1943, after the Red Army started to liberate western Russia and north-east Ukraine, many partisans, including units led by Fedorov, Medvedev and Saburov, were ordered to re-locate their operations into central and western Ukraine still occupied by Nazis. Partisans of the Leningrad and Kalinin (Pskov and Novgorod) regions operated against German forces for as many as three years before liberation by the Red Army.

There was a large scale sign up by women to participate. S.V. Grishin led in Smolensk the partisan brigade "Thirteen" which had an all female reconnaissance including Evdokiya Karpechkina. Due to lack of respect by men towards women, a rejection was made by Nina when a platoon made out of men was proposed to be put under the leadership of Nina Zevrova in Leningrad.

Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania
While Soviet sources claim that thousands of partisans were operating in the Baltic region, they only operated in the Latgale region of Latvia and the Vilnius district. Thus Estonia remained partisan free throughout most of the war. By 1944 only 234 partisans were fighting in Estonia and none were native volunteers, all being either NKVD or Red Army personnel parachuted in from the Soviet-controlled territories. A very small pro-Soviet underground, however, did exist. In Latvia, the partisans were first under Russian and Belarusian command, and from January 1943, directly subordinated to the central Headquarters in Moscow, under the leadership of Arturs Sproģis.

Partisan groups in Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia made a significant contribution to the Soviet victory. According to Alexander Chapenko, history professor at Murmansk State University, Latvia had the most number of partisan formations. There were large partisan units led by Vilis Samsons, which carried out large military activities. In Lithuania, there were two underground forces – these are quite large subdivisions – and by mid-1944, about 220 underground Communist organizations were operating. By the end of the war, there were 2 partisan brigades and 11 detachments. Two brigades took part in the liberation of Vilnius and provided assistance to Soviet troops.

In 1941, the Soviet partisan movement in Lithuania began with the actions of a small number of Red Army soldiers left behind enemy lines, much like the beginning of partisan movements in Ukraine and Belarus. The movement grew throughout 1942, and in the summer of that year, the Lithuanian Soviet partisan movement began receiving material aid as well as specialists and instructors in guerrilla warfare from Soviet-held territory. On 26 November 1942, the Command of the Lithuanian Partisan Movement (Lietuvos partizaninio judėjimo štabas) was created in Moscow, headed by the First Secretary of the Lithuanian Communist Party Antanas Sniečkus, who fled to Moscow in the wake of the German invasion in 1941. Although the Soviet partisans in Lithuania were nominally under the control of the Command of the Lithuanian Partisan Movement, the guerrilla warfare specialists and instructors sent by it reported directly to the Central Command of the Partisan Movement. Modern Lithuanian historians estimate that about half of the Soviet partisans in Lithuania were escapees from POW and concentration camps, Soviet activists and Red Army soldiers left behind the quickly advancing front line, while the other half was made up of airdropped special operations experts. It is estimated that in total, about 5,000 people engaged in pro-Soviet underground activities in Lithuania during the war. In general, the role of Soviet dissident groups in Lithuania in Second World War was minimal.

Finland and Karelia
During the Finnish occupation of Eastern Karelia, many ethnic Russians and some Karelians supported the partisan attacks. Approximately 5,000 partisans altogether fought in the region, although the typical strength of the force was 1,500–2,300. Peculiarities of this front were that partisan units were not created inside occupied territory. Their personnel came from all over the Soviet Union and that they mainly operated from the Soviet side of the front line.

Partisans distributed propaganda newspapers, Pravda in the Finnish language and "Lenin's Banner" in the Russian language. One of the more notable leaders of the partisan movement in Finland and Karelia was the future leader of the USSR, Yuri Andropov.

In East Karelia, most partisans attacked Finnish military supply and communication targets, but inside Finland proper, and Finnish sources claim that almost two-thirds of the attacks targeted civilians, killing 200 and injuring 50, mostly women, children and elderly. Finnish sources claim that on one occasion in the small village the partisans murdered all civilians, leaving no witnesses to the atrocities. According to Russian historians, Finnish historians and especially the mass media have politicized the issue of relations between Soviet partisans and Finnish civilians. In particular, Finnish historians characterize actions of a sabotage group against a group of Finnish border guards in the village of Kuoska in eastern Lapland as an attack on civilians.

Russian views however differ, as according to Sergey Verigin, Director of the Institute of History in Petrozavodsk University, the allegation that partisans killed civilians in Finland is "an absolutely unreasonable point of view. It is contrary to international law and all documents and treaties concluded after the Second World War. The hype began during perestroika. There were publications about the death of peaceful Finnish civilians at the hands of partisans. The topic has been politicized. On Finnish territory, partisans entered villages searching for food. They had no goal of specifically destroying civilians. But it's clear that there were some conflicts. And the population of the border areas had weapons i.e. it had ceased to be peaceful."

Partisan operations against Finns were estimated as being highly ineffectual. The partisans did not have sufficient strength to attack military targets, and would often falsely report their raids to higher command, claiming attacks on German or Finnish military targets even if the victims were civilians. Already in the autumn of 1941, the report of Komissariat of Interior Affairs was highly critical, and it became only worse, as stated in the counter-intelligence agency's report of April 1944. The main explanations given for the operations' failures were the isolated headquarters at Belomorsk, which did not know what operative units were doing, personnel who had no local knowledge and were partly made up of criminals (10–20% of all personnel were conscripted from prisons) without knowledge of how to operate in harsh terrain and climate, efficient Finnish counter-partisan patrolling (more than two-thirds of the infiltrating small partisan groups were completely destroyed) and Finnish internment of the ethnic Russian civilian population in concentration camps from those regions with active partisan operations. Internees were released to secure areas, preventing partisans from receiving local supplies. In addition, many Soviet Karelians reported to the Finns the movements of the partisans and did not support the Soviet Partisans.

Moldova
Between 1941 and 1944 forty groups were active behind the Axis front line in the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic, acting against the Romanian troops which took over the territory following the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union. The partisan detachments distributed propaganda and attacked local industrial and military facilities, neutralizing around 14,000 enemy soldiers and officers and capturing extensive military equipment. With a maximum strength of 3,900, its losses amounted to 600 captured and up to 850 executed.

Soviet-occupied Poland

In the former eastern territories of the Second Polish Republic, attached to the Ukrainian and Belarusian Soviet Republics after the Soviet invasion of Poland, the organization and operation of Soviet partisans were similar to that in Ukrainian and Belarusian territories. However, there were notable differences in the interaction of partisans with Polish national forces and the local population. There were also Soviet-affiliated and controlled groups, namely Gwardia Ludowa, later transformed into Armia Ludowa, which while often described as parts of the Polish resistance, were de facto controlled by Soviets, and as such can also be seen as extensions of the Soviet partisans.

After an initial period of wary collaboration with the independent Polish resistance, the conflicts between Soviet-affiliated and independent groups intensified, especially as Poles were principally the victims of Soviet terror between 1939 and 1941, and Soviet diplomatic relations with the Polish exile government in London continued to worsen and were broken off completely by Soviet government in the aftermath of the discovery of the Katyn Massacre in 1943. As a result, Soviet partisans started extensive operations against both the Polish underground and the civilian population of the areas seized by the Soviets in 1939. The campaign of terror resulted in reports to London of horrifying looting, rape and murder. This made many local AK commanders consider the Soviets as just another enemy and eventually on June 22, 1943 Soviets partisans were ordered by Moscow to take on the Polish units as well. In addition to engaging German military and police targets, according to Bogdan Musial Soviet partisans also targeted the poorly armed and trained Belarusian and Polish self-defense units (some of these units were formed with Nazi encouragement and were viewed as collaborationist). Additionally, Soviet partisans were instructed to opportunistically use the Nazis against Polish non-communist resistance by feeding the German forces information on Poles. The Soviet partisans were involved in several massacres of Polish civilians, including at Naliboki, on May 8, 1943 and at Koniuchy on 29 January 1944. Soviet partisans and Red Army Officers have also murdered members of Polish anti-Nazi resistance after inviting them to "negotiations" in 1943, and also denounced them to the Germans, who then killed the Poles.

Soviet partisans attacked Polish partisans, villages and small towns in order to weaken the Polish structures in the areas which Soviet Union claimed for itself. Frequent requisitions of food in local villages and brutal reprisal actions against villages considered disloyal to the Soviet Union sparked the creation of numerous self-defence units, often joining the ranks of the Armia Krajowa. Similar assaults on the Polish resistance organizations also took place in the Ukraine. Communist propaganda called the Polish resistance the "bands of White Poles", or "the protégés of the Gestapo." On 23 June 1943 the Soviet leaders ordered the partisans to denounce Polish partisan to the Nazis. The Soviet units were authorized to “shoot the [Polish] leaders” and “discredit, disarm, and dissolve” their units. Under pretences of cooperation, two sizable Polish partisan units were led to their destruction (a common strategy involved inviting the Polish commanders to negotiations, arresting or murdering them and attacking the Polish partisans by surprise).

Relations with local population
To survive, resistance fighters largely relied on the civilian population. This included access to food, clothing and other supplies. Soviet partisans requisitioned food, livestock and clothes from local peasants, and when peasants did not share them willingly, they often did it by force. The results of such requisitioning were made more severe by the fact that Axis occupation forces had been already carrying out their own requisitions. This led to conflicts between Soviet partisans and local populace in areas less friendly to the Soviet Union, mostly in territories of Poland annexed by the Soviet Union in 1939 and the Baltic states annexed in 1940.

Partisans are accused of provoking brutal countermeasures from the Nazi occupiers that targeted civilians. Trying to limit partisan activities, German command employed mass killings of hostages among the residents of areas supporting partisan forces. In the case of partisan attack or sabotage, a number of locals would be executed. Such hostage operations happened in the form of preliminary arrests, post-attack retaliation actions, and/or compulsory "watch-groups" deployed on vulnerable sites and killed if they did not avert the attack. In Belarus alone, according to historian Christian Gerlach, German anti-partisan actions killed an estimated 345,000 people, mostly civilians.

In annexed territories
Numerous accounts of Soviet partisan operations in former Polish territories discuss their strained relations with local peasants. Polish peasants often refused to voluntarily support the Soviet partisans, which in turn lead to the Soviets forcefully acquiring supplies.

Chodakiewicz reported that a high ranking Soviet commander said, “Most partisan units feed, clothe, and arm themselves at the expense of the local population and not by capturing booty in the struggle against fascism. That arouses in the people a feeling of hostility, and they say, ‘The Germans take everything away and one must also give something to the partisans’.”

Among the targets of Soviet partisans were not only Axis military and their collaboration units, but also civilians accused of being collaborators or sometimes even those who were considered not to support the partisans strongly enough. In some cases, Germans allowed peasants to form self-defense units against Soviet raids, which in extreme cases led to violent clashes between the Soviet partisans and local peasants, resulting in civilian casualties, as was the case with the Koniuchy and Naliboki massacres in Polish-Lithuanian borderland in 1943–44.

In Soviet Union territories
In territories that were a part of the Soviet Union before the war, their relations with the locals were much better. There, Soviet partisans often had the support of civilians and the unity of partisans and the local population had a positive effect on partisan activities. Elderly men and women and children often put themselves in mortal danger. A number of Soviet sources extol the level of cooperation between the partisans and the populace, for example, a leader of the Minsk underground Communist Party committee reported: "The local people helped us in the search for weapons. From rivers, swamps, and forests, people located rifles, ammunition, shells, and all this was delivered to us." The local population provided food and clothing to partisans voluntarily. Local civilians organized into self-defense detachments, delivered food, collected weapons from past battles, and prepared lodging for partisans. Residents cared for sick and wounded fighters. Self-defense groups assisted partisans to secure areas and conduct reconnaissance. Communist Party leadership in partisan organizations was significant and had a positive influence. Commissars were responsible for ensuring discipline and supervised all partisan activities to ensure they followed guiding principles of the partisan movement. Political commissars insisted that partisan fighters enhance their ideological and political awareness and maintain close and friendly relations with the local population. In territories freed by the partisans, the partisans accumulated and trained reserves, provided care to the sick and wounded, built airfields to receive planes from the rest of the Soviet Union. Large numbers of Soviet citizens fleeing destruction from German-occupied areas were provided relief by partisans.

In Belarus, workers and employees of Minsk, Brest, Grodno, Borisov and other cities that were occupied by Germany transferred weapons to partisan detachments that were sometimes stationed far away from large settlements. Weapons were bought, exchanged, or taken directly from garrisons, warehouses and then taken secretly to the woods. In 1942 and in the first half of 1943, residents of the Ushachsky district in Vitebsk region handed over 260 tons of bread to partisans. On the eve of the Soviet offensive into Belarus, partisan intelligence reported on German plans to deport a portion of the population to Ostrovets and to shoot the rest of the citizens. On 3 July 1944, the partisans seized the town and held it for several days until they were relieved by advancing Soviet forces. Belorussian partisans alone managed to rescue 15,000 Soviet citizens from German hands and moved another 80,000 inhabitants from German-occupied territory to the Soviet rear.

According to Alexander Statiev,"Despite the ruthless procurement policy sanctioned at the top level and numerous abuses by commanders that aggravated this policy, most requisitions in these regions still had a benign outcome: civilians perceived the loss of some of their assets to partisans as a fair price for the temporary absence of Germans and the eventual victory. However, most people in the borderlands, incorporated by the Soviet Union in 1939–1940, resented the Soviet regime and its representatives, the partisans."

At the same time, when pressed for supplies, partisans also engaged in significant amount of plunder:

Particularly in Crimea, the Soviet partisans relation with local populace, Crimean Tatars, was very bad. Having failed to properly provision the troops before the area was overrun by the Germans, partisans launched "in the words of the Crimean Provincial Party Committee, ‘violent confiscations of food in Tatar villages without distinguishing friends from foes'". This resulted in violent conflict between mostly Slavic partisans and local Tatars, encouraged by the Germans who allowed Tatar villages to raise self-defence militia. Being unable to obtain supplies, the Soviet partisans suffered major casualties, and the partisan resistance in the Crimea nearly vanished by the summer of 1942.

List of operations
Vasily Korzh raid, Autumn 1941 – March 23, 1942. 1000 km raid of a partisan formation in the Minsk and Pinsk Oblasts of Belarus.
 * Battle of Bryansk forests, May 1942. Partisan battle against the Nazi punitive expedition that included five infantry divisions, military police, 120 tanks and aviation.
 * Raid of Sydir Kovpak, October 26 – November 29, 1942. Raid in Bryansk forests and Eastern Ukraine.
 * Battle of Bryansk forests, May–June 1943. Partisan battle in the Bryansk forests with German punitive expeditions.
 * Operation Rails War, August 3 – September 15, 1943. A major operation of partisan formations against the railroad communications intended to disrupt the German reinforcements and supplies for the Battle of Kursk and later the Battle of Smolensk. It involved concentrated actions by more than 100,000 partisan fighters from Belarus, the Leningrad Oblast, the Kalinin Oblast, the Smolensk Oblast, the Oryol Oblast and Ukraine within an area 1000 km along the front and 750 km wide. Reportedly, more than 230,000 rails were destroyed, along with many bridges, trains and other railroad infrastructure. The operation seriously incapacitated German logistics and was instrumental in the Soviet victory at Kursk.
 * Operation Concert, September 19 – November 1, 1943. "Concerto" was a major operation of partisan formations against the railroad communications intended to disrupt the German reinforcements and supplies for the Battle of the Dnieper and on the direction of the Soviet offensive in the Smolensk and Gomel directions. Partisans from Belarus, Karelia, the Kalinin Oblast, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and the Crimea participated in the operations. The area of the operation was 900 km along the front (excluding Karelia and Crimea) and 400 km wide. Despite bad weather that only permitted the airlift of less than 50% of the planned supplies, the operation lead to a 35–40% decrease in the railroad capacity in the area of operations. This was critical for the success of Soviet military operations in the autumn of 1943. In Belarus alone, the partisans claimed the destruction of more than 90,000 rails along with 1,061 trains, 72 railroad bridges and 58 Axis garrisons. According to the Soviet historiography, Axis losses totalled more than 53,000 soldiers.
 * Battle of Polotsk-Leppel, April 1944. Major battle between Belarusian partisans and German punitive expeditions.
 * Battle of Borisovsk-Begoml, April 22 – May 15, 1944. Major battle between Belarusian partisans and German punitive expeditions.
 * Operation Bagration, June 22 – August 19, 1944. Belarusian partisans took major part in Operation Bagration. They were often considered the fifth front (along with the 1st Baltic Front, 1st Belorussian Front, 2nd Belorussian Front and 3rd Belorussian Front). Upwards of 300,000 partisans took part in the operation.

Intelligence activity
From the very beginning of its existence, the partisan intelligence had been aimed chiefly at serving the Red Army operational purposes. It had frequently been asked to provide detailed information on enemy's whereabouts, strengths, armaments, movements and intentions. Yet, the partisans’ ability to meet the expectations of military consumers was limited. In 1941–1942, they relied chiefly on field intelligence – foot patrols, observation and questioning of local population – and only from late 1942 onwards succeeded in developing human intelligence capabilities. Unfortunately, the majority of their agents and collaborators were illiterate farmers and laborers unprepared for intelligence work. Technological means of collection such as communications interceptors and night vision devices were used by the partisans only on rare occasions. Besides, the wide scale deployment and high efficiency of the German security services limited the partisans’ gathering capabilities in the military field to the rural areas, almost completely preventing their access to the Wehrmacht's bases and decision making centers.

Partisan intelligence's contribution to the political leadership of the Soviet Union and its intelligence community appears to have been more significant, especially in collecting information on conditions in the occupied territories, as well as on the structure of the occupation administration, its everyday behavior, local collaborators and sympathizers. This contribution allowed the Soviet regime to maintain its authority and control behind the German lines and reinforced its anti-Nazi propaganda effort in the occupied territories and in the West. The Soviet intelligence and security services used the information obtained by the partisans for improving their operational capabilities in the German-controlled territories and preparing the measures for reoccupation of Eastern Poland and the Baltic States.

Psychological warfare
The partisan propaganda means had developed over the occupation period. In its early stage, the partisan messages were mainly short and unsophisticated and used simple spreading channels, such as verbal communication and leaflets. Consequently, some of the big-sized and mighty partisan detachments succeeded in establishing their own print houses that published periodic ‘partisan newspapers’ based on the propaganda broadcasts from Moscow and local reality.

The effect of the partisan psychological warfare is hard to evaluate. Nevertheless, it appears that at least a part of the defections from the Wehrmacht and other Axis troops, that occurred on the Eastern front in 1942–1944, might be attributed to the partisan propaganda effort, as well as the relatively high number of the local volunteers to the Soviet guerrilla detachments starting from the summer of 1943. Furthermore, in many occupied areas the very presence of anti-German irregulars emphasized the continued presence of ‘Kremlin’s watchful eye’, unnerved occupying forces and their collaborators and thus undermined the enemy's attempt to ‘pacify’ the local populace.

Foreign nationalities serving with the partisans and Soviet partisans abroad
A significant number of Soviet citizens were outside Soviet borders during the war and many took part in numerous partisan formations and saboteur groups in France, Poland, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, and other countries. More than 40,000 Soviet citizens joined partisan formations in these countries. For example, about 25,000 Soviet partisans fought in Poland and Czechoslovakia. Some of these perished in the resistance and have become national heroes in the countries they fought in, including M. Gusein-Zade in Yugoslavia, F. Poletaev in Italy, and V. Porik in France. More than 12,000 Soviet partisans operated in Poland alone, the most notable of which were P. Vershigora's 1st Ukrainian Partisan division and other partisan brigades and units commanded by I. Banov, V. Karasev, G. Kovalev, S. Sankov, and several others. Many of these partisans, together with 600,000 Red Army soldiers, died on Polish soil.

Jews and partisans
Able-bodied male Jews were usually welcomed by the partisans (sometimes only if they brought their own weapons). More than 10% of the Soviet partisan movement were Jews. However, Jewish women, children, and the elderly were usually not welcome. Often, however, separate Jewish groups, both guerrilla units and mixed family groups of refugees (like the Bielski partisans), were subordinated to the communist partisan leadership and considered as Soviet allies.

Soviet Ukrainian partisans
The Soviet Ukrainian partisans achieved some success only in Slovakia, a nominally independent country under German tutelage. The Slovakian countryside and mountains became a ‘hotbed’ for the Soviet guerrillas in the second half of 1944. Dozens of the partisan detachments that came from Soviet Ukraine and formerly Soviet-occupied Poland conducted sabotage acts against German communication lines, harassed the local German community and finally took an active part in the Slovak National Uprising launched by the Slovak resistance movement on 29 August 1944. The insurgents established their headquarters in the central-Slovakian town Banská Bystrica, conducted contacts with the Allied powers, managed to hold out for two months against the German and the Slovak collaborationist troops, and even dispatched sabotage and intelligence units to Hungary and Moravia. However, due to the Red Army's inability or possibly unwillingness to support the rebels, many of whom were loyal to the London-based Czechoslovak government-in-exile, the Slovak National Uprising was brutally suppressed in late October 1944. The attempt of the Soviet Ukrainian partisans to continue the guerrilla war in the Carpathian Mountains during the winter of 1944–1945 had little effect on the Germans but led to severe losses among the partisans. Most returned to the Soviet-controlled territory without being able to assist the Red Army war effort. Nonetheless, the remnants of the Soviet Ukrainian partisan networks remained active in Slovakia and Moravia, mostly in the intelligence field, until early May.

Operations against independence movements
In addition to fighting the Nazis, Soviet partisans fought against organizations that sought to establish independent non-communist states of Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Belarus and Ukraine. Most of the resistance groups in the Baltic States and Poland sought to re-establish independent states free of Soviet domination.

Soviet partisans are therefore a controversial issue in those countries. In Latvia, former Soviet partisan Vasiliy Kononov was prosecuted and convicted for war crimes against locals. The conviction was ultimately upheld by European Court of Human Rights.

Relations with Polish partisans
In the early years of the war, following German invasion of the Soviet Union, many Polish and Soviet partisans saw Germans as the common enemy, and hostility between the two groups was limited. However, by mid-1943, as the Soviets gained the upper hand and started to push German forces westwards, and following the breakdown of diplomatic relationship between Polish government in exile and the Soviet Union in the aftermath of the revelations about the Katyn massacre on June 22, 1943, Soviet partisans received orders to engage non-communist Polish partisans of Armia Krajowa, and the hostilities between the two groups escalated. On numerous occasions in the years 1943–1944, the Soviets would invite Polish partisans to talks, then disarm them and some times execute the Polish partisan leaders.

Relations with Ukrainian nationalists
The Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) formed in 1942 as a military arm of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists engaged in armed conflicts with Soviet partisans and the Polish resistance. While the UPA initially attempted to find a common anti-Soviet ground with Nazi Germany against the USSR, it soon was driven underground as it became apparent that the Germans' intentions for Ukraine were to establish a German colony with a subjugated local population, not an independent country as the UPA hoped for. As such, the UPA was driven underground and fought both the Nazi occupiers and the Soviet forces (including partisans) at the same time.

Later, the UPA and Soviet partisan leaders tried to negotiate a temporary alliance, but Moscow's NKVD Headquarters began harshly suppressing such moves by its local commanders. With both sides becoming established enemies, the Ukrainian civil population was primarily concerned with their survival.

Relations with the locals in Baltic States
Soviet partisan relations with the population of the Baltic countries were complex. The Soviet government annexed these territories in June 1940 and faced increasing resistance after repressive actions against the Baltic populations. The German offensive in the Baltic was swift and effectively defeated the Soviet forces stationed there. But over time, the number of Soviet underground workers increased. Their ranks, as in the other occupied territories, grew at the expense of the NKVD sabotage groups that were being abandoned, escaped prisoners of war. The local population also became increasingly dissatisfied with Nazi Germany.

Soviet forces focused on communicating with the local population. In August 1941, regular radio programs began in Latvian from Moscow. The newspaper "For Soviet Latvia” began to be published.

According to the Daugavpils Regional Commissioner in his report of 20 May 1942:"“The activities of the partisans in the Latgale region are rampant. There are daily reports that clashes with guerrilla groups occur in different places, which are partially parachuted or crossed the border or consist of prisoners of war who escaped from camps and armed by local residents. The number of fleeing increases every day. The guerrillas do not seek more shelter from the population, but organize their bases in impassable forests and wetlands, from where they are attacking settlements.'"In November and December 1943, punitive expeditions were organized against Oshkaln partisans, and police from Riga province were mobilized. Partisans maneuvred and retreated to the Zalveskie forests (40 km west of Jekabpils). Due to the support of the local population, the Oshkaln partisans withstood difficulties of the winter of 1943/44.

Latvian headquarters of the partisan movement reported that in the summer of 1944, partisans of eastern and central Latvia directly rescued more than 3,220 from being transferred to western Latvia, and also 278 Soviet soldiers were liberated from captivity, and they immediately joined partisan detachments. In the woodlands in the north-east of Latvia, about 1,500 families of civilians were hiding under the direct protection of the detachments of the 1st Partisan brigade.

Their involvement in actions that affected the civilian population (for example, the killing of the Polish civilians in Kaniūkai and the destruction of the village of Bakaloriškės). The anti-Soviet resistance movements in the Baltic states, known as the Latvian or Lithuanian partisans, (established before the Soviet re-occupation in 1944), and local self-defence units often came into conflict with Soviet partisan groups. In Estonia and Latvia, almost all the Soviet partisan units, dropped by air, were either destroyed by the German forces or the local self-defense units.

In eastern and south-eastern Lithuania, Soviet partisans constantly clashed with Polish Armia Krajowa (Home Army) partisans; AK did not recognise any territorial changes after 1939 and considered this region as a legal part of Poland, while the Soviets planned to annex it into the Soviet Union after the war. Only in April 1944 did Polish and Soviet partisans start coordinating their actions against the Germans.

Some historians assert that the Soviet reactions to returning partisans were not better than for Soviet POWs. However, most of the partisans were included in Soviet regular forces. A lot of former POWs avoided repressions because of joining the partisan units after the escape. In 1955, a pardon was given to all returned prisoners of war and Nazi collaborators.

Historical assessment
With the German supply lines already over-extended, the partisan operations in the rear of the front lines were able to severely disrupt the flow of supplies to the army that acted deep into Soviet territory. In the second half of the war, major partisan operations were coordinated with Soviet offensives. Upon liberation of parts of the Soviet territory, the corresponding partisan detachments usually joined the regular Army. According to Soviet sources, the partisans were a vital force of the war. From 90,000 men and women by the end of 1941 (including underground) they grew to 220,000 in 1942, and to more than 550,000 in 1943.

The Soviet partisan activity was a strategic factor in the defeat of the German forces on the Soviet-German front. During the summer and autumn of 1942, when partisan warfare did not reach its highest peak, the German Army devoted about 10 percent of its overall strength in fighting partisans, including 15 regular and security divisions and 144 security and police battalions. At the same time, the total strength of German and Italian forces in North Africa was 12 divisions. The partisans made significant contributions to the war effort by interrupting German plans to exploit Soviet territories economically. German forces obtained only one-seventh of what they looted from other European countries. While about $1 billion worth of food and other products were expropriated from Soviet territories by the Germans, more than $26 billion worth of goods and services were extracted from other European countries.

The partisans rendered substantial help to Soviet Army forces operating at the front by conducting damaging strikes against the German rear area communication network. Partisan activities combined with the Soviet Army's increasing offensive success helped to inspire the local population in occupied territories to join or support the struggle against the German occupation. According to historian Leonid Grenkevich, This partisan warfare on so vast a scale was unprecedented in Russian history. In the end, it was a genuine people's war. In general, the populace supported the partisan fighters by providing them not only moral support, and care and attention, but also food and masses of intelligence information.

According to historian Geoffrey Hosking, "All in all, the Soviet peoples displayed between 1941 and 1945 endurance, resourcefulness and determination which may be well beyond the capacities of economically more advanced nations. They won the war partly because of, partly in spite of, their leaders . . . The war showed the Soviet system at its best and at its worst."

Historian Matthew Cooper argued that, "The guerrilla was not simply a man fighting for his country; he was a political being struggling for a powerful and pervasive cause, against his own race as well as against the enemy. Militarily, he was to assist the progress of the Red Army by creating unbearable conditions in the enemy’s rear; politically he was to be the champion of the class struggle in the furtherance of the Communist millennium. The Soviet partisans were representatives of the Soviet regime and evidence that neither it nor ideology was defeated."

The partisan movement succeeded in accomplishing its ideological tasks. US Air Force historians N. F. Parrish, L. B. Atkinson, and A. F. Simpson remarked, "Aside from direct or indirect damage to the German war machine, the Moscow-controlled partisan movement was the sole effective means by which the Soviet government could maintain a measure of control of, and extract varying degrees of loyalty from, the Soviet populations behind the German lines." The historian J. Armstrong also highly praised Soviet partisans ’efforts in this field, stating, "The great accomplishment of the partisans in the psychological field was their major contribution in turning the population of the occupied territories against the Germans."

Polish historian Marek Jan Chodakiewicz: alleges that the "Soviet-allied guerrillas routinely engaged in plundering peasants. He argues that they "lacked popular support" and claims that such allegations have been "eliminated from the standard Soviet narrative about them". The book Soviet partisans in 1941–1944 by Polish author Bogdan Musial was criticized by Belarusian media for denigrating the partisan movement.

Commemorative holidays
Partisans and Underground Fighters Day (День партизан и подпольщиков) is a holiday in Russia, celebrated on June 29 since 2010, celebrating the veterans of Partisan units throughout the USSR. It was established by the State Duma in March 2009 at the initiative of the Bryansk Regional Duma. On 11 April 2009, President Dmitry Medvedev made the act into law. It officially marks the anniversary 1941 directive of the Council of People's Commissars signed on this date declaring the intention to create partisan detachments.

The Day of Partisan Glory (День партизанської слави) is celebrated in Ukraine on 22 September, first appearing on the Ukrainian calendar in October 2001 after an order came from President Leonid Kuchma. In 2011, the main celebrations dedicated to the Day of Partisan Glory and the 70th anniversary of the partisan movement were held in the city of Putivl in the Sumy Oblast of Ukraine.

Partisan honours
The Medal "To a Partisan of the Patriotic War" was a Soviet award with two classes on introduced on 2 February 1943 for partisans who demonstrate exemplary performance in war.

Parades
Today, reenactments of the famous Partisans Parade are currently held every year by youth unions, university students and reenactment groups. Every five years, reenactors from the Armed Forces of Belarus take part in the Minsk Independence Day Parade as part of its historical part, dressed in the uniforms of Partisan formations and marching under with weapons from that era. Both the uniforms and the weapons are provided by the Belarusfilm studio. This was done at the 2014 and 2019 jubilee parade editions was done for the first time in 2020 for the Victory Day Parade. During the 2020 Moscow Victory Day Parade, the banners of the Zheleznyak Partisan Detachment and three Red Army units who participated in the Minsk Offensive were carried by personnel of the Honor Guard Company of the Armed Forces of Belarus on Red Square.

title: Soviet partisans


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Talk:Pacific 8

This article does not explain what Pacific 8 is. If this it to be a good encyclopedia article, this needs to be added. --Der Sporkmeister 07:43, 5 Jun 2005 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Pacific 8


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/The Saga

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete Sjakkalle (Check!)  14:32, 17 Jun 2005 (UTC)

The Saga
This appears to be an article about a fan fiction novella. I can't find evidence that it's particularly notable of its kind. Kappa 07:43, 5 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete pretty much all fanfiction. This one in particular has an Alexa score of 3,417,499 Andrew Lenahan - St ar bli nd  09:29, Jun 5, 2005 (UTC)
 * Didn't we vfd a similar article earlier? Mgm|(talk) 21:15, Jun 5, 2005 (UTC)
 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages.  Please do not edit this page .


text: User talk:209.64.87.68

title: User talk:209.64.87.68


text:
Josh Wolf

Josh Wolf or Josh Wolfe may refer to:

 * Josh Wolf (baseball)
 * Josh Wolf (comedian) (born 1969), American stand-up comedian, actor, and writer
 * Josh Wolf (journalist) (born 1982), American journalist and documentary filmmaker, video blogger
 * Josh Wolfe, founder of Lux Capital
 * Joshua Wolfe, photographer who won the 2009 Ansel Adams Award for Conservation Photography

title: Josh Wolf


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Samuella

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. — Trilobite (Talk) 15:12, 15 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Samuella
Nonsense. --W(t) 07:51, 2005 Jun 5 (UTC)
 * Delete nonsense. Nateji77 08:08, 5 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, nonsense, verfiably false (did not play Vincent Vega in Pulp Fiction), maybe speedy as possible attack page. Kappa 08:11, 5 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Didn't play Junior in Problem Child either. Last name not provided and I'm quire sceptical about this person actually being gay. I've speedy deleted it as verifiably false and possible attack page. Mgm|(talk) 21:23, Jun 5, 2005 (UTC)
 * I can guarantee you that Sammy is gay. I'd also like to know why you people think that saying someone is gay is an "attack."  I think you're all a bunch of homophobes.

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Talk:Music of South Korea

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Ashaikh4. Peer reviewers: Tcampos2.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 01:18, 18 January 2022 (UTC)

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Mintwriter. Peer reviewers: Jisooh1997, Luminous744, Ancantu.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 04:40, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

Mainstream popular music
Intro paragraph is incorrect, idol music is not the dominant/most popular music genre, that would be Ballad by far. Especially boygroups these days aren't listened to by the public anymore and while many 4th Generation boygroups continue to have a big international following, they and their songs are practically unknown in Korea. Especially with the rise of K-hiphop, idol boygroup music is pretty niche in Korea nowadays, only girlgroup music is still listened to by the public. Idol K-pop is a lot bigger internationally than within Korea. Ktaec (talk) 00:19, 28 November 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Music of South Korea


text:
Talk:Music of North Korea

North Korean music legislation
Out of curiosity for unique and unusual North Korean laws, I wonder if there is a reliable source, which says that North Korean has a law where all domestically-produced music must praise the Juche ideology or something like that? -- Minoa (talk) 13:36, 28 January 2023 (UTC)

Traditional music
An omission from the article is what has happened to traditional music, such as court music, in North Korea.Bill (talk) 23:01, 28 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Music of North Korea


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Barbara Phillips

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. — Trilobite (Talk) 15:12, 15 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Barbara Phillips
No evidence of notability, only one google hit for "Barbara Phillips" "Tympanic Mysteries". --W(t) 07:52, 2005 Jun 5 (UTC) '''
 * Delete wikispam. --nixie 07:43, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, --//-- Pavel Vozenilek 20:25, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete Who? Not notable! Next! ShureMicGuy 19:09, 11 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Account created today, all edits are to VfD. RickK 22:56, Jun 12, 2005 (UTC)
 * '''Do Not Delete -Several entries with google--check again. Tansy Lisek 2:43 12 Jun 2005
 * Um, no, care to check again?: . Delete, vanity.  RickK 23:21, Jun 12, 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Louise Thibault

Louise Thibault (born 1946) is a Canadian politician. Born in Montreal, Quebec, Thibault was a city councillor in Le Bic in 2003, then was elected into the House of Commons of Canada in the 2004 Canadian federal election for the Bloc Québécois in the riding of Rimouski-Neigette—Témiscouata—Les Basques. A former senior public servant, Thibault was the Bloc's critic of the Minister of Public Works and Government Services.

Thibault resigned from the Bloc Québécois caucus on April 12, 2007 and sat as an independent. She cited disputes with party leader Gilles Duceppe, principally over same-sex marriage. One of the more socially conservative Bloc MPs, she opposed a vote to reopen debate on the issue. She ran in the 2008 election as an independent, but was defeated by Claude Guimond, the new Bloc Québécois candidate.

title: Louise Thibault


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Abduction to the 9th Planet

=Abduction to the 9th Planet=

 * delete This article is useless. The tiny bit of information here should be added to the Thiaoouba Prophecy article. --Der Sporkmeister 07:54, 5 Jun 2005 (UTC)


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Talk:Red Crayola

Untitled
Mayo Thompson was also engaged in the conceptual art group art & language (today consisting of Mel Ramsden and Michael Baldwin) and worked with the two artists on various projects transmitting their ideas to sound. For example on the Album "Kangaroo?" released in 1981, the two songs "Portrait of V.I. Lenin in the style of Jackson Pollock" part 1 and 2 are directly linked with the Art & Language paintings under the same title, an exhibition in the Stedeljik Museum in Eindhoven (1980) and a text by A&L, both also titled "Portrait of V.I. Lenin in the style of Jackson Pollock".

CHECK SPELLING
Red Crayola is generaly spelled with a "k", not a "c", i.e. Red Krayola. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 41.244.213.47 (talk) 15:18, 13 December 2006 (UTC).

title: Talk:Red Crayola


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Bacton

Bacton may refer to various places in the United Kingdom:

 * Bacton, Herefordshire, England
 * Bacton, Norfolk, England
 * Bacton Gas Terminal
 * Bacton, Suffolk, England

title: Bacton


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B. D. Jatti

Basappa Danappa Jatti  (10 September 1912 – 7 June 2002) was the fifth vice president of India, serving from 1974 to 1979. He was the acting president of India from 11 February to 25 July 1977. He also served as the chief minister of Karnataka. Jatti rose from a being a Municipality member to India's second-highest office during a five-decade-long chequered political career.

Early life
Jatti was born in a Kannada speaking Lingayat family at Savalgi in Jamkhandi Taluk of Bijapur district in present-day Karnataka on 10 September 1912. His parents were Dasappa Jatti and Sangamma. Jatti studied at the PB High School Jamkhandi and obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree from Rajaram College and a degree in law from the Sykes Law College, Kolhapur. Jatti practiced as a lawyer for a while in Jamkhandi before being elected to the Jamkhandi municipality in 1940 and going on to become its president. He was elected to the Jamakhandi State Legislature, becoming a minister and subsequently its chief minister.

Early political career
In 1940, he entered politics as a Municipality member at Jamkhandi and subsequently became the president of the Jamkhandi Town Municipality in 1945. Later, he was elected as a member of the Jamkhandi State Legislature and was appointed a minister in the government of the princely state of Jamkhandi. Finally, he became the 'dewan' (chief minister) of Jamkhandi state in 1948. As dewan, he maintained cordial relations with the Maharaja, Shankar Rao Patwardhan, and brought about the accession of the small principality to the Indian Union. On 8 March 1948 after Jamkhandi was merged with Bombay state, he returned to legal practice and continued with it for 20 months.

Later, Jatti was nominated as a member of the Bombay State Legislative Assembly to represent the merged area, and within a week of his nomination, he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the then Bombay chief minister, B. G. Kher. He worked in that capacity for a couple of years. After the 1952 general elections, he was appointed Minister of Health and Labour of the then Bombay government and held that post till the reorganization of states. His autobiography, 'I'm my own model', is very popular.

Chief minister of Mysore state
Jatti became a member of the Mysore Legislative Assembly after the reorganization and was Chairman of the Land Reforms Committee, which paved the way for the 1961 Mysore Land Reforms Act (which abolished the tenancy system and absentee landlordism). He was the chief minister and Kadidal Manjappa was the revenue minister when the bill was adopted. In 1958, when S. Nijalingappa stepped down as chief minister of the state, Jatti was elected leader of the party in the face of a stiff challenge from Congress veteran T. Subramanya. He became the chief minister of Mysore in 1958 and continued in that office until 1962.

In the assembly election of 1962 to the Mysore Legislative Assembly, Jatti was reelected from Jamkhandi. He however was forced to resign as chief minister since he did not command the support of a majority of elected legislators of the Congress Party and was succeeded by S. R. Kanthi.

Later political career

Jatti subsequently was Lieutenant Governor of Pondicherry from October 1968 to November 1972. Jatti was appointed Governor of Orissa in November, 1972. On March 1, 1973 the ruling Congress government led by Nandini Satpathy resigned after it lost its majority in the legislative assembly. Although the leader of the opposition, Biju Patnaik, staked his claim to form the government and demonstrated the support of a majority of legislators, Jatti chose to prorogue the assembly session on the advice of Sathpathy and on March 3, 1973 recommended President’s rule in the state. Jatti, with the aid of advisors administered the state during the period of President’s Rule which continued until Mach, 1974. He resigned as governor in August, 1974 to contest in the vice presidential election of 1974. In the election, Jatti defeated the opposition candidate N.E. Horo winning 521 votes in the electoral college against 141 polled by Horo. Jatti was declared elected on 27 August 1974 and sworn in as the vice president of India on August 31, 1974.

Following the death in office of Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed on February 11, 1977, Jatti was sworn in as the acting president of India the same day. Following the defeat of the Indian National Congress in the general elections of 1977, Jatti asked Indira Gandhi to continue as caretaker prime minister and, on the recommendation of the Cabinet, revoked the Emergency on March 21, 1977. Jatti swore in Morarji Desai as prime minister on March 24, 1977. In April, 1977, the new government recommended the dismissal of governments and the dissolution of legislative assemblies in states ruled by the Congress Party. Although Jatti initially hesitated to accept the Cabinet’s recommendation, he agreed to it a day later and dismissed governments in nine states. Jatti was succeeded by Neelam Sanjiva Reddy as President of India on 25 July 1977 following his unopposed election to the presidency in the presidential election of 1977.

Public offices held

 * 1945–48: Minister for Education in the erstwhile princely state of Jamkhandi
 * 1948 : Chief Minister (dewan) of Jamkhandi
 * 1948–52: Parliamentary Secretary in the B. G. Kher Government in erstwhile Bombay State
 * 1953–56: Deputy Minister for Health and Labour in the Morarji Desai Government in Bombay
 * 1958–62: Chief Minister of Mysore state
 * 1962–68: Cabinet minister, Government of Mysore
 * 1968–72: Lieutenant Governor of Pondicherry
 * 1972–74: Governor of Odisha
 * 1974–79: Vice-President of India
 * Acting President for six months in 1977

Religious activities
A deeply religious man, Jatti was the founder president of the "Basava Samithi", a religious organisation which propagated the preachings of 12th-century saint, philosopher and reformer of Lingayat community Basaveshwara. The Basava samithi established in 1964 has published many books on Lingayatism and Sharanas and has got the 'vachanas' of sharanas translated into various languages. He was also involved in various organisations concerned with social activities.

Death and legacy
He died on 7 June 2002. He was hailed as a man who set an example of selfless service and stood for value-based politics. He was once called an ordinary man with extraordinary thought, and he named his autobiography, I'm My Own Model. His centenary celebrations were held in 2012.

title: B. D. Jatti


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User:Harm

Harm Ensing, born on Friday August 13 1954, living in the Netherlands.

If you want to learn more about me then please visit my homepage on the dutch wikipedia ... by the way, it is in dutch !

There appears to be at least one other Harm active here, almost the same age as me. There has been some mixup of this homepage in the past, probably caused by using a username containing an at-sign ("@").

title: User:Harm


text:
Certis Group

Certis is one of the five commercial auxiliary police forces authorized to provide armed security officers to government organizations as well as private companies or individuals in Singapore. Certis originated from the Guard and Escort unit of the Singapore Police Force (SPF), which was separated from the SPF as the Commercial and Industrial Security Corporation (CISCO) in 1972 as a statutory board with a monopoly over most areas of the local private armed security industry.

From 1 June 2005, the statutory board was dissolved and Cisco Security Pte Ltd was formed upon its corporatisation as a fully owned subsidiary of Temasek Holdings, and inaugurated on 5 July 2005. The abbreviation of the former statutory board, "CISCO", was retained due to its reputation in the local market. The company was renamed as Certis CISCO Security Pte Ltd on 13 September 2007 and as Certis in 2018.

As the oldest Auxiliary Police Force with a monopoly over most of the private armed security sector in Singapore for 33 years, Certis maintains a visible presence in many key establishments, including the private residences of VVIPs. They were deployed in major events such as the Singapore 2006 IMF Meetings, the New Year Countdown at Marina Bay in 2007 and 2008, the Chingay Parade and the Thaipusam processions. They also continue to dominate some services such as the transportation of valuables, most visibly in the form of delivering cash to automated teller machines.

Origins

CISCO came into being in 1972 in the wake of a police employment scheme review by a committee led by Professor Lee Soo Ann a year earlier. It recommended that the Singapore Police Force's Guard and Escort Unit, itself formed in 1958, be hived off as a statutory board of the Government of Singapore, in a bid to relieve manpower constraints on the SPF by empowering the new statutory board with the ability to conduct its own recruitment schemes tailored specifically for armed security services. The company was established under the Commercial and Industrial Security Corporation Act.

At its dissolution, the Guard and Escort Unit had a strength of 1,600 police officers, who received the same training as their counterparts in police divisions, and are mostly deployed as guards in commercial banks. The new statutory board absorbed most of these regular officers, although the committee recommended the early retirement of 460 older officers, with an enhanced pension scheme offered to them as compensation. A recruitment drive was also initiated on 1 April to recruit other police officers and boost its strength to 2,000.

CISCO, as a separate statutory board, became Singapore's only commercial entity offering armed security services. Its policemen continue to receive training via a 7-week residential training course at the CISCO Police Training School, which is adjacent to the Police Academy at Thomson Road, with training assistance from the Academy. Over time, the course was streamlined to fit their specific operation needs, and instruction was gradually taken over by fellow CISCO officers. CISCO police officers were dressed largely similar to their counterparts in the Singapore Police Force, and CISCO vehicles were also largely similar, except with the addition of a CISCO logo. CISCO officers were paid a salary of about S$650 in the 1970s.

Diversification
In the next decades, the company diversified its operations beyond the provisioning of armed guards, providing a range of security-related services, including enforcement, management, and consultancy services for not just physical, but also data and IT-related needs. In 1991, the board's new chief executive, Chan Boon Kiong initiated wide-ranging changes to turn the company round into a commercial entity with an annual turnover of S$200 million, with diversification into various aspects of security. As the company began to diversify, its traditional armed police operations were organised under the name of CISCO Auxiliary Police under the Product Division, together with the CISCO Recall Total Information Management Pte Ltd and other specialised departments. It also began to expand abroad, having first established a joint venture with Zhong-Bao Security Industry Company in China in July 1995 with a 60% stake.

In 1982, CISCO announced that the position of unarmed warden was dropped and constable was the lowest rank.

CISCO officially opened its new Headquarters building at Jalan Affifi off Upper Paya Lebar Road on 20 June 1986, which then boasted some of the most modern facilities including the first computerised indoor shooting range in Singapore. On 2 March 1994, work commenced to extend the CISCO Headquarters building to incorporate facilities to process and store high-value items and a computer disaster recovery centre. The SCORE Counselling Centre was opened in the building on 5 December 1996.

CISCO entered into a joint venture with Brambles Industries Ltd from Australia in May 1996 with a 51% stake to form CISCO Recall Total Information Management Pte Ltd (now Iron Mountain Recall) as part of its foray into the information management industry. On 8 June 1999, the first purpose-built CISCO Recall Centre was officially opened, which included a 43-metre high document storage facility, the tallest single-storey building in Singapore. A second CISCO Recall Centre was opened in Chin Bee Avenue on 10 September 2003, by which time the company's CISCO Recall service has 33 government agencies amongst its clients.

By 1998, the company has over 2,000 clients which has installed security systems linked to CISCO's alarm monitoring system, an increase of 25% since 1996. This included some 500 private homes which paid between S$2000 to S$1million for such systems. CISCO entered into a joint-venture with the National Library Board on 21 June 1999 to establish a digital signature certification authority service.

CISCO manned the Area Licensing Scheme gantries in 1975 until the introduction of Electronic Road Pricing in September 1998, where 105 officers were redeployed. CISCO officers began to assist the Traffic Police as traffic wardens to curb illegal parking on 1 November 1999. Over 12,100 parking violation notices were subsequently issued in the next two months, prompting their implementation in more areas to allow the Traffic Police to concentrate on enforcing traffic rules on the move.

During the height of the SARS crisis, CISCO officers were deployed to serve Home Quarantine Orders at the residents homes and install CCTVs at their homes. These were enforced by about 60 officers, who were given the power to electronically tag those who violate the order.

After the September 11, 2001 attacks, CISCO reported an increase in business as a result of heightened security demands. From November 2004, CISCO officers were deployed to assist in enforcing sensitive locations such as Jurong Island. CISCO ventured into professional investigation services in 2005.

Corporatisation

Over the years, the license to provide armed security services has been extended to other companies, including the Auxiliary Police Forces operated by PSA Corporation, Changi International Airport Services, Singapore Airport Terminal Services, and Singapore Technologies Kinetics, although these officers have their policing powers restricted to their areas of operation. In the wake of rising security concerns, the government decided to introduce greater competition in the armed security service industry.

As a result of measures to create a more level playing field, the CISCO Act was dissolved in 2005, and CISCO ceased being a statutory board, corporatised as a fully government owned company, and came instead under the same legislative and regulatory guidelines as the other Auxiliary Police Forces. The new company will no longer utilise the Singapore Police Force's crest, and changes will be made to the uniforms of its police officers, in line with its counterparts in the armed security industry.

To minimise disruptions during the corporatisation process, the Ministry of Home Affairs transferred all of its former statutory board's assets, liabilities, staff and contracts to the new company, and did not give it a moratorium since the statutory board has already engaged in commercial services. The new company took over all businesses the statutory board had engaged in, and is now liberated to enter or exit from contracts based on its own commercial interests.

On 1 June 2005, the corporatisation process was completed and the new CISCO Security Private Limited formed.

Post-Corporatisation
On 29 January 2019, Certis announced the establishment of a K-9 unit to protect facilities under contract.

Certis has implemented a work-study scheme for any of its employees looking to study part-time while working.

In December 2022, Certis partnered Lendlease to redevelop its headquarters at Jalan Afifi.

Training
Prospective Certis recruits were trained at the Police Academy with four weeks of residential training. Previously, most were trained at its Kallang facility, but recruits had to go to the academy to practice shooting drills. Requirements for Certis constables were to attend residential training for three months while wardens were required to attend residential training for a month.

In 2017, Certis CISCO opened a new shooting range facility at Jalan Afifi where its officers can practice shooting techniques.

Uniforms
Given its former affiliation with the Singapore Police Force, CISCO officers wore the same dark blue uniform as that of the police force when it was formed in 1972. As the sole private armed security agency, and with several sensitive roles passed on to CISCO, the uniforms were kept similar such that the general public would not be able to tell CISCO officers from regular police officers unless under close scrutiny. The primary distinguishing feature was of a black plastic name tag with a white border, as opposed to the plain all-black name tags worn by the police regulars.

As a result of several uniform reviews both by CISCO and the police in subsequent decades, however, it became easier to distinguish CISCO officers. The blue beret and long-sleeved shirts, phased out in favour of the peaked cap and short-sleeved shirts for most normal police officers, was still retained in the CISCO uniform. Similarly, CISCO retained the old metallic cap badges and collar lapels although they were replaced with embroidered versions in the SPF.

When CISCO was corporatised as CISCO Security on 1 June 2005, officers continued to don the old uniforms pending a review of their uniforms. Under governmental direction, the uniform was modified to inject distinguishing features between them and that of those worn by officers of the SPF to foster a more level playing field with other Auxiliary Police Forces in Singapore. From 15 June 2005, all 3,200 uniformed CISCO personal switched to the new uniforms.

The new uniforms saw the adoption of a new corporate colour, steel blue, and the material was changed from pure polyester to poly viscose. New buttons and badges on the cap and collars incorporating CISCO's logo were used in place of similar logos to the regular police force. The leather belt was changed from black to brown, as is a band around the peak cap. There is also a horizontal cutting across the chest from one pocket to the other.

While the new uniform was implemented across the company, some officers tasked to perform specific roles were exempt from the change, in particular those involving provision of security for sensitive locations or personnel, such as the Istana, the Supreme Court building and the private residences of VVIPs. Close resemblance of the old CISCO uniform with that of the regular police has allowed the latter to outsource sensitive roles, yet providing a visual impression of continued police presence. This practice was thus continued at sensitive locations despite the introduction of the new uniforms.

Notable Projects
One of Certis’ major projects include being the key security services provider for Jewel Changi Airport. Responsible for the facility’s security, facility management and customer services, Certis supplies its frontline workers which includes security personnel, concierge and service staffs and facilities maintenance staffs. A multi-element, technological approach called “Security+” is Certis’ key service delivered in its project with the facility. Some of these elements have been deployed by Certis independently in its prior projects. This is however, the first time that all six elements of the approach are integrated together in a single service delivery.

Apart from the Jewel facility, Certis’ other project is with JTC Corporation. With its “Security+” approach, Certis deploys an advanced security operations for JTC’s South-West Precinct. The integrated approach is expected to boost productivity and efficiency for JTC in its operations through the use of technology and a trained, multi-skilled workforce. “Security+” enables JTC to efficiently manage security and surveillance over its multiple properties, as well as reduce the response time to incidents. Deployment of security officers are better optimised as they can be efficiently deployed through activation by the Operations Centre.

title: Certis Group


text:
Lisa Fernandez

Lisa Maria Fernandez (born February 22, 1971) is an American former softball player and current associate head coach at UCLA. She played college softball at UCLA as a pitcher and third baseman, and is a three-time medal winning Olympian with Team USA.

Fernandez starred on both sides of the plate for the UCLA Bruins from 1990 to 1993, and was two-time national champion and four-time first team All-American. She continues to hold the UCLA records for career shutouts, WHIP and winning percentage. She also established an Olympic record in softball with 25 strikeouts in a game as a member of the United States women's national softball team. Additionally, she is noted for having pitched in three consecutive gold medal games, getting a save in 1996, an extra-inning shutout in 2000 before concluding the run by cinching the 2004 medal in a 5–1 victory. Fernandez was named the #1 Greatest College Softball Player and is a USA Softball Hall of Fame honoree.

Early years
Fernandez was born and raised in Long Beach, California. Her father emigrated from Cuba, where he played baseball, and her mother was of Puerto Rican descent. Fernandez's mother played, with her brother (Lisa's uncle) stickball, a street game similar to baseball played with a broom stick and a rubber ball. Fernandez began playing softball at the age of eight. When she was twelve, she played in a local children's league. She tried out as a pitcher, however, her coach told her that she would never make it because she didn't have the right size and build. At St. Joseph High School, Fernandez joined her school's girls' softball team and together with her teammates won the CIF Championship.

College career
Upon graduating from high school, she was accepted to UCLA, where she played softball and earned a degree in psychology. Fernandez played at UCLA from 1990 to 1993. She was a three-time winner of the Pac-12 Player of the Year award, and four-time winner of the Honda Sports Award for softball, and became the first softball player to win the Honda-Broderick Cup in 1993, given to the outstanding collegiate female athlete in all sports. A four-time, first-team All-American, Fernandez led UCLA to two national championships (1990 & 1992) and two runner-up finishes (1991 & 1993).

U.S. Women's Olympic Softball Team
In 1990, Fernandez won a gold medal at the ISF (International Softball Federation) World Championship. Among her accomplishments are:

 * 1991, gold medal at the Pan American Games
 * 1994, gold medals at ISF World Championships and Pan Am Qualifier
 * 1991 and 1992, Sportswoman of the Year Award
 * Led UCLA to two NCAA Women's College World Series Titles
 * Four-time NFCA First Team All-American
 * NCAA Top VI Award presented to the top six senior student athletes in all divisions
 * 1993, Honda-Broderick Cup winner, country's most outstanding collegiate female athlete
 * 1991-93, Four-time Honda Sports Award winner for softball presented to the nation's best softball player
 * 1996, Olympic gold medal in the 1996 Olympics celebrated in Atlanta, Georgia
 * 1998, gold medal at Pan American Games;
 * 2000, Olympic gold medal in the 2000 Sydney Olympics celebrated in Australia where she established a 25 strikeout record in women's softball
 * 2002, gold medal at the ISF World Championships
 * 2003, gold medal at the Pan American Games
 * 2004, Olympic gold medal in the 2004 Athens Olympics celebrated in Greece.

Honors
On April 24, 2001, the Lakewood City Council recognized Fernandez as one of the most remarkable athletes ever to come from the playgrounds and ball diamonds of Lakewood. The city council named the ball field at Mayfair Park in her honor, as the Lakewood Sports Hall of Fame Athlete of the Year.

Fernandez was inducted into the Baseball Reliquary's Shrine of the Eternals in 2019.

Later years
She married Michael Lujan in 2002 and gave birth to their sons Antonio in 2005, and Cruz in 2008. Fernandez and her family reside in Long Beach, California. Fernandez is currently an assistant coach for the women's softball team at UCLA. In 2017, she was suspended two games for bumping an umpire after being ejected from a Bruins' Women's College World Series game. On August 10, 2022, Fernandez was promoted to associate head coach for the Bruins.

title: Lisa Fernandez


text:
Mayuko Takata

Mayuko Takata (高田万由子 Takata Mayuko, born January 5, 1971) is a Japanese actress, best known in the western world for her appearances on the Japanese TV show Iron Chef.

Personal life
She was born in Tokyo, Japan. Her husband is Japanese violinist Taro Hakase. They currently reside in Tokyo, Japan.

Iron Chef
Takata was a commentator and judge on the show. She has no culinary training.

Language abilities
She is fluent in Japanese and English, and conversant in French.

Movies

 * Goto Shi Kabushiki Kaisha (ゴト株式会社) (1993)
 * Goto Shi Kabushiki Kaisha 2 (ゴト株式会社2) (1994)
 * UFO Kamen Yakisoban: Ikari no Agedama Bomber (ＵＦＯ仮面ヤキソバン　怒りのあげ玉ボンバー) (1994) (Voice)

TV dramas

 * June Bride (ジューン・ブライド) (1995, TBS)
 * Miss Cinderella (1997, Fuji TV)
 * Madame Mari (伝説のマダム) (2003, NTV)

Other television

 * Takeshi & Itsumi's Heisei Board of Education (たけし・逸見の平成教育委員会) (1991, Fuji TV)
 * Iron Chef (料理の鉄人) (1994–1995, Fuji TV) - Judge and guest commentator
 * Sunday Japon (サンデージャポン) (2001-2006, TBS) - Regular commentator
 * Very Very Saturday! (ベリーベリーサタデー!) (2005, Kansai TV/Fuji TV)
 * Let's Know It! (知っとこ) (2005, MBS/TBS)
 * Baribari Value Around The World (世界バリバリ★バリュー) (2005, MBS/TBS)
 * Hanamaru Market (はなまるマーケット) (2005, MBS/TBS)

Radio

 * Yokohama City File (1993-1995)

Written works

 * The Cherry Blossoms Have Come Out: My Tokyo University Passing Story (サクラサク. ～わたしの東大合格物語) (2000, 198 pages)
 * Takata's Way: Advice For Successful Study (たかたま道～ミーハー学のススメ～) (2000, 173 pages)
 * Takata was responsible for translating the Alistair, Le Crocodile Vert series of children's storybooks from French to Japanese. The three original books were authored by Florence Grazia and illustrated by Isabelle Charly.
 * Alistair The Green Alligator (2004) - Original title: Alistair, Le Crocodile Vert
 * Alistair The Green Alligator: Lucie And The Smile Doctor (2004) - Original title: Le Pari d'Alistair
 * Alistair The Green Alligator: Lucie's Search For Treasure (2004) - Original title: La Croisière d'Alistair

 * Mayuko Takata's Loveful Gift Recipe Cookbook (高田万由子の愛いっぱいの贈り物レシピ) (2005, 111 pages)
 * 24 Hints For A Happier Family (家族がもっと幸せになる24のヒント) (2005, 143 pages)
 * Takata has also published or participated in the publication of many essays and magazine articles, including:
 * Jukenban Papiyon (受験版パピヨン) (1993, published by Gakken)
 * Yasei Jidai (野生時代) (1993, published by Kadokawa Shoten)
 * Asashi Chugakusei Weekly (朝日中学生ウィークリー) (1994, published by Asahi Shimbun)
 * Kongetsuno Mitai Shiritai Kataritai (今月の見たい知りたい語りたい) (1995, published by Classy Magazine)
 * Ripple (1995, published by Keihin Electric Express Railway)
 * FYTTE (1996, published by Gakken)
 * Raku (楽) (1997, published by Magazine House)
 * Shinseikijin (新世紀人) (2001, published by Tokyo Shimbun)
 * Yomiuri Shimbun Evening Newspaper (contributes an article every month)
 * Fuji Bank Thanks... (contributes an article every month)
 * Shinano Mainichi Shimbun (contributes an article every month)
 * Felissimo (フェリシモ) (contributes an article every second month)
 * Suku Suku Kosodate (すくすく子育て) (published by NHK Publications)
 * Shinkin Visa: Clear Forecast (しんきんVISAはれ予報) (published by VISA)
 * Kids Style (キッズスタイル)

Commercial Work

 * Minolta
 * JVC
 * Coca-Cola (1994, "Lecturer" campaign)
 * Rohto Pharmaceutical Co.
 * Kagome Co., Ltd. (カゴメ株式会社) (for "100% Carrot Juice")
 * Chubu Electric Power
 * Calbee (カルビー) (for "Autumn"-flavoured potato chips)
 * Taisho Pharmaceutical
 * Mitsui Fudosan ("1000 Cities - 1000 Towers" campaign)
 * Mimatsu (三松)
 * Tokyu Group (for "Tokyu Plaza")
 * Sumiyoshi-Yamate Commons (Higashinada-ku, Kōbe)
 * House Foods Corporation (for "Kokumaro"-brand tofu burger mix)
 * Socie World (ソシエ・ワールド)
 * Marriott International (for Okinawa Marriott Resort, Kariyushi Beach)

Stage Work

 * We Are The World (1993) at Theater Apple, Shinjuku, Tokyo
 * Tasoya Andon (1994) at Tokyo Takarazuka Theater, Chiyoda, Tokyo
 * Kokumaro Na Onna Tachi (2001), at Nagoya, Aichi and Bunkamura Theater Cocoon, Tokyo

Miscellaneous

 * Takata has been involved with the Pink Ribbon Smile Walk (for breast cancer awareness month)

Political Appointment
Takata was appointed as Goodwill Ambassador to the Nation of France in 2000.

title: Mayuko Takata