text:
Television in Canada

Television in Canada officially began with the sign-on of the nation's first television stations in Montreal and Toronto in 1952. As with most media in Canada, the television industry, and the television programming available in that country, are strongly influenced by media in the United States, perhaps to an extent not seen in any other major industrialized nation. As a result, the government institutes quotas for "Canadian content". Nonetheless, new content is often aimed at a broader North American audience, although the similarities may be less pronounced in the predominantly French-language province of Quebec.

Development of television
The first experimental television broadcast began in 1932 in Montreal, Quebec, under the call sign of VE9EC. The broadcasts of VE9EC were broadcast in 60 to 150 lines of resolution on 41 MHz. This service closed around 1935, and the outbreak of World War II put a halt to television experiments. Television in Canada on major networks pre-date any telecasts that originated in the country as thousands of television sets that were capable of receiving U.S.-based signals were installed in homes near the Canada–US border between 1946 and 1953. Homes in southern and southwestern Ontario and portions of British Columbia, including the Toronto, Hamilton, London, Windsor, Victoria and Vancouver areas, were able to receive television stations from Buffalo, Cleveland, Detroit or Seattle with the help of elevated outdoor antennas and amplifiers. U.S. television programs and the networks that originated them thus became popular in those Canadian cities within range of their signals, and those cities represented a sizeable proportion of the total Canadian population. This helped spur development of a specifically Canadian television programming and transmission system during the late 1940s and early 1950s, but at the same time caused it to develop within American technical standards that had been previously mandated by the Federal Communications Commission between 1941 and 1946. Since the first Canadian stations (CBFT in Montreal and CBLT in Toronto) signed on in September 1952, television developed differently in Canada than in the United States because it was introduced and developed in a different context. The distinct social, political, and economic situation of Canada shaped the historic development of mass communication and television in the country. Three factors have made the historical development of television in Canada a unique one: The threat of American influence, the language divide, and the government's response to both of these.

American influence and the fear of that influence greatly affected television's development in Canada. The first decades of the 20th century saw a change towards industrialization, and during that time both the materials and products manufactured as well as the investors and consumers were American. The Canadian dependency on American capital and markets persisted through the Great Depression and its aftermath. This situation remained during the emergence of television and affected its development in Canada. Even with the emergence of radio, Canada was already trying to keep foreign ownership and programming at a minimum to avoid the American imperialism that would be caused by such dependency on the United States, which in fact was already incipient.

The issue of economy of scale played a large role. "Americans [were] pushing smaller cultural communication aside with their dominating programming, not because they [were] based on a policy but because they ha[d] the money – the poorer the country, the more American productions." English Canadian broadcasting illustrated how this was problematic for some Anglophone Canadians as well as the Canadian government. A major question was how any sense of "Canadianism" could come out of such an attractive (and rich) American world. There was a fear of communicating ideas and opinions that were not Canadian, to Canadians - especially the youth. With the exception of radio, television presented an opportunity, for the first time, to reach a very wide audience at the same time. By 1954, a million television sets had been sold in Canada. Even though those sets were very expensive at the time, the large majority (9 of 10) of Canadian households owned a television set by the end of the 1950s.

People became excited and obsessed with the novelty. Television performer and producer Lorne Michaels said, about the advent of television, "it was all we talked about at school. We literally raced home to watch TV". It became important to Canada that Canadian values would be projected onto this large audience and then onto the entire nation. Although many watched the available American television programs, some feared that Canada would end up stuck in a rut of American popular culture during a time when Canadian national identity was very vague. Canada was not only made up of Francophones and Anglophones, there were also immigrants from around the world, at that time mostly from Europe. That fear of American influence convinced the Canadian government that its involvement was necessary in order for Canadian broadcasting to express and encourage Canadian identity and national unity.

Though French-speaking Canadians feared expansion of American influence and the difficulties that might arise in protecting the French language, inexpensive imported U.S. programs, which filled the schedules of many English language Canadian TV channels, were not attractive to French-speaking audiences. In this situation, society affected the division in the Canadian broadcasting industry as much as the division affected society. The intensity of fears of "continentalism" was as strong as its opposing force of attractiveness of American television programs to Canadian viewers. Most Anglophone viewers could relate easily to the American programs as much as they did to their Canadian programs, since people spoke the same language as they did. For example, in 1957, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation presented American programs such as The Ed Sullivan Show. However, the ten most popular programs on French-language television were made in Quebec, including La Famille Plouffe. Gradually, French Canadians showed a strong preference for Quebec-produced television programs, which was significant considering the fierce American competition that English Canada dealt with (and still deals with to this day). French-language television was distinct from English-language television in that "one of its most distinctive aspects was the bringing together of international and local influences, American and European television styles and programming ideas and merging them with the cultural idioms of rapidly modernizing and assertive Quebec." The merging of local and foreign ideas and techniques was a novelty in North American television. Since English and French language television in Canada had developed separately, French-language broadcasting developed a distinct popular culture.

With the fear of the United States stunting the growth of Canada as well as the country becoming increasingly divided by language, the government showed huge concern with how television affected Canadians. Graham Spry, founder and spokesperson of the Canadian Radio League, stated about the radio system: "The question is the State or the United States." According to the Canadian government, the survival of Canadian television depended on public funding for Canadian programs, which would be produced, broadcast and controlled by a public corporation. The Broadcasting Act of 1932 began of government involvement. Its main aim was the "Canadianization of mass media". In other words, it wanted to create a Canadian broadcasting system to replace the American system that had infiltrated itself into Canada, as well as to unite Canadians in creating a national identity. The Broadcasting Act of 1932 created a national network for each electronic medium in Canada's two official languages, French and English. When it was created, the Act referred mostly to radio broadcasting but it also included television once TV came to the country in 1952.

The Act resulted in the creation of the CRBC, which would be replaced by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) in a later revision. The government-created corporation held the responsibility of establishing a national service and to monitor the entire broadcast system. Because of Canada's large land area, it would be difficult for one corporation to control the broadcasting system throughout the country, all while establishing a network to compete in that system as well as in the American system. Before 1958, Canadian law prohibited the creation of private television networks. Private stations did emerge but could not exist independently, and were obliged to become affiliated with the French national network or the English national network. The Act of 1958 as well as its revised version in 1968 allowed for the existence of privatized networks. The private stations were then recognized as direct competitors to the CBC, which maintained its role as national broadcaster but lost its regulatory power.

The 1968 Broadcasting Act created the Canadian Radio-Television Commission (now the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission). The government still referred to the Canadian broadcasting system as the "single system". Among other concerns, this implied that both private and public networks were working toward the same goals, notably the national objective of unity and Canadian content and ownership. Government intervention helped the Canadian broadcasting industry economically but failed to create a distinct culture that was in sharp contrast to American popular culture. However, it did allow Quebec to run its own broadcasting service and economically, it helped out the Canadian broadcasters, particularly the Canadian Association of Broadcasters (CAB). Due to their protests, Bill C-58 was passed. Among many changes, Bill C-58 removed tax deductibility benefits for Canadian Corporations advertising on American stations. The 1968 Act had also given priority carriage for Canadian broadcast services.

Policies such as these produced important economic benefits for Canadian broadcasters. Economic prosperity for Canadian broadcasters took priority over Canadian identity in that prosperity was not compromised for identity. This can be inferred through the vagueness and ineffective policies passed in the aim of protecting Canadian culture. For example, Canadian content regulations were introduced in 1959 and revised again in 1978. "Canadian content" is broadly defined as programs of "general interest to Canadians". Since Canadians easily identify with Americans and their popular culture as well as the two countries being tied very closely on an economic standpoint, almost anything produced in the U.S. could be considered to be of general interest to Canadians. Changes to this were attempted in the late 1980s. Government intervention throughout the development of television in Canada affected the way it was developed domestically as it developed through laws and policies rather than a free market.

Broadcast television
While American television stations, including affiliates of ABC, NBC and CBS, near the Canada–US border were available for several years prior, and gained a sizeable audience in cities like Toronto, within range of U.S. signals, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) was the first entity to broadcast television programming within Canada, launching in September 1952 in both Montreal and Toronto. Private CBC affiliates began operating late in 1953 to supplement the Corporation's own stations; the first private CBC affiliate in Canada was CKSO-TV in Sudbury, Ontario in October of that year, with CFPL-TV in London, Ontario following a few weeks later. All television stations that signed on in Canada were required to be CBC affiliates, as the CBC was the only television network operating in Canada at the time.

In 1948, there were 325 television sets in Canada, but thousands more were sold in the years from 1948 to 1952, most of them tuned to stations from either the Buffalo, Seattle, Cleveland or Detroit television markets. When Canadian television began, the Radio-Television Manufacturers Association of Canada estimated that 85,000 sets were expected to be sold in 1952. 95% of these were concentrated in Ontario, with 57.4% in the Golden Horseshoe region (40.2% in Toronto and Hamilton, 17.2% in Niagara Peninsula) and 34.6% in the Windsor region near Detroit. Television viewership outside Ontario was limited to British Columbia's Lower Mainland with access to American programming from Seattle and some sets in Montreal. Television sales were promoted not only by the arrival of CBC Television, but by revised credit practices at that time, which allowed purchases without requiring an initial cash deposit.

Following a review by the Diefenbaker government in the late 1950s, a number of new, "second" stations were licensed in many major markets, many of which began operating before the end of 1960. CTV, the first private network, which grew out of the inevitable association of these new stations, began operating in October 1961. About the same time, CHCH-TV in Hamilton disaffiliated from the CBC and became the first station not affiliated with either network, not counting the initial launch period of most of the soon-to-be CTV stations.

Over the next 25 years or so, many more new stations were launched, primarily CBC stations in major markets replacing private affiliates (which subsequently joined with CTV or became independent) and new independent stations in the largest centres, such as CITY-TV in Toronto, CITV-TV in Edmonton, and CKND-TV in Winnipeg. During this time cable television also began to take hold, securing the fortunes of individuals such as Ted Rogers, who secured the licences for much of Toronto.

In 1966, CHCH in Hamilton formed the nucleus of the first serious attempt to form Canada's third terrestrial television network. The original plan was withdrawn for regulatory and financial reasons by 1969, but a scaled-down version resulted in the 1974 launch of CKGN-TV in Toronto, whose branding as Global Television Network would eventually extend nationwide. Through the 1970s and 1980s, nearly every major Canadian market saw the launch of independent third stations, most of which were either launched by or eventually acquired by Izzy Asper's Canwest, and which served as a de facto third network although they were not yet branded or formally structured as such; these stations, by and large, were eventually unified as the Global Television Network.

The 1980s and 1990s saw exponential growth in the multichannel universe, beginning with pay television services and later continuing with various waves of specialty services, usually launched in one fell swoop. The launch of direct-to-home satellite television services in the mid-1990s accelerated this growth.

The early- to mid-1990s in particular also saw further growth and consolidation of broadcast television. Baton Broadcasting, owner of Toronto CTV affiliate CFTO-TV and already seen as the network's dominant player, bought or replaced most of the network's other affiliates and ultimately acquired the network itself. In 1997, Asper's regional networks became united under the Global Television Network brand previously used only by his Ontario station.

Additional groups also sprouted up in the form of Western International Communications, CHUM Limited and Craig Media. In 2000, CanWest bought WIC, which had itself grown from the CTV affiliate-owner in British Columbia to include many of the stations of Allarcom and Maclean Hunter, in order to satisfy its long-held desire to enter Alberta, but also giving it a second network. CHUM secured two regional services in Ontario before expanding to British Columbia and merging with Craig, its equivalent in the Canadian Prairies.

The early 2000s, aside from the completion of the consolidation described above, brought an apparent convergence craze among the major media conglomerates. CanWest bought the Southam newspaper chain, including the leading broadsheet papers in several major cities, raising new concerns on media concentration. Telecom giant BCE, believing it needed control over content to fuel its new media strategy, formed Bell Globemedia, essentially CTV and its specialty services put together with a single, if influential, newspaper, The Globe and Mail. Canwest continues to pursue its strategy; in late 2005, BCE announced it would sell most of its interests in Globemedia to a consortium of investors including the Thomson family and Torstar, although it still retains a minority stake in the company.

In many respects, particularly since the consolidation phase of the late 1990s and early 2000s the television industry in Canada now more closely resembles the British or Australian models, in which the vast majority of stations are directly owned by their networks and offer only slight variance in local scheduling apart from local or regional newscasts, rather than the American network affiliate model that formerly predominated. In some cases, in fact, a single station serves an entire province (or even multiple provinces, in the case of the Maritimes) through a network of rebroadcasters rather than through multiple licensed stations. Some privately owned network affiliates do still exist, although these are now relatively rare and exist only in smaller television markets.

Recent developments
Bell Globemedia (soon after renamed CTVglobemedia and then Bell Media) announced plans to acquire CHUM Limited, in a deal that would place Canada's four largest private English-language broadcast services under just two owners (in CTVgm's case, CTV and Citytv). The enlarged CTVgm would also own interests in nearly 40 specialty channels and pay services. As part of the proposal, CTVgm would sell several of CHUM's less valuable properties, such as the smaller A-Channel system, to Rogers Communications, Canada's largest cable provider and already a major media company in its own right. On June 8, 2007, however, the CRTC approved the CHUM merger, conditional on CTV divesting itself of Citytv rather than A-Channel.

This sparked another round of media consolidation. In early 2007, Canwest, in partnership with Goldman Sachs, announced an agreement to buy Alliance Atlantis, another major specialty channel operator, and more deals are expected in the near future. Other major specialty operators include Corus Entertainment (owned by the Shaw family) and Channel Zero.

Consolidation has also continued between cable companies, and between specialty channel operators. There are now few of the small family-owned television groups that dominated the formative era of Canadian television, the most notable perhaps being the Stirling family, which owns NTV in St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador. The twinstick model of broadcasting, in which a single locally owned company operated both CTV and CBC affiliates in a community, is also now rare – within English Canada, only the cities of Thunder Bay and Lloydminster still receive television service from a twinstick operation, and of those two, only Thunder Bay's Thunder Bay Television is still locally owned.

In 2012, Bell Media attempted to acquire Astral Media in a takeover. This initial attempt was rejected by the CRTC as this would have resulted in Bell increasing its share of the Canadian broadcasting market to 42%. Bell filed a new application for the proposed takeover with the CRTC on March 6, 2013, two days after the Competition Bureau approved the acquisition; the Commission approved the merger on June 27, 2013, with Bell volunteering to sell certain cable television properties including Family Channel, Disney XD, MusiMax, MusiquePlus and Historia as well as Astral's interest in Teletoon, in an attempt to relieve concerns surrounding Bell's total market share in English-language television following the merger (most of the properties were sold to Corus Entertainment – which already owned Teletoon and its related children's specialty channels – although Remstar acquired MusiMax and MusiquePlus and DHX Media acquired Family Channel and its sister channels ).

Television programming
As outlined below, Canadian regulations ensure that the majority of programming aired by Canadian stations are of domestic origin. However, thanks to domestic newscasts and daytime programming, a very large percentage of the airtime in peak viewing hours (in most areas, 7:00 to 11:00 p.m.) can be devoted to programs of foreign origin, in large part due to the significant amount of programming available from the U.S., not to mention the availability of the major U.S. broadcast networks themselves via cable or satellite, or even as terrestrial signals in border markets.

A Canadian network is allowed to override the cable or satellite feed of an American broadcast signal when they air the same program simultaneously, ensuring that the Canadian broadcaster, not the American broadcaster, is able to benefit from the advertising revenue associated with broadcasting to the Canadian audience. Arguably this right has led to an even greater glut of American programming on Canadian stations, including programs of little relevance to Canadian audiences, or poorly received series that may never be seen outside North America. In addition, higher rated American shows cannot be seen if the Canadian network overriding the signal interrupts the program for a news bulletin, unless the cable company switches the signal back to the American station's feed.

Scheduling
Many Canadian broadcasters broadcast on a 24-hour schedule. Daily programming begins at about 6:00 a.m., usually with a local or national morning show. Daytime programming, including talk shows and soap operas, follows, although some Canadian stations may air "brokered-time" religious or charitable programming as well, which unlike traditional infomercials can count towards Canadian content requirements.

Most Canadian television stations are required to carry some news programming as per their licence. As opposed to the U.S. model, most stations, even in major markets like Toronto, carry a single newscast during the late-afternoon/early-evening period, specifically from 6:00 to 7:00 p.m. However, as in the U.S., "strip" programming fills the following hour, at least in the Eastern and Pacific time zones, and is followed by prime time programming. One or more newscasts follow, usually beginning at 11:00 p.m.; the main exception is The National, which airs at 10:00 p.m. on CBC. However, there is a growing trend of some television stations adopting a newscast schedule similar to the American television model, with locally produced newscasts in the mornings (usually lasting about 3 to 3½ hours and airing only on weekdays, though a few stations do carry weekend morning newscasts) and during the lunch hour, in addition to early and late-evening newscasts; most owned-and-operated stations of Global nationwide and most CTV O&Os located west of the Ontario/Manitoba border have adopted this scheduling format for their local news programming. In contrast, some stations carry a locally produced morning news programs even if they do not carry evening newscasts at all (such as City's owned-and-operated stations, all of which produce a weekday morning news/talk program using the title Breakfast Television; the television system's Toronto flagship CITY-DT is the only Citytv O&O, as well as one of only three stations affiliated with the network, to carry nightly locally produced evening newscasts).

To maximize simultaneous substitution opportunities, in the Eastern and Pacific Time Zones, prime time programming airs from 8:00 to 11:00 p.m., while in the Central Time Zone it generally airs from 7:00 to 10:00 p.m., in both cases mirroring the U.S. networks. However, viewers in the Mountain Time Zone – i.e. Alberta – have historically received U.S. network feeds from the Pacific Time Zone, not from the Mountain Time Zone. Similarly, those in Atlantic Canada receive U.S. feeds from the Eastern Time Zone. Local stations in those regions also use 8:00 to 11:00 p.m. (8:30 to 11:30 p.m. in Newfoundland and Southeast Labrador) as prime time, but with most programming advanced by an hour (thus programming seen from 8:00 to 10:00 p.m. in the Eastern and Pacific Time Zones is typically seen from 9:00 to 11:00 p.m. in the Atlantic and Mountain Time Zones (9:30 to 11:30 p.m. Newfoundland Time)), and 10:00 p.m. programming aired earlier in the evening at 8:00 p.m. (8:30 p.m. Newfoundland Time). Also, in the rare event a program scheduled to start before 10:00 p.m. in the Eastern and/or Pacific Time Zones runs into the 10:00 p.m. hour, Atlantic and Mountain Time Zone stations will typically delay their 11:00 p.m. news programming to 12:00 a.m. and air the entire program in unison with the time zone directly west (thus, a program scheduled to air from 9:00 to 11:00 p.m. in Eastern and Pacific Time Zones is typically aired from 10:00 p.m. to 12:00 a.m. in the Atlantic and Mountain Time Zones (10:30 p.m. to 12:30 a.m. Newfoundland Time), with syndicated programming airing in the 8:00 p.m. hour).

CBC Television airs all programming corresponding to the local time zone, except for a 30-minute delay in the Newfoundland Time Zone.

Overnight programming varies from broadcaster to broadcaster, and may consist of purchased programming or infomercials, or repeat airings of daytime programming.

Canadian content
three quarters of English-Canadian television shows on prime time were from the United States. While under Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission regulations at least 60% of program has to be Canadian-produced, and 50% during prime time, English-language private broadcasters such as CTV and Global have always had difficulty airing more than a bare minimum of Canadian-produced programming in primetime; in actual practice, network and local news accounts for a large proportion of the Canadian content on most stations, with each of the commercial networks rarely having more than one or two Canadian-produced drama or comedy series on their schedules at any given time. Among the English language broadcasters, only the public CBC Television airs a schedule that consists almost entirely of Canadian-produced programming, although even it will sometimes air selected programming from Britain, Australia or PBS (American Public Television) in the United States.

American television programs are much more profitable for English Canadian networks than domestic ones. A Canadian House of Commons Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage report found that networks lost $125,000 per hour of English-language Canadian drama, but made a profit of $275,000 per hour of American drama. Scripted television programming in Canada tends toward the shorter runs more typical of British television rather than the longer seasons that predominate in the United States. A typical Canadian drama or comedy series will produce between six and thirteen episodes in its first season, although an exceptionally popular series such as Corner Gas may produce up to 20 episodes in later seasons. A slight deviation from this model is with the long-running teen drama Degrassi: The Next Generation (the fourth iteration of the popular Degrassi franchise), which due to a switch to a more serialized format in 2011, began producing up to 40 episodes per season. Less expensive forms of programming, such as news and sketch comedy programs, will usually produce many more episodes each year, coming closer to the American model.

The French-language commercial networks air significantly more Canadian content than their English counterparts, and domestic programming is far more popular than imports. the top ten shows on television in Quebec were written and created by Quebecers. The Standing Committee report found that Canadian French networks made a profit of $40,000 per hour of French-language drama, compared to $10,000 per hour of American drama. The Quebec television industry produced two and one half times more TV series per capita than American networks.

Languages
While the majority of services operate in English, there are a growing number of similar services in the French language, serving primarily Quebec. Ici Radio-Canada Télé, the French-language equivalent of CBC Television, broadcasts terrestrially across Canada, while TVA, one of Quebec's two commercial French-language networks, is available across Canada on satellite and cable.

RDI, the French equivalent of CBC News Network, also has cross-Canada cable carriage rights, as does TV5 Québec Canada. Most other French-language networks are available only in Quebec, although some have optional cable carriage status in the rest of Canada. V, for instance, is carried on cable in New Brunswick and parts of Ontario and is available nationally by satellite.

The Ontario government's French public television network TFO is the only French-language broadcaster in Canada whose operations are located entirely outside of Quebec.

Other ethnic and multicultural services, serving one or more cultural groups outside of these two official languages, are also growing in strength. Six terrestrial TV stations, CFMT and CJMT in Toronto, CFHG in Montreal, CJEO in Edmonton, CJCO in Calgary and CHNM in Vancouver, air multicultural programming in a variety of languages, while Telelatino airs programming in Italian and Spanish on basic cable. Numerous third-language channels have been licensed as Category 2 services on digital cable.

The Aboriginal Peoples Television Network (APTN) airs programming targeted to the Indigenous peoples of Canada; 28 per cent of the network's content is broadcast in aboriginal languages.

Business and regulation of television
The Canadian broadcasting industry, including all programming services (over-the-air or otherwise) and all distributors, is regulated in regards to ownership and content by the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC), which in most cases issues licences for each such operation. The CRTC issues licences pursuant to Canadian laws and the Commission's own regulations and conditions of licence, which regulate such matters as Canadian content, domestic ownership and accessibility issues such as closed captioning.

Among other regulations, all Canadian broadcasters and distributors must be at least 80% owned and controlled by Canadian citizens; also, all conventional stations, and most established specialty services, are required to air a majority of Canadian content, both throughout its schedule and in its primetime schedule.

Industry Canada regulates the technical aspects of broadcast stations and certain aspects of other licensed undertakings.

Broadcast television
Unlike specialty services, conventional (or over-the-air) broadcast stations are permitted to air a wide variety of news, information, entertainment, sports and other programming without any restriction as to theme or content, and none restrict themselves in that regard. Religious television stations are an exception to the previous statement but must provide a variety of programs reflecting different points of view. CRTC regulations have so far prevented a large number of the infomercial- or religious-based stations now frequently found in major centres in the U.S. from operating in Canada; infomercials, even those made in Canada, are not considered Canadian content.

Nearly all broadcast stations have now been aligned, in one form or another, into national groups based on ownership and/or content. Many of these groups are designated as "networks", in the colloquial sense, below, although in the regulatory sense they may or may not be licensed networks. However, they are often treated very differently from U.S. networks. For instance, most networks provide a full slate of programming, often, but not always, buying the national rights to "syndicated" programs that air across affiliates of multiple American networks. In Canada, hence Dr. Phil and The Ellen DeGeneres Show only air on CTV stations, and Entertainment Tonight only on Global stations. However, for historical reasons, The Oprah Winfrey Show (until it ended its run in 2011) aired on a mixture of stations, albeit one dominated by CTV.

Also, it is not uncommon to find multiple affiliates of one network, and no affiliates of another network, available in the same market on basic cable, particularly in smaller markets. For instance, in Kingston, Ontario, two CBC affiliates are available, a local privately owned station and a CBC-owned station from Ottawa, while CTV Two is not available in that market. In many markets, including some major cities, there is only a handful of local stations, with other network services provided by an affiliate based hundreds of kilometres away. For instance, in Ottawa, only three English networks/systems – CBC, CTV and CTV Two – have stations based in the market; the "local" Global and Citytv stations are in fact rebroadcasters of Toronto-area stations. Such a scenario would be virtually unheard of in a major American market.

Despite a general CRTC policy that limits station ownership to one station per market per language per company, several exceptions have led to twinstick operations in several markets. In some cases, this allows multiple stations to serve a small market that could otherwise support only one station.

In larger markets, however, Canwest and CHUM had justified several instances of twinsticks, generally two stations based in separate but neighbouring regions. This was allowed on the basis that, in another owner's hands, stations like CHCH in Hamilton, Ontario and CHEK in Victoria, British Columbia (both Canwest stations that were sold off in 2009, CHCH to Channel Zero and CHEK to a consortium of the station's employees) would inevitably turn their focus to the larger Toronto and Vancouver markets respectively, leaving their cities of licence with little or no local news coverage. This led to the development of the respective E! and A (now CTV Two) systems. Nonetheless, the local news coverage these stations provide do not prevent them from airing programs with mass appeal during the rest of their schedules, frequently promoted on their sister stations.

All stations have call signs beginning in "CB", "CF", "CH", "CI", "CJ" or "CK", but few now use them. While Industry Canada nominally maintains a requirement for stations to identify themselves every hour on the hour, in practice this is rarely enforced. Meanwhile, the major networks have striven to minimize the costs associated with multiple brand names. Some newer call signs are rarely known outside the industry (such as CKXT or "Sun TV"), while the major networks have largely removed all traces of formerly well-known call signs on local stations or their websites. A notable if partial exception is CITY-DT in Toronto, which, along with several sister stations, use the Citytv brand name.

Networks, systems and groups
The publicly funded CBC operates two broadcast networks, CBC Television and Ici Radio-Canada Télé, respectively operating in English and French. Both are devoted primarily to domestic content, albeit with different programming: the French-language service, which does not have significant foreign competition, has been considered a major success in recent years, while many have found much to be desired on its English counterpart over the same time. The English network in particular has suffered immensely due to various cuts to, and restructurings of, the CBC's budget, beginning in the late 1980s, as well as greater competition with private broadcasters, both domestic and foreign, in English Canada. Both networks are available over-the-air in most of the country.

The first tier of national private networks include CTV, Global, Citytv and TVA. CTV, Citytv and Global are English networks, which generally split the most popular foreign programs between them, with significant local news programming in most areas but limited amounts of domestic content in primetime. Both CTV and Global are available over-the-air in most regions; Citytv is available in virtually all of Canada's major media markets, but has only partial coverage in other areas. Much like CTV and Global, Citytv originally focused on movies and niche-appeal programs in primetime, although it has gradually added more series of broader appeal, despite lacking a presence in Atlantic Canada. TVA, a French-language network available throughout Quebec over-the-air and elsewhere via cable and satellite, airs mostly programming made in Quebec, to great success in that province; see also Quebec television. CTV, Global, Citytv and TVA are respectively owned by Bell Canada through its Bell Media division, Corus Entertainment, Rogers Communications through its Rogers Media division and Quebecor Media.

The remaining networks or systems have a more limited reach or audience appeal. As the CRTC is much more conservative in licensing individual stations than the FCC, they do not reach all markets; in fact CTV Two consists almost entirely of former CBC affiliates that disaffiliated from CBC Television and quickly turned their focus towards larger nearby markets.

These networks include:
 * CTV Two, a secondary service owned by CTV.
 * Noovo, a French-language network owned by Bell Media; availability in Quebec is roughly equal to that of TVA but availability outside of Quebec is limited.
 * APTN, a non-profit Aboriginal service carried primarily via cable.
 * Omni Television, a system of five multicultural stations owned by Rogers Communications. These stations also air syndicated programming.
 * Joytv, a system of two religious stations owned by S-VOX, which were sold by Rogers and were formerly part of the Omni Television system.
 * Yes TV, a system of three religious-based stations owned by Crossroads Christian Communications.

Many smaller markets have stations that receive programming from more than one network. Most notably, CJON-DT (or "NTV") in St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador airs CTV's newscasts along with its own locally produced NTV Evening Newshour, but relies mainly on Global for entertainment programs.

Some markets have at least one provincial educational service available, namely TVOntario and TFO (Ontario), Télé-Québec and Canal SAVOIR (Quebec), Citytv Saskatchewan (Saskatchewan), Knowledge (British Columbia), and CTV Two Alberta (Alberta). Of these, all except CTV Two Alberta and Citytv Saskatchewan are owned by governmental or nonprofit agencies; CTV Two Alberta is owned by Bell Media and Citytv Saskatchewan by Rogers Communications, and both serve as educational broadcasters during the day while offering the programming of one of Canada's commercial television networks or systems in prime time.

Other major stations include CFHG-DT, a multicultural independent station in Montreal airing programs in various foreign languages; CJIL-TV (or "The Miracle Channel," in southern Alberta); and locally owned independent station CHEK-DT in Victoria, British Columbia.

A number of American stations, such as independent station KVOS-TV in Bellingham, Washington, and the Fox affiliates in Buffalo, New York (WUTV) and Burlington, Vermont (WFFF), have also aggressively courted Canadian advertisers and are perceived by many viewers and advertisers as effectively Canadian stations.

Multichannel television
Cable and satellite television services are available throughout Canada, delivering local and often regional stations, the major U.S. networks, and additional programming via specialty and other non-broadcast channels. The largest cable providers are Rogers Cable, Shaw Cable, Vidéotron, Telus and Cogeco, while the two licensed satellite providers are Bell Satellite TV and Shaw Direct.

Specialty channels, unlike cable networks in the U.S., must be licensed by the CRTC. They must be focused on a specific genre and cannot include general-interest services of akin to American services TNT or USA Network; as a result programs from these U.S. channels often end up on conventional stations, not cable. Specialty channels include such categories as sports (such as TSN and Sportsnet), news (such as CBC News Network and CTV News Channel), music (such as Much and CMT), arts (such as CTV Drama Channel), kids and family (such as Teletoon, YTV, and Treehouse), drama (such as Showcase), factual (such as History and Discovery), and lifestyle. Anglophone premium television services include The Movie Network (which serves areas east of the Ontario–Manitoba border), Movie Central (which serves areas west of that border), Super Channel (which is available nationally), and Super Écran (which serves French-speaking Canadiens).

Some U.S. channels are also available, although these are also subject to CRTC approval. Aside from the four main broadcast networks, they are generally prohibited if a similar Canadian channel has already launched at the time of the request for Canadian carriage. American cable networks have occasionally been removed outright if an equivalent Canadian channel is licensed, as in the case of CMT.

Internet television
Internet television in Canada includes streaming services from both local and international companies. Along with international services such as Netflix, Amazon Prime Video, Disney+ and others, majors local providers includes Crave, CBC Gem, ICI Tou.TV and Club illico.

Technology
In Canada, over-the-air television signals are primarily broadcast using the NTSC (analogue) and ATSC (digital) formats. The CRTC set August 31, 2011, as the deadline for full-power over-the-air television transmitters broadcasting in 28 mandatory markets to move to digital transmission; as a result, the ATSC digital standard has become the primary means of transmitting over-the-air broadcast signals in Canada.

Canada has not announced any further over-the-air digital conversion deadlines. Permits for new analogue television transmitters are no longer being granted.

In April 2017, it was announced by Industry Canada that all remaining analogue over-the-air television signals across Canada are scheduled to be shut down no later than 2022.

title: Television in Canada


text:
Negidals

Negidals (Negidal: элькан бэйэнин, elkan bayenin, "local people"; негидальцы, negidaltsy) are an Indigenous ethnic group in the Khabarovsk Krai in Russia, who live along the Amgun River and Amur River.

The ethnonym "Negidal" is a Russian rendering of the Ewenki term ngegida, which means "coastal people".

Distribution
Negidals are an indigenous ethnic group inhabiting the lower reaches of Amgun River (formerly also living in the Amur River region) in Priamurye, Russian Far East. Nowadays, the majority of Negidals live in Ulchskiy District and, to a lesser extent, in Imeni Poliny Osipenko District (mostly in Vladimirovka village) in Khabarovsk Krai; a number of Negidal families also live in Nikolayevsky, Nanaisky and other districts.Negidals have been a small indigenous community in the Russian Far East since the first population censuses, as demonstrated by the Negidal Population Table. A major drawback of most censuses is the insufficient coverage of the Negidal population, in particular, the Soviet censuses listied Evenks and Orochs as Negidals in certain cases: According to the 2002 census, there were 567 Negidals in Russia, 147 of whom still spoke the Negidal language. According to the 2010 census, there were 513 Negidals in Russia, 75 of whom still spoke the Negidal language.

After the fall of the USSR, according to the 2001 census, 52 Ukrainian citizens identified themselves as Negidals. Of these, 31 declared Negidal as their native language, 11 are Russian-speaking and for 9 the mother tongue is another language.

Language and subgroups
The Negidal language belongs to the Tungusic language family and is closely related to the Evenki language.

Negidal alphabet was introduced in 2009 but is scarcely, if ever, used. The majority of Negidals living in Russia speak the Russian language.

Negidal has two dialects – Upper Negidal (Verkhovskoj) and the now seemingly extinct Lower Negidal (Nizovskoj); the dialectal division corresponds with the subethnic division into Lower and Upper Negidals, the two subgroups having local cultural, traditional, and linguistic differences.

The Negidal language is considered an endangered language; a 2017 study failed to find any active speakers of the Lower dialect, with only a few elderly people actively speaking Upper Negidal in Vladimirovka.

Origin and history
Negidal people are considered to descend from Evenks that settled in the Amgun basin during the Iron Age. After branching off from the main Tungusic ethnic family and reaching the Okhotsk Coast, Negidals were geographically isolated.

The Amgun River served as a link connecting isolated Negidal settlements. Ancient Negidals who settled in this region relied primarily on fishing and kept their economic and cultural traditions. Although Negidals preserved traditional ties with the Evenks, they also began actively contacting autochthonous peoples such as Ulchs, Nanai and Nivkh, who consequently influenced Negidals' ethnogenesis, as well as their cultural and economic life, and to some extent, assimilated them.

From the middle of the second millennium until the nineteenth century, the Negidals, like other local groups, paid tribute to China and maintained trade relations with Manchu merchants.

Negidals first made contact with Russians in the early 17th century. As Russia expanded into the region, migrants from Russia and Ukraine began to actively settle in the Far East.

In the Soviet Union, Negidals had been affected by the collectivization. Particularly, in 1945, due to the merging of smaller kolkhozes, Negidals from Chukchagirskoye and Kamenka were resettled to Vladimirovka village.

Religion
Negidals are officially considered Orthodox Christians but preserved their own animistic beliefs and shamanism.

Traditional life and society
Traditionally, Negidals relied primarily on fishing and hunting. Upper Negidals also practiced reindeer herding (exclusively as a means of transport). Negidals fished in winter and summer and hunted marine mammals (primarily seals) using harpoons.

Both Upper and Lower Negidals employed dog sleds; and the Upper Negidals also rode reindeer sleds, occasionally sitting on the backs of reindeer. Boats and skis are two other traditional means of transportation. In the past, Negidals employed travois (called kelchi), usually for dragging large prey.

Negidals traditionally crafted clothing and footwear out of animal hides and fur and produced handmade household items (such as fur blankets or birch bark utensils). Negidal traditional garments consisted of clothing and footwear made out of fish and seal skin and dog hides. Traditional attire included robes (tetchennge, uykeli), leggings (heykii), different types of footwear (onta) and headwear (avun).

Negidal housing vary depending on the sub-ethnic group (Upper or Lower Negidals) and time of the year.

Traditionally, Upper Negidals lived in large movable chum tents, that were covered with reindeer hides in the winter. Lower Negidals, who were more settled, had winter lodgings—large carcass houses with a kang along one of the walls—while summer lodgings were small gable-roofed bark huts made from bark. Hunters built forest huts for temporary shelter.

Log cabins first began to be used by the Negidal people in the late 18th century. The flooring was made out of birch bark mats. A hut consisted of a hearth (later a stove borrowed from the Russians) and beds, covered with conifer branches and animal hides. These beds served as both tables and resting places. Tools and utensils were hung on the walls or placed in corners.

Negidals adapted farming from Russian settlers in the late 19th century; farming was actively introduced in Soviet kolkhozes, but after the fall of the Soviet Union, it remained mostly in the form of gardens.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Negidals


text:
Selkup people

The Selkup (селькупы) are a Samoyedic speaking Uralic ethnic group native to Siberia. They live in the northern parts of Tomsk Oblast, Krasnoyarsk Krai and Tyumen Oblast (with Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug). Selkups from 1850s until the 1930s exclusively in the scientific literature were called Ostyak-Samoyeds (остяко-самоеды, ostyako-samoyedy). This ethnonym has never been widely used.

History
Selkups speak the Selkup language, which belongs to the Samoyedic languages of the Uralic language family.

The Selkups originated in the middle basin of the Ob River, from interactions between the aboriginal Yeniseian population and Samoyedic peoples that came to the region from the Sayan Mountains during the early part of the first millennium CE. In the 13th century, the Selkups came under the sway of the Mongols. Around 1628, the Russians conquered the area and the Selkups were subjugated. The Selkups joined an uprising against Russian rule but were gunned down and defeated.

In the 17th century, some of the Selkups relocated up north to live along the Taz River and Turukhan River. They were engaged mainly in hunting, fishing, and reindeer breeding. The arrival of Russian settlers to the area in the 18th century led to the Russians hunting down the reindeers of the Selkups which made breeding reindeer much more difficult. During the same period, the Russians attempted to Russify and Christianize the Selkups. However, many retained some of their ancient religious beliefs and customs.

During the Soviet period, the Selkups were forced to adopt a settled lifestyle and their traditional culture witnessed a severe decline. The Selkups have been facing cultural extinction and assimilation from Russian culture. They also suffer from racial discrimination, unemployment and alcoholism.

According to a recent genetic study, subclade Q1a2a1-L54 was mainly found in Yeniseian (Ket) and Samoyedic (Enets and Selkup) speakers. Genetic evidence showed that Yeniseian and Samoyedic speakers had genetic affinities to northern Altaians with high frequencies of haplogroup Q-M242 (xL54), while southern Altaians had many L54 samples and showed similarities with Turkic-speaking populations (Dulik et al. 2012b; Battaglia et al. 2013; Flegontov et al. 2016). However, Yeniseian and Samoyedic samples in the latest study belonged to L54, which was different from the results of previous studies (xL54). In view of the time estimates the researchers postulated that Q1a2a1-L54 had migrated from the southern Altai region and was assimilated into Yeniseian and Samoyedic speaking populations during a recent historical period.

Population
According to the 2002 Census, there were 4,249 Selkups in Russia (4,300 in 1970).

There were 62 Selkups in Ukraine, only one of whom is a native speaker of the Selkup language (Ukrainian Census 2001).

The main Selkup settlements in Siberia are Krasnoselkup and Kargasok.

Culture
The Selkups traditionally engaged in hunting, fishing, and reindeer herding as subsistence. The Selkups also utilized dugout canoes to sail on rivers.

In 1911-1912 and 1914, the expeditions of the Finnish linguist and ethnographer Kai Reinhold Donner (1888-1935) were engaged in studying the language, folklore, everyday culture and the traditional way of life of the Selkups.

Another famous Selkupologist was Eugene Helimski.

title: Selkup people


text:
Whataburger Field

Whataburger Field is a minor league baseball stadium located in Corpus Christi, Texas, United States. It is home to the Corpus Christi Hooks, the Double-A affiliate of the Houston Astros. It also serves as a secondary home to the Texas A&M–Corpus Christi Islanders college baseball team in addition to their own on-campus Chapman Field.

History

The park, which opened in 2005, is located on what used to be old cotton warehouses on the city's waterfront. Naming rights were paid for by Whataburger, Inc., which was headquartered in Corpus Christi before relocating to San Antonio in 2009. The USS Lexington (CV-16) and the Texas State Aquarium are visible from inside the park. As of 2019, Whataburger Field features 5,679 fixed seats, 19 luxury suites and two outfield berm areas that are able to accommodate approximately 2,000 people.

Whataburger Field's first official game was played against the Midland RockHounds on April 17, 2005. An 11-year-old Corpus Christi native named Mark Travis was the first fan to enter the stadium.

On June 30, 2005, the stadium unveiled For the Love of the Game, an 18-foot (5.5 m) statue depicting a young ballplayer in a contemplative pose. The statue is believed to be the largest bronze statue of a baseball player.

A pair of 1920s-era cotton presses border the videoboard in left field. Under a set of broken windows on the lefthand building, a sign reads "Bam-Bam" to commemorate a batting practice blast by Hooks outfielder Hunter Pence in 2006 that smashed one of the windows. Pence earned the nickname Bam-Bam because of his antics and similarities to the baby of the same name on The Flintstones.

On June 26, 2007, Whataburger Field played host to the 2007 Texas League All-Star game.

The Southland Conference baseball tournament was played at Whataburger Field in 2009 and 2010. The conference tournament was scheduled to return to the facility in 2020, but was cancelled due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

On June 10, 2010, the Houston Dynamo played the first-ever soccer match at Whataburger Field before a capacity crowd of 6,111, beating the Laredo Heat 2–1. The Dynamo played in-state rival FC Dallas in a pre-season friendly on February 12, 2011 — becoming the second soccer match ever played at the stadium.

Prior to the 2019 season, the Hooks and Whataburger renewed their naming rights agreement for a period of 15 years and announced a slew of changes. The roof of was painted with distinctive orange and white stripes, paying homage to the iconic pattern found at Whataburger restaurants and the private drive bordering the west side of the stadium was renamed Whataburger Way. As part of a ticket package, Whataburger 4Topps were added to the top of section 120, providing fans with the opportunity to dine at Whataburger-branded tables with adjoining 360-degree swivel chairs and Whataburger wait service.

During a pregame ceremony on September 1, 2019, the Hooks announced plans to name the stadium entrance Ken Schrom Plaza, honoring their retiring longtime front office executive and president who was notorious for greeting fans at that very plaza before and after games.

Whataburger Field and the Hooks hosted the Astros' Alternate Training Site (ATS) during the shortened 2020 Major League Baseball season and the beginning of the 2021 MLB season. From April 12-14, 2021, it hosted a three-game exhibition series between the Astros' ATS and the Texas Rangers' ATS with entry limited to season ticket holders, marking the first professional baseball games at the stadium with fans since 2019.

Spanning from right to center field and beyond, Whataburger Field offers fans views of Corpus Christi Harbor Bridge, which displays changing LED lights at night. A public lighting ceremony was held at the stadium on December 4, 2011. A new Harbor Bridge Project was underway as of 2017, expected to be completed by 2023, which will alter the bridge trajectory to beyond left field rather than right.

Amenities

 * Mike Shaw Automotive Line Drive Loft
 * Bud Light Bullpen and Kieshnick’s Korner
 * Physician’s Premier Power Deck
 * Conviva 4Topp Tables
 * Whataburger 4Topp Tables
 * Yuengling Flight Zone
 * gtek360 Terrace
 * Goodwill Zone
 * Kids Zone
 * Sport Court basketball playing surface
 * Daktronics 21 ft tall x 48 ft wide videoboard, unveiled in 2014
 * Pool & Spa
 * CITGO Cotton Club – an air-conditioned entertainment area redesigned prior to the 2019 season. The club area provides sweeping views of the field, Harbor Bridge and the downtown Corpus Christi skyline.

Food

 * A Whataburger restaurant
 * Nolan Ryan's Seven-34 Smoke House
 * Tenders, Love, & Chicken
 * Valero Champions Club bar with food service
 * Live Oak Bar
 * Dippin' Dots

title: Whataburger Field


text:
Rich's (department store)

Rich's was a department store retail chain, headquartered in Atlanta, Georgia, which operated in the southern U.S. from 1867 until March 6, 2005 when the nameplate was eliminated and replaced by Macy's. Many of the former Rich's stores today form the core of Macy's Central, an Atlanta-based division of Macy's, Inc., which formerly operated as Federated Department Stores, Inc.

Beginnings

The retailer began in Atlanta as M. Rich & Co., a dry goods store, on 28 May 1867, at 36 Whitehall Street. The sole proprietor was Mauritius Reich (Anglicized to Morris Rich), a Hungarian Jewish immigrant. It was renamed M. Rich & Bro. in 1877, when Morris and brother Emanuel formed a partnership. In 1884 when the third brother Daniel was admitted into the partnership, the name became M. Rich & Bros. With business success came a need for expansion, and the store was moved to ever larger locations: in July 1875 to 35 Whitehall; in September 1875 to 43 Whitehall; in October 1875 to 65 Whitehall, at the corner of Hunter (now M.L. King Blvd.); and in September 1882 to 54-56 Whitehall.

By 1877, Rich's was considered one of the "Big Five" stores in town, in the league of Chamberlain, Boyton, & Co.; Ryan's; Keeley's; and Dougherty's; and later, of the J.M. High Company.

In 1901 Rich's became a true department store when they divided like merchandise into separated sections. The company was incorporated as M. Rich & Bros. Co. In 1906, the adjacent M. Kutz & Co. building at 52 Whitehall was acquired. Both it and 54-56 Whitehall were torn down. Rich's closed its furniture annex and moved its dry goods to that building, until a new building could be built on the site of 52-54-56 Whitehall. In April 1907 the new 'emporium' opened for business. That building is still standing, known as the M. Rich and Brothers and Company Building at its current address of 82 Peachtree St. SE.

In 1924 Rich's moved into its last flagship store at 45 Broad St. SE, between Alabama and Hunter streets, which it would occupy until closing in 1991. That building, now a part of the Sam Nunn Atlanta Federal Center complex, was added to eight times during its department store life. It is an example of Palazzo style architecture, a favorite theme associated with department stores constructed in the early twentieth century. The 1946/1948 Store for Homes addition, to the southeast of the 1924 building across Forsyth Street, was one of Atlanta's earliest examples of International Style architecture.

In 1929, the company was reorganized and the retail portion of the business became simply Rich's, while a new, separate venture named M. Rich & Bros. Co. would operate as a real estate company.

Daniel's son Walter Rich succeeded his uncle Morris as Rich's president from 1926 to 1947. The grandson of Morris Rich, Richard H. Rich, took over the store in 1949. Under the leadership of Richard Rich, affectionately known as Dick Rich, Rich's began expansion in the 1950s. Rich's moved outside the Atlanta area for its first new store in 1955 when a store in Knoxville Tennessee was opened. Rich's opened its first suburban store at Lenox Square in 1959, Georgia's first shopping mall. The open-air mall shared space with the other major Atlanta department store, Davison's. That same year Rich's also opened a store at Belvedere Plaza Shopping Center, a large two-level strip mall in Belvedere Park near Decatur. Rich's sold off its Knoxville store to Miller's when profits fell off, and refocused on its Georgia stores.

Holiday traditions
Two holiday traditions associated with Rich's were the Great Tree and the Pink Pig Flyer. Starting in 1948, the Great Tree, conceptualized by executive Frank Pallotta, was a massive pine, set on top of the multi-level glass "Crystal Bridge" connecting the main downtown Atlanta store which housed the "Store for Fashion" with the "Store For Homes" across Forsyth Street. After the closure of the downtown store in 1991, the Great Tree, and the annual Thanksgiving evening tree-lighting festivities, moved to nearby Underground Atlanta. After several years of poor attendance, the Tree was moved to the top of the Men's Store at the Lenox Square location. This placed the tree on the corner of the mall closest to the prominent intersection of Peachtree and Lenox Roads. The tree lighting ceremony traditionally featured country and pop music performers from Georgia, such as Kenny Rogers, several choirs from local churches, and a rendition of "O Holy Night" with the tree being lit by a child during the high note of the line "O night divine."

The Pink Pig (installed in 1956, and known originally as The Snowball Express) was a child-scaled monorail which was suspended from the ceiling of a portion of the Plaza level of the Store for Homes. Riders had a bird's-eye view of the toy department below. In 1965, it was moved to the roof of the store where a second monorail was added and the duo became known as the Pink Pig Flyers (receiving the names of Priscilla and Percival in the 1970s). The front car of the trains had pig faces and the last cars had curly tails. For many years after the closure of the downtown store, the Pink Pigs were set up at the Festival of Trees at the Georgia World Congress Center. Macy's Lenox Square continued the holiday tradition using a redesigned child-sized train (rather than a monorail) set up on the top level of the Lenox Road Parking Deck. The train ride took riders through a storybook tale of Priscilla Pig. The Pink Pig Flyer did not operate during the 2020 season due to the COVID-19 Pandemic. In September 2021 Macy's announced it would be retiring the Pink Pig Flyer. The original Pink Pig Flyers monorail cars are at the Atlanta History Center where they are occasionally displayed.

Note: Some sources incorrectly present the origination of the monorail ride as having been in 1953. When researching for his book, "Rich's: A Southern Institution", author Jeff Clemmons verified the premier date was in 1956.

Dear Store
In 1967, Atlanta Constitution columnist Celestine Sibley wrote Dear Store: An Affectionate Portrait of Rich's. In it, she mentioned notable acts by Rich's staff and management, including the cashing of scrip payments made by the City of Atlanta to its schoolteachers during a financial crisis, accepting returns of worn nylons during World War II shortages, and the efforts of their personal shopper service, "Penelope Penn," to find the perfect gift for thousands of customers who wrote to them. The title of the book comes from a letter in which a child offers to trade his younger sister for a toy that he wants.

The book also relates the story of Coretta Scott King shopping at Rich's for a coat to wear in Norway at the ceremony for husband Martin Luther King Jr.'s Nobel Peace Prize. The salesperson advised Mrs. King not to buy a fur, because it would compare unfavorably to the extravagant furs worn by the Scandinavian attendees, instead selecting a conservative cloth coat for the occasion.

Expansion
Rich's most aggressive expansion was during the 1960s and 1970s. Four more stores opened in the Atlanta area in the 1960s, two of those enormous three-story full-line stores. While this expansion resulted in continued success of the chain, it chipped away at the business of the downtown store. By this time, Rich's was the leading regional department store in the country, though it remained largely unknown by the general public outside of Georgia. This would soon change, however.

Throughout the 1970s, four more Rich's locations opened in Georgia including one in Augusta, the first in the state outside of Atlanta. Rich's also began an aggressive expansion with stores in Alabama and South Carolina. Also, there were plans much later in the early 1990s to expand Rich's into Charlotte, but these were scrapped. Of all the stores out of state, stores opened in Greenville, Columbia and Birmingham (with two, adding a third in 1986) created stiffer competition in those cities against regional chains Pizitz, Loveman's and Parisian.

Federated
The sale to Federated in 1976 ended over 100 years of ownership by the Rich family. Aside from the Great Tree, most of the traditions of Rich's and the departments (including the bakery) were stripped away by the early 1990s. Loyalty to the chain, however, remained very strong even after the downtown flagship store was closed in 1991.

In 1994, the parent company of Rich's bought out Macy's, which was historically Atlanta's rival chain under the Davison's banner. The following year, Rich's was merged with Lazarus in the midwest and Goldsmith's in Memphis. Through the merged division, the chain grew in a corporate sense as it was operated out of Atlanta, but the Lazarus and Goldsmith's stores continued to operate under their regional names. The merger with Goldsmith's occurred in 1988 and Lazarus in 1995. Lazarus was one of Federated's founding store chains.

Closures of Davison's/Macy's stores
When Rich's and Macy's both were owned by the same company, this resulted in the overlapping of the two chains all selling the same products. Initially, both stores remained open with Macy's losing its higher-end merchandise and becoming distinctly downmarket when compared with Rich's. The decision was made in 2003 to close all of the former Davison's/Macy's stores in Atlanta (no new Macy's stores had been built in Atlanta since Town Center at Cobb in 1986) and co-brand Rich's as Rich's-Macy's. The only original Macy's/Davison's store to remain open is Northlake Mall - originally the downtown Atlanta store was to remain open, but a sudden change of direction by Macy's corporate closed the last major retailer in downtown Atlanta. The cobranded name change was intended to slowly phase out the chain instead of a sudden change so as to reduce the backlash over the elimination of an Atlanta institution that was one of the institutions that defined the city, similar to Marshall Field's in Chicago. As Macy's was a well-known part of the Atlanta retail landscape since its purchase of Davison's in the 1920s, loyal Rich's customers who defected to other stores were replaced by longtime Macy's/Davison's customers.

The same year that Rich's and Macy's merged, the downtown Macy's (Davison's flagship store) was closed. Also in the merger, the Lenox Square Macy's and Perimeter Mall Macy's (both former Davison's) reopened as Bloomingdale's. The Perimeter Mall Macy's closed in March 2012, reopening as a branch of the Von Maur chain. The Greenbriar Mall Macy's closed in April 2021. The Cumberland Mall, Lenox Square, Northlake Mall, and Town Center Macy's remain open as of 2022. When the Cobb Center Mall store closed in 2004, the furniture clearance center was relocated to Town Center.

In 1995, the downtown Atlanta Rich's 1924 store became part of the Sam Nunn Atlanta Federal Center. It is known as "The 1924 Building". The Store For Homes, the "Crystal Bridge," and a concrete parking deck with a locally-famous spiral down ramp were razed, and replaced by a high-rise, a small building containing a McDonald's and other retail space, and a more substantial connector between the high-rise and the original 1924 Rich's building. The top floor of the 1924 building, a later addition of concrete and glass block not in the style of the original, was removed. An addition in the style of the original was built on the corner of Forsyth and Old Alabama Streets, which had been a park and previously the location of the offices of The Atlanta Journal before its merger with The Atlanta Constitution.

Name changes
After 138 years, Rich's (later as Rich's-Macy's) brand disappeared on March 6, 2005. Other historical retail nameplates "Goldsmith-Macy's" and "Lazarus-Macy's" were eliminated, with the stores rebranded as Macy's. Atlanta-area stores are in the Macy's Southeast Region with Atlanta East & Atlanta West Districts. A signature event of the store, Rich's Great Tree, continued as an annual Thanksgiving event in Atlanta at the Lenox location as Macy's Great Tree until 2022. Some buildings which once housed Rich's stores continue to operate under the Macy's banner. Some former Rich's buildings are no longer in use, as the malls which housed them have been shuttered. The Richway discount store chain, founded in 1968, was sold, and in 1988 became a part of Target Stores.

The Rich Family
Morris, Emanuel, and Daniel Rich are buried at Oakland Cemetery in east Atlanta. Walter Rich and Dick Rich are buried at Westview Cemetery in southwest Atlanta. Many of the Rich family descendants reside in the Atlanta area.

Rich's Flagship Store 1924–1991
The original building opened on March 24, 1924 was added onto eight times. The complex would eventually encompass two full city blocks bounded by Broad, Alabama, Spring, and Hunter (now Martin Luther King, Jr. Dr.), eventually reaching 12500000 sqft of total floor area by 1966 before reducing selling space to as little as 300000 sqft in the mid-1980s. The Main Store's architectural style reflects the appearance of an Italian palazzo, a favorite theme associated with department stores built in the early twentieth century.

title: Rich's (department store)


text:
Turtle Mountain Provincial Park

Turtle Mountain Provincial Park is a provincial park located in the southwestern portion of the Canadian province of Manitoba. Within it are the Adam Lake and Max Lake campgrounds. The park is known for its bike trails, fishing, back country cabins and canoe routes. The park is very popular with families and outdoor enthusiasts.

The park is named after the numerous painted turtles found in the area. The turtles can be seen throughout the warmer months sun bathing near permanent ponds or lakes in the park. In late spring and early summer the females can be seen laying eggs in sandy soil throughout the park. The turtles live in the shallow lakes in the park.

Turtle Mountain Provincial Park was designated a provincial park by the Government of Manitoba in 1961. The park is 186 km2 in size. The park is considered to be a Class II protected area under the IUCN protected area management categories.

It is adjacent to the international border between Canada and the United States. Its southeast corner is adjacent to the International Peace Garden which is located in both Manitoba and the U.S. state of North Dakota. To the east is the William Lake Provincial Park, home to the William Lake Campground, and the Prairie Farm Rehabilitation Administration. To the north is the town of Boissevain, with the city of Brandon farther north. Most of the park is situated in the southwesternmost section of the Municipality of Boissevain – Morton, while the rest of it lies in the southeast corner of the Municipality of Deloraine – Winchester.

The park is nearly coterminous with the slightly larger Turtle Mountain Provincial Forest. The only difference is a small section of the forest lying east of Manitoba Highway 10 at the southeast corner of the forest (near the International Peace Garden), which is outside the park's territory.

Early history
Following the last ice age, Turtle Mountain Provincial Park became the first inhabited location in Manitoba. It is also the biggest remaining natural deciduous forest in southwestern Manitoba. Once coniferous forests grew and animals were attracted to the area, nomadic hunters soon followed. Stone tools have been found, confirming their presence. Based on the exhumed artifacts, archaeologists have concluded these people were hunter gatherers, not farmers.

Turtle Mountain can be found on the Palliser map of 1865.

In 1875 George Mercer Dawson became the first geologist to travel through Turtle Mountain Provincial Park. Dawson noted the glacial deposits throughout the park.

Indigenous peoples
Métis from the Red River Colony travelled to Turtle Mountain Provincial Park for annual hunting trips between 1810 and 1870. After the buffalo hunt ended many Métis built homesteads within the park. The location was known by the Métis as Tête de Tortue, seeing a resemblance to the buckler of a turtle, its head being represented by the conical mound standing out from one end (CPCGN files). Two notable cultural sites are the Dunseith Trail and Oskar Lake archeological site. The Dunseith Trail was the first trail across Turtle Mountain, and the archeological site was used by Cree hunters over 400 years ago.

Use and activities
Formerly, the park was predominantly used for agricultural purposes due to the presence of hardwoods. The area is no longer dependent on Turtle Mountain for timber, so it is now mainly used for recreation and ranching. There is a trail system used for biking, hiking, and horseback riding. There are also various beaches, playgrounds, and picnic areas for recreational use. The eutrophication of many of the water bodies can make it difficult for recreation in the summer. The most common type of farming is grain farming.

Geography

Turtle Mountain Provincial Park is situated on the Turtle Mountain (plateau), one of a number of significant geographic features located along the Manitoba Escarpment, the Canadian portion of the Pembina Escarpment. It is located in the Southwest Manitoba Uplands Ecoregion, within the Canadian Prairies. The park is situated at an elevation of 245 metres. This region is covered by glacial till and fluvioglacial deposits, which remain from the pleistocene ice age. A study of dinoflagellates confirmed the paleocene age of the Turtle Mountain formation. Once deglaciation finished 14,000 years ago the irregular melting pattern left the area covered in hummocky terrain. The soils are mainly grey and black chernozems. There are grey luvisols at higher elevations. The bedrock in the park is composed of sandstone, shale, lignite coal. There are over 200 lakes and wetlands in this region. Many of the shorelines are covered in thick vegetation due to the littoral zone cattails. This park is home to the largest oak trees in Manitoba, which are the lone survivors of a fire that occurred in the early 20th century. Many of the water bodies are less than 15 feet deep, which often results in a winter decline in fish populations due to lack of oxygen.

Flora and fauna
Turtle Mountain Provincial Park is located within the temperate deciduous forest, and is predominantly covered by Populus tremuloides (trembling aspen). Other vegetation species include balsam poplar and bur oak. Turtle mountain is home to many wildlife species such as moose, white-tailed deer, beaver, raccoons, and various types of birds. The lakes contain various fish species such as rainbow and brown trout.

title: Turtle Mountain Provincial Park


text:
Teleuts

Teleuts (тэлэңэт, тэлэңут) are a Turkic Indigenous people of Siberia living in Kemerovo Oblast, Russia. According to the 2010 census, there were 2,643 Teleuts in Russia. They speak the Teleut language/dialect of Southern Altai language.

In the Soviet years and until 2000, the authorities considered the Teleuts to be part of the Altai people. Currently, according to the Resolution of the Government of the Russian Federation No. 255 dated March 24, 2000, as well as 2002 and 2010 Russian Census, they are recognized as a separate ethnic group within Indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East.

History
The Teleuts were once part of the Tiele people. They came under the rule of the First Turkic Khaganate. Near the end of the 16th century, the Teleuts wandered the steppe between the Irtysh and the Ob' rivers. They became nominal subjects to the Oirats at this period. Their population at this time numbered 4,000 tents.

The Russians gained control of the region in the mid-eighteenth century and the Teleuts subsequently became their subjects. The Russians called the Teleuts "White Kalmyks" in their documents despite the ethnic and linguistic differences between the Kalmyks and Teleuts.

The Teleuts consider themselves to be a distinct people and many do not accept being labeled as Altaian. The majority of the Teleuts live along the Great and Little Bachat Rivers in Kemerovo Oblast. However, a few Teleuts also live in the Altai Republic.

Culture
Most Teleuts used to be nomadic or semi-nomadic livestock herders and horses, goats, cattle, and sheep were the most common types of animals they raised. Some Teleuts were hunters and relied on animals living in the taiga for subsistence.

Traditional Teleut dwellings included conic yurts made out of bark or perches.

Common Teleut dress was composed of linen shirts, short breeches, and single-breasted robes.

Religion
Most Teleuts are Orthodox Christians. However, there is a minority that practice shamanism. Burkhanism was once widely practiced by the Teleuts but was effectively eliminated during the Soviet era. Contemporary revivals of the religion among other Altaian groups have not affected the Teleuts. A group of Teleuts at least nominally converted to Islam as early as the 17th century. A minority of Teleuts moved up to the north of Kemerovo Oblast and interacted with local Tatars and became Sunni Muslims. Today they number around 500 and have mostly assimilated while keeping their Teleut roots, into the local Tatars and are known as the Kalmaks also adopting a local dialect of the Tatar language. However some sources consider the language of the Kalmaks to be a separate variety of Tatar, or even a dialect of the Teleut language, as it differs greatly from other Siberian Tatar varieties.

title: Teleuts


text:
Oroks

Oroks (Ороки in Russian; self-designation: Ulta, Ulcha), sometimes called Uilta, are a people in the Sakhalin Oblast (mainly the eastern part of the island) in Russia. The Orok language belongs to the Southern group of the Tungusic language family. According to the 2002 Russian census, there were 346 Oroks living in Northern Sakhalin by the Okhotsk Sea and Southern Sakhalin in the district by the city of Poronaysk. According to the 2010 census there were 295 Oroks in Russia.

Etymology
The name Orok is believed to derive from the exonym Oro given by a Tungusic group meaning "a domestic reindeer". The Orok self-designation endonym is Ul'ta, probably from the root Ula (meaning "domestic reindeer" in Orok). Another self-designation is Nani. Occasionally, the Oroks, as well as the Orochs and Udege, are erroneously called Orochons. The Uilta Association in Japan claims that the term Orok has a derogatory connotation.

Population and settlement
The total number of Oroks in Russia, according to the 2002 Russian Census, is 346 people. They live mostly in Sakhalin Oblast. Most of the Oroks are concentrated in three settlements – Poronaysk, Nogliki and the village of Val, Nogliksky District. A total of 144 Oroks live in Val. Other places in which the Orok people live include: the villages of Gastello and Vakhrushev in Poronaysky District; the village of Viakhtu in Alexandrovsk-Sakhalinsky District; the village of Smirnykh, Smirnykhovsky District; Okhinsky District; and Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, the administrative center of Sakhalin Oblast.

Furthermore, Orok people live on the island of Hokkaido, Japan – in 1989, there was a community of about 20 people near the city of Abashiri. Their number is currently unknown.

History
Orok oral tradition indicates that the Oroks share history with the Ulch people, and that they migrated to Sakhalin from the area of the Amgun River in mainland Russia. Research indicates that this migration probably took place in the 17th century at the latest.

The Russian Empire gained complete control over Orok lands after the 1858 Treaty of Aigun and 1860 Convention of Peking. A penal colony was established on Sakhalin between 1857 and 1906, bringing large numbers of Russian criminals and political exiles, including Lev Sternberg, an important early ethnographer on Oroks and the island's other indigenous people, the Nivkhs and Ainu. Before Soviet collectivization in the 1920s, the Orok were divided into five groups, each with their own migratory zone. However, following the Bolshevik Revolution in 1922, the new government of the Soviet Union altered prior imperial policies towards the Oroks to bring them into line with communist ideology. In 1932, the northern Oroks joined the collective farm of Val, which was specialised in reindeer breeding, together with smaller numbers of Nivkhs, Evenks and Russians.

Following the Russo-Japanese War, southern Sakhalin came under the control of the Empire of Japan, which administered it as Karafuto Prefecture. The Uilta, or Oroks, were classified as "Karafuto natives" (樺太土人), and were not entered into Japanese-style family registers, in contrast to the Ainu, who had "mainland Japan" family registers. Like the Karafuto Koreans and the Nivkh, but unlike the Ainu, the Uilta were thus not included in the evacuation of Japanese nationals after the Soviet invasion in 1945. Some Nivkhs and Uilta who served in the Imperial Japanese Army were held in Soviet work camps; after court cases in the late 1950s and 1960s, they were recognised as Japanese nationals and thus permitted to migrate to Japan. Most settled around Abashiri, Hokkaidō. The Uilta Kyokai of Japan was founded to fight for Uilta rights and the preservation of Uilta traditions in 1975 by Dahinien Gendanu.

Language and culture
The Orok language belongs to the Southern group of the Tungusic language family. At present, 64 people of the Sakhalin Oroks speak the Orok language, and all Oroks also speak Russian. An alphabetic script, based on Cyrillic, was introduced in 2007. A primer has been published, and the language is taught in one school on Sakhalin.

The Oroks share cultural and linguistic links with other Tungusic peoples, but before the arrival of Russians, they differed economically from similar peoples due to their herding of reindeer. Reindeer provided the Oroks, particularly in northern Sakhalin, with food, clothing, and transportation. The Oroks also practiced fishing and hunting. The arrival of Russians has had a major effect on Orok culture, and most Oroks today live sedentary lifestyles. Some northern Oroks still practice semi-nomadic herding alongside vegetable farming and cattle ranching; in the south, the leading occupations are fishing and industrial labor.

Rites of passage
The Orok boys, when it came of time, would usually participate in a Sturgeon Hunt, usually hunting for the Beluga or Kaluga Sturgeon variants. This involved a lone Orok going out, with only a small supply of food (usually enough to last him a week) and armed with a special type of spear. Once the sturgeon was killed, the hunter would take one of the predator's teeth and carve a mark in his forehead or arm, which indicated that the hunt was successful. Due to the fish's size, strength and fierceness, failure to successfully kill the Sturgeon usually resulted in the hunter's death.

title: Oroks


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Roballoo

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. — Xezbeth 08:04, Jun 17, 2005 (UTC)

Roballoo
Vanity, non-notable. 317 google hits.--InShaneee 02:48, 7 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete vanity. JamesBurns 07:28, 7 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete nn vanity. --Etacar11 00:28, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages.  Please do not edit this page .


text:
List of NWA World Tag Team Champions

The NWA World Tag Team Championship is a professional wrestling world tag team championship promoted by the National Wrestling Alliance (NWA). Until 2017, the championship was contested in the various NWA affiliates. The NWA did not officially recognize any tag team champions until 1992; prior to 1992, the various NWA affiliates were permitted to promote had their own versions of the world tag team championship.

Combined reigns
As of July 29, 2024.

 * Key

title: List of NWA World Tag Team Champions


text:
Udege people

Udege (Удэгейцы; удиэ or удиһе, or Udihe, Udekhe, and Udeghe correspondingly) are a native people of the Primorsky Krai and Khabarovsk Krai regions in Russia. They live along the tributaries of the Ussuri, Amur, Khungari, and Anyuy Rivers. The Udege speak the Udege language, which belongs to the Tungusic language family. Their religious beliefs include animism, animal worship, and shamanism. The Udege are mainly engaged in hunting, fishing, and ginseng harvesting. According to the 2002 census, there were 1,657 Udege in Russia, a slight increase from 1,500 in 1970. This was down to 1,496 Udege in Russia in the 2010 census. They are one of the closest ethnic groups to the Manchu and Nanai, and are possibly of Xi Yeren Jurchen origin.

The largest settlements of Udege are in:
 * Khabarovsk krai: Gvasiugi (Imeni Lazo District) and Arsenievo (Nanaysky District)
 * Primorsky krai: Agzu (Terneysky District), Krasny Yar and Olon (Pozharsky District)

Since the advent of Perestroika, the Udege, led by Pavel Sulyandziga, have been actively involved in the struggle for control over their traditional territories along the Bikin River. A central objective has been the establishment of a Territory of Traditional Natural Resource Use of federal status, which was proposed in cooperation with the national umbrella organisation RAIPON and the Russian Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography but failed to be approved by the authorities.

According to the 2001 Ukrainian census, out of 40 Udeges living in Ukraine, only 8 declared Udege as their native language. Most of the Udeges in Ukraine indicated Russian (19) or Ukrainian (6) as their native language. 7 of them named another language.

Ethnonyms
Until the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century Russian and Western researchers did not separate Udege and Oroch, considering them one people (often called Orochoni). The first who substantiated their ethnic isolation was S. N. Brajilovsky. He was also the first to introduce the ethnonym Udihe, Udiheitsi (удээ, удэхэ, удихэ), which became an official, in particular autoethnonym already in the thirties of the 20th century. Until that time, the Udege did not have a common self-name. Each territorial group had its own self-name: Hungarian – Hungake, Bikinska – Bikinka, Anyuyska – Uninka, and so on.

Also known is the eхonym Udege Kekari (кекари) — so called udege neighboring peoples, mainly Orochi and Manchzhur, and this term is sometimes found in Western and Russian literature.

They were called Qiakala (恰喀拉) by the Qing dynasty.

title: Udege people