text:
User talk:Spaully/Archive 1

Acropora rodriguensis
Hello, I cannot find any reference to Acropora rodriguensis on the Internet. Yet, you mentionned it as an endemic species of Rodrigues in this article. Are you sure it is an official scientific name ? Thierry Caro 16:36, 7 December 2005 (UTC)
 * Hi, I've replied on the talk page. The short answer is that the species does exist, and has currently only been found in Rodrigues, but may not be an officially recognised species currently. |--Spaully 01:41, 8 December 2005 (UTC)

OK. Thanks. Thierry Caro 17:36, 14 December 2005 (UTC)

Computer problem
Spaully, a weird thing has happened to my computer. After you made an edit to Talk:Pro-Test, I came to your user page to check out who you were. I was interested in the grey-squares optical illusion and clicked on it, then from there visited three other webpages that were linked to. These are the pages I visited  , though it might be best not to click on the links. I wasn't aware of anything downloading onto my computer, but since visiting one of these pages, a voice is reading out everything I do, every page I visit, every icon I click on, even though text-to-speech is turned off in my systems preferences. There's also a black square that surrounds any icon I click on, and a few other minor changes. I use a Mac, so this is very unusual, because we're usually not affected by viruses, and I can't find anything online that matches what I'm experiencing. I've rebooted, deleted preferences, deleted anything created today, and so on, but I can't get rid of the voice; it's even spelling things out for me. :-) Has anyone else mentioned computer problems to you after visiting that optical illusion page or any of the pages you link to, or they link to? SlimVirgin (talk) 18:30, 25 February 2006 (UTC)

 * Slim, sorry to hear that about the link. I've not had any other communication about that, and never heard of such a problem!  I haven't followed the links from the WP Image page in the past, but that doesn't sounds good.  I'm afraid I can't help on the computer front, as I don't know much about Macs, or viruses for that matter.  I will remove the image from my user page though, at least until I find out what's going on.

 * Is there something we should do to flag this on WP? Spaully 18:38, 25 February 2006 (UTC)

Thanks for your quick reply, Spaully. I'd say it's too early to flag it, because I don't know which page it came from. I'm about to go onto the Mac help discussion boards and see if I can find anything that sounds like this problem. The voice is a particularly grating one, and when it's not spelling words out to me, or saying "Watchlist. Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia," it just repeats "Firefox has new window" over and over. :-) I'll let you know what I find out. Cheers, SlimVirgin (talk) 18:45, 25 February 2006 (UTC)

 * That could really get annoying :). I'd be grateful to know what's going on. Spaully 18:51, 25 February 2006 (UTC)

Hey all -- I had the same problem today, and googling "firefox has new window" brought me here. Eventually, I figured out that I had turned on a Mac application called "VoiceOver" which was narrating my every move. It can be toggled on or off by pressing Cmd-F5 (which you might do by accident instead of fn-F5 to turn up the sound). The keyboard shortcut fn-Command-F5 might also have this effect. Not a virus -- phew! Cheers, KC 20:45, 14 April 2007 (UTC)

Abortion
Abortion is most often done as post-conception birth control. Its not pretty, but its a fact. And the reasons for birth control are varied and understandable - no attempt to minimize the reasons. But in the end, women simply get abortions when they WANT them -for any and all reasons. This is elective abortion. This is almost 90% of all abortions. Even allowing that mental "stress" could be a reason for therapeutic abortion, the reasons women give are rarely therapeutic ones. Not sure why you insist on defining elective abortion by exception. There really should be some reason for doing so. Yes, it disturbs many to note in black and white that abortion is most often simply birth control. If that is your reason for listing the overwhelmingly most common reason last, then it is not good enough. 84.146.240.137

 * The definition you replaced it with: "An induced abortion performed for personal, social or economic reasons" includes every possible reason for abortion - it is a 'personal' reason to abort if the foetus is deformed, or if you will die because of the pregnancy. Given all induced abortions are said to fall into 'elective' and 'therapeutic', the only way for these categories to be inclusive is for one to be exclusive of the other definition.

 * I have no qualms with abortion most often being because the mother does not want a child, as for it most often being 'birth control' there's quite a large debate on that matter - I would not class an elective abortion of a pregnancy started because of a failure of normal birth control as a type of birth control. This makes condemning its use as such much easier.

 * On the point of the obsetrics definition of pregnancy - that doesn't apply in terms of abortion, and the intro defines abortion perfectly without need for further clarification. Spaully 13:29, 26 February 2006 (UTC)

The point you make about IUDs is precisely why it is important to note that many people reject the new medical definition (which, by the way, has a very political history). The reader is being informed, and that information helps him understand some of the contoversy surrounding the entire issue of "reproductive rights". 84.146.240.137

 * My point on IUDs is that these are not considered to cause abortion, or seen as a method of causing abortion. The same can be said for the morning-after pill.

 * While the definition of pregnancy currently in the article may be disputed, it is the correct definition in terms of looking at abortion. The abortion article is not the right place to discuss the accuracy of this definition, and indeed this definition is needed to define and deal with abortion. Spaully 13:48, 26 February 2006 (UTC)

 * The revised sentance you've put is good, I'll agree with that. Just need to iron out the definition of 'elective' now :). Spaully 13:50, 26 February 2006 (UTC)

I will log off for awhile. My frustration with this article is apparent. The double standard continues to vex this article. I don't expect all bias to be removed in one day. I thank you for any efforts you make to improve the article in this regard. Again, thanks. 84.146.240.137

Why are you substituting the unsigned template? Do you have a good reason? — Omegatron 23:54, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

 * I was under the impression that templated were to be 'subst'ed wherever possible, and had noticed this being done to many pages on my watchlist with justifications in terms of server load. I was doing it more as a test for WP:AWB while trying to do something useful.  I apologise if this was innapropriate, or incorrect; I was not trying to antagonise. |→ Spaully°τ 00:00, 1 March 2006

It's very disputed, actually. My personal opinion is that subst'ing templates wherever possible is tremendously harmful. The "server load" argument has been refuted by Wikipedia's lead developer. Did you read this somewhere specific? — Omegatron 00:07, 1 March 2006 (UTC)

 * Nowhere specific I believe. As I say it was in several edit comments where a user was substing templates in the User_talk namespace.  I'm afraid it seems to have fallen off my watchlist, but I can let you know if it turns up again.  :::I have just found WP:SUBST, I notice the unsigned template is under discussion. |→ Spaully°τ 00:17, 1 March 2006

Bypassing Redirects
Hi there! I noticed today that you did a redirect bypass somewhere changing Prosecuted to Criminal Law. Just so you know, it is not necessary to remove redirects unless they are double redirects. The server is not put under extra stress by the redirect (but it is by the action of 'fixing' them). I used to do this myself until I was advised that it is not needed. Just so you know :) -Localzuk (talk) 19:24, 5 March 2006 (UTC)

 * I'll second that. Thanks for the heads up. |→ Spaully°τ 20:36, 5 March 2006 (GMT)

Re: Template:Antibiotics

 * Great work on collating so many antibiotics, it should serve as a very useful nav box.

 * I hope you don't mind me making a few (hopefully constructive) comments.

 * I have been standardising the series of medical and anatomical navboxes and have been advised of the current use of '|' as a seperator. The current standard, as you can see on most of the boxes on this list use '|' as a separator, and allow the links to become bold when self-referential. It might be worth considering a change for the sake of continuity.

 * Currently you have transcluded the whole of this template into a few antibiotic artcles. I might suggest it would be best to avoid having such a large template in an article.  Perhaps a list of classes would be best for the Template:Antibiotics?

 * Thanks, |→ Spaully°τ 21:51, 6 March 2006 (GMT)

 * Sorry, deleted most of my comment having realised you have created sub-templates. |→ Spaully°τ 22:01, 6 March 2006 (GMT)

I don't mind at all - in fact, I greatly appreciate that you've taken the time to comment on my work. Without input from the rest of the community, an article will never be able to reach its full potential (it will likely be riddled with errors as well). If you come across anything else that you feel like commenting on regarding drug-related articles (or anything I've edited), I would be happy to hear from you. Also, if you are particularly interested in antibiotics, you might want to join the WikiProject on Drugs (it unfortunately seems as if no one has been working on this project recently). And lastly, you might check out my project page for antibiotics (its basically a place where I've deposited all the information that needs to be incorporated into articles).

I agree that the template is a little too large to be on every page. Perhaps the sub-templates should be used instead? In this case, they should probably be renamed slightly to reflect the fact that they are antibiotics (e.g. just calling bacitracin a "Polypeptide" doesn't explain much, as there are thousands of polypeptides). In other words, each sub-template should say "Polypeptide Antibiotics" (Polypeptide being replaced with the respective class).

As for the main article about antibiotics, I find it quite messy and incomplete. The strangely colored table isn't exactly easy to read (and it isn't complete either). I'll try to make it easier to navigate and edit (when there are tables composed of html code, the tendency is for people to either botch or ignore the article).

Cheers,

Fuzzform 23:48, 6 March 2006 (UTC)

 * I see what you mean about the antibiotics page, definitely needs some work, although I don't know enough about templates to tackle that.

 * I think using the sub-templated, with the header either as you say with 'Aminoglycoside antibiotics' or 'Antibiotics - Aminoglycosides' would be much neater and easier to handle.

 * The 'other' category seems a bit of a dumping ground at the moment for whatever reason. Just from noticing that rifampin is in there on it's own, not linked to rifamycins.  I'll contribute what I can to the antibiotics, although it wont be for the next few weeks.

 * I'll take a look at the project, although I don't envisage getting too bogged down in any one subject, especially right at the moment.

 * Thanks for the reply, |→ Spaully°τ 00:02, 7 March 2006 (GMT)

Thanks
Here's a userbox for you. --Cyde Weys 04:36, 9 March 2006 (UTC)

Diambiguation - Asp

 * Hi. You removed the image I placed on this diambig page, stating it is a DAB page as explanation. I've read through Disambiguation and there are no guidelines or discussions on this matter, are there any guidelines elsewhere on this?  I added the image to add interest to the page, while remaining in keeping with the topic.  I was hoping you could clarify why pictures should not be placed on such pages.  Thanks. |→ Spaully°τ 14:38, 9 March 2006 (GMT)

Hi Spaully, I'd say the picture distracts from the main task of a DAB page: bringing the user ASAP to the page they want to get to. Looking at Manual of Style (disambiguation pages), I think this is consenus:
 * Disambiguation pages ("dab pages") are, like redirects, non-article pages in the article namespace. Disambiguation pages are solely intended to allow users to choose among several Wikipedia articles, usually when a user searches for an ambiguous term. This style guideline is intended to make this process more efficient by giving disambiguation pages a consistent look and avoiding distracting information, such as extraneous links (internal or external).

Hope you agree. And really, no offence intended. Thanks, --S.K. 14:55, 9 March 2006 (UTC)

 * No offence taken. Thanks for that quote, makes it pretty clear; although maybe it could be made clearer on WP:DAB.  I'll have to lay off making DAB pages look nice it seems. Thanks again, |→ Spaully°τ 15:01, 9 March 2006 (GMT)

Thanks
I just wanted to thank you for all the work you're doing on the medical articles. --Arcadian 18:27, 9 March 2006 (UTC)

 * Thanks, I appreciate you comment. I was in fact going to thank you and Diberri for what you have been contributing to the articles also, it's very much appreciated.  They're getting bettter, and I think the Navboxes provide a very useful tool to find out about a particular subject. |→ Spaully°τ 22:14, 9 March 2006 (GMT)

Tawkerbot2's warning system

 * Hi, first of all to congratulate the creators of the bot some more, hopefully it should allow more encyclopaedia writing.

 * Regarding this vandal, User talk:218.103.140.114, you can see from their talk page a mess of warnings 4 from Tawkerbot2 and 4 from humans. It appears the user should have been banned after User:Tawker gave a final warning, but unfortunately was not.  This resulted in recurrent bot warnings.  Is this a malfunction?

 * I feel in this case the warnings have not been productive, does the bot recognise pages it has already warned on recently? Does it have escalating warning messages?

 * Just wanted to bring this case to your attention, as I assume it is not what the bot is supposed to do. Thanks, and keep up the good work, |→ Spaully°τ 18:10, 10 March 2006 (GMT)

Its a work in progress in the moment, all thats running there is an auto append to talk pages, no checks for multiple warnings no higher level warning monitoring (yet) - the new warning module is in the works though (along with a new whitelist option) :) -- Tawker 18:17, 10 March 2006 (UTC)

 * Sounds promising, I hope I run into the bot reverting lots of vandals in the future. Thanks, |→ Spaully°τ 19:35, 10 March 2006 (GMT)

Influenza talk page comment
You said: "The reason for old variants dissappearing is development of herd immunity through generation of neutralising IgA antibodies, meaning it must mutate to survive. The fact that RNA mutates often is not the important factor in elimination of old strains, as if they were still effective variation would be selected against and they would still exist." To the best of my knowledge the neccessary gene sequencing to be sure this is true has never been done. I'm aware of mathematical models (that I disbelieve in) that could conclude such a thing. Can you point me to whatever evidence you are relying on in the making of that statement on a talk page? Thanks. WAS 4.250 02:26, 12 March 2006 (UTC)

 * I don't have any papers I can link to, my understanding of the process is through lectures, essays, papers and tutorials. But I must admit I have never read this directly in any primary literature.  That's the main reason I've not talked about it in the text.
 * However if you consider that the periodic epidemics are caused by antigenic shift, presumably this has the effect of changing the virion antigens sufficiently that it can infect a significant proportion of the population. Given neutralising IgA is the way immunity in conferred for flu, it seems fair to assume this is the important factor in preventing spread.
 * As for this being the reason for instability in flu strains, imagine a situation where a flu virus hits the jackpot - an antigen that for whatever reason the immune system could not produce antibodies against, there would be significant selective pressures to remain unaltered.
 * Anyway, it is more of a personal view, and I don't plan to write about it in the article anytime soon. Although if I do look into it at some point, I'll let you know if I find anything to back up my claims. Thanks, |→ Spaully°τ 09:35, 12 March 2006 (GMT)

My RFA
Nacon kantari  e |t||c|m 23:17, 12 March 2006 (UTC)

Influenza talk
Now that perhaps people have calmed down, I've moved the more personal comments to our user pages. My aim is not to reopen the confrontation but to explain my comments hopefully in a less agressive atmosphere.

further discussion
I'm not going to get drawn into an argument over this article, and for the benefit of future editors I suggest you adopt a less confrontational style of discussion. The fact is these articles are not logically separated or cross-linked. Hopefully at some point someone will be allowed to change that. I apologise for stepping on anyones toes. |→ Spaully°τ 20:46, 12 March 2006 (GMT)

 * You critisized me when I avoided arguing with you by giving my reason in the edit summary rather than the talk page and you misrepresented that by saying:"There was perhaps some irritation at the section being deleted without so much as an explanation on talk (which you'll notice I did when I reverted the first time, you did not)."
 * Now you critisize me by misrepresenting a full and substantive response as "confrontational". Your emotional response to simple evidence provided by me does not consitute evidence of anything wrong done by me.
 * You change the subject when you sneer: "The fact is these articles are not logically separated or cross-linked. Hopefully at some point someone will be allowed to change that." insinuating falsely that any such thing has occurred. In fact, I have reverted data contributed by you to this article that was completely unreferenced, partly false, and wholly neither new nor appropriate for this article and your response is to become upset, lie about my behavior and change the subject. If anyone wishes to help, I warmly welcome their help. These articles can use a lot of help. You did not help. That you added data that was "not logically separated" and then complain that's an area that needs improvement and critisize me for trying to keep the article from becomeing  more "not logically separated" by reverting you ... well, the mendacity boggles the mind. WAS 4.250 21:52, 12 March 2006 (UTC)

Comments
First of all I apologise for some of the comments I made, those which I have put a line through and the original "you did not" regarding using talk.

To explain my second reply which was a bit short I've copied parts of your first talk page comment with why I felt it was innapropriate:

1st reply

 * "I've looked at some of your edits so I know you are neither stupid nor ignorant. So I am left wondering what you are talking about."

Suggesting you think my edits to influenza are "stupid" and "ignorant".

 * "Notice the linked item described as the causative virus? Click on it. That IS the "hard to find" virus information. See the box on the right marked "Flu"? The last item is labeled "Phylogenetics" which links to the same article."

How am I supposed to feel anything but indignation at the patronising tone?

 * "Please don't edit war until you get your facts straight. (And even then, talking rather than edit waring is better)"

1.The second of my two edits was different to the first, taking into account your previous edit comment 2.Prior to my second edit I started a new section on the talk page, in which I explained my reasoning.

 * "As it is clear you don't know what you are talking about when you say "If I was wanting to find information about influenza, I would find it very hard to find out about the virus itself" I am going to revert you."

I tried to find the information, and so am in as good a position as anyone to make that claim. "It is clear you don't know what you are talking about" is hardly respectful.

I do not feel this adheres to WP:CIVIL, and incorrectly I responded to this in the same tone.

My comment regarding allowing others to edit the article was again innapropriate and stemmed from a feeling from looking through previous edits that you are close to violating WP:OWN. I don't still think this.

I will not retract my comment about your confrontational tone, as I feel you were confrontational, although I responded to this badly.

Reply if you wish, but my aim is just to explain and apologise for some of my comments. I hope that we can work together to improve these articles at some point. |→ Spaully°τ 13:18, 20 March 2006 (GMT)

I accept your apology
WP:AGF. Your mind reading activities with regard to me are wholly inaccurate. WAS 4.250 19:41, 20 March 2006 (UTC)

 * Thanks, although whether my mind reading was accurate or not does not matter, only the conclusion I came to. |→ Spaully°τ 20:00, 20 March 2006 (GMT)

I don't have a clue to your meaning. WAS 4.250 20:06, 20 March 2006 (UTC)

 * I'm saying it doesn't matter whether I got what you were trying to say, what matters is what I thought you were saying. |→ Spaully°τ 14:17, 21 March 2006 (GMT)

edit conflict
I was going to just let it go at that, but WP:AGF says explain yourself, don't just throw "AGF" at people. So here goes:
 * "I've looked at some of your edits so I know you are neither stupid nor ignorant. So I am left wondering what you are talking about."
 * Suggesting you think my edits to influenza are "stupid" and "ignorant".
 * I am complimenting you. I said plainly I know you are not stupid. I said plainly you are not ignorant. I am expressing my confusion, saying I can't figure out what you are talking about. Saying I am ignorant of what you are talking about.
 * "Notice the linked item described as the causative virus? Click on it. That IS the "hard to find" virus information. See the box on the right marked "Flu"? The last item is labeled "Phylogenetics" which links to the same article."
 * How am I supposed to feel anything but indignation at the patronising tone?
 * Since I can't even guess what you are talking about I'm making stabs in the dark. Is this it? Did you know this? I did not expect to be aacused of a bad tone, since I just finished complimenting you and saying I was ignorant of what you were talking about. WAS 4.250 20:06, 20 March 2006 (UTC)
 * You seem to commonly italicise, embolden and capitalise parts of the sentance which is unneccesary and gives the impression you are shouting or trying to get across a simple concept to a dim person. It also makes you sound irritated. Thats why I thought you were being patronising to me. |→ Spaully°τ 14:17, 21 March 2006 (GMT)

Once you felt indignate, everything went to hell in a handbasket. I went out of my way to be complimenting and you piss over over me; so then we were both indignate. Well, thanks for bringing this up in a way that allows us to put it behind us. I really actually honestly do want you (and everyone else) to help the H5N1 and flu series of articles as much as posible. They are a long way from being perfect. WAS 4.250 20:06, 20 March 2006 (UTC)

 * It seems we both thought the other was being confrontational, and presumably that the other initiated it. A tricky situation, and very much better for explanation. |→ Spaully°τ 14:21, 21 March 2006 (GMT)

Talk page editing
I was about to delete the last few comments again with this explanation:
 * Rest of the discussion moved to user talk pages (Spaully and WAS 4.250), as per Refactoring talk pages under not having any relevance to writing the article (linked to from Wikipedia:Talk page guidelines; also suggested on Taking it outside, although this is as yet only an essay. The content will be preserved on the user talk pages. |→ Spaully°τ 14:17, 21 March 2006 (GMT)

There seems to be a precedent for removing non-contributing comments from talk pages, and there is no doubt the final few messages were not useful. I'll wait for your comment however before I remove the information again. |→ Spaully°τ 14:17, 21 March 2006 (GMT)

Image:Eagle nebula pillars.jpg promoted
Congratulations! ~ Veledan • Talk 21:28, 24 March 2006 (UTC)

Kurando-san + FPC problem
Several, if not all, of User talk:AllyUnion's bots are currently down, including Kurando-san. Given that AllyUnion is on Wikibreak, and his email link does not work, contacting him to get his attention on the matter has been difficult. Over on WP:CFD, where another of his bots works, we've been having to do things manually until the bot situation can be fixed. Unfortuneately that's the only solution I can offer you currently for Kurando-san's tasks as well.

I have placed a request at Bot requests for possibly getting a clone of some of the bots running, and there is someone trying to figure out how to clone them. Until that happens, or someone manages to reach AllyUnion, I suspect we're all stuck manually doing his bot's tasks. - TexasAndroid 21:59, 24 March 2006 (UTC)

Image copyright problem with Image:Nematocyst-threads.jpg
Thanks for uploading Image:Nematocyst-threads.jpg. The image has been identified as not specifying the copyright status of the image, which is required by Wikipedia's policy on images. If you don't indicate the copyright status of the image on the image's description page, using an appropriate copyright tag, it may be deleted some time in the next seven days. If you have uploaded other images, please verify that you have provided copyright information for them as well.

For more information on using images, see the following pages:
 * Image use policy
 * Image copyright tags

This is an automated notice by OrphanBot. For assistance on the image use policy, see Image legality questions. 11:37, 7 April 2006 (UTC)

 * Dear Spaully,

 * Sorry, but it seems that I have a bad piece of news concerning the nematocyst image which you asked me about. The point is that I had found it in the Internet in *.doc document, that contained a short essay on Scyphozoans. It's author allowed me to use it in Ukrainian Wikipedia, but I did not save our mailing history. So unfortunately now I do not have any evidence that it belongs to public domain.

 * Sincerely
 * Shao

 * Do we have the same problem with Image:Nematocyst-discharged.png? AxelBoldt 22:52, 10 April 2006 (UTC)

 * Possibly, but Shao would have to confirm that. I uploaded it from the Ukrainian wikipedia, but I don't know if Shao got it from the same source.
 * It's really a shame as they are great illustrations, and I havn't been able to find the document|→ Spaully°τ 22:57, 10 April 2006 (GMT)

Image:Nematocyst-threads.jpg
You removed my speedy delete tag. As explained when I added the tag, I uploaded the image from the Ukrainian wikiedia, and following the challenge to the copyright status, I asked the original uploader. This is his response. Hence the addition of the speedy tag. Thanks, |→ Spaully°τ 17:40, 10 April 2006 (GMT)
 * I understand that, however there is no entry on WP:CSD representing your concern. CSD I4 requires a seven-day wait, this is not negotiable. Stifle (talk) 17:44, 10 April 2006 (UTC)

Abortion poll
Please weigh in with your view on this abortion wikipedia poll. ____G_o_o_d____ 08:21, 11 April 2006 (UTC)

title: User talk:Spaully/Archive 1


text:
Talk:Shinanomachi Station

Translation
Can anyone help out here on translating the 'surrounding area' bits from the Japanese page? I'm from Miyagi, darn it, I don't know what they are! :) --William McDuff 14:58, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Shinanomachi Station


text:
HMS Abelia

HMS Abelia was a Flower-class corvette that served in the Royal Navy and was built by Harland and Wolff in 1941.

She was launched on 28 November 1940, and was fitted for minesweeping. She served in World War II; her commanding officer for parts of 1943 and 1944 was Lieutenant Orme G. Stuart.

On 9 January 1944 Abelia encountered a U-boat while on convoy escort duty, and moved to attack with depth charges. Lieutenant Stuart ordered an increase in speed at 950 yd to prevent being torpedoed, not knowing that the U-boat was equipped with T5 torpedoes, for which he would have needed to increase speed at 700 yd. Abelia was hit and lost her rudder, and the U-boat escaped.

She was sold in 1947 and became the merchant vessel Kraft in 1948. She was renamed Arne Skontorp in 1954. She was eventually scrapped in December 1966.

title: HMS Abelia


text:
Jintan, Changzhou

Jintan District is a district under the administration of Changzhou in the Jiangsu province of the People's Republic of China.

History
Jintan, known as Jinshan (金山) in ancient times, was a township of Yanling commandery since the reign of the Emperor Yuan of Jin. Then it was promoted by its inhabitants as Jinshan county to strengthen the local vigilance in the late Sui dynasty, without permission. As a densely populated area, the county was reestablished in about 688 under the Tang dynasty, but since there was a namesake in present-day Jinhua, Zhejiang, it was named after Jintan, a hill of Mao Mountain.

Location
In 1987, the County comprised 22 towns, with the county government located in Jincheng town. On November 10, 1993, Jintan was reclassified from a county and officially became a city. The county was part of Changzhou, Jiangsu province. In 2015,Jintan County has been changed to Jintan District.

Jintan has a total area of 976.7 km2. The total land area is 781.27 km2, and water covers an area of 194.22 km2. , it has a permanent resident population of 552,047. Jintan is a 2-3 hour bus ride from Shanghai，and the driving distance from Jintan to Nanjing is one and a half hours.

Administrative divisions
At present, Jintan District has 3 communities and 6 towns.

3 communities

* Dongcheng Community(东城社区)

* Xicheng Community(西城社区)

* Yaotang Community(尧唐社区)
 * 6 towns

Dialect
Wu Chinese is the local dialect of Jintan. Some versions include the local dialect and the northern Jiangsu dialect. A fusion of languages has been created due to the geographical location of Jintan. The language habits of migrants have influenced the local language.

Geography and geomorphology
Western Jintan includes the mountainous region Maoshan, which covers an area of about 223 sqkm. The highest peak of Maoshan is 372.5 m above sea level. Flatlands lie in the east of Jintan, part of the Taihu Plain, with an area of about 752 sqkm.

Lakes and Rivers
Jintan District has 216 rivers with a total length of 512 km. The southeast Tiao Lake (also named Changdang Lake), covers 8200 ha. This lake is one of the ten largest freshwater lakes in Jiangsu province.

Climate
Jintan District comes under the Northern Subtropical Monsoon climate zone. Jintan City's climate is mild and humid with four distinct seasons. The annual average temperature is 15.3 C, while average annual precipitation is 1063.5 mm. The frost-free period covers 228 days and the average humidity is 78%.

Notable people

 * Duan Yucai (1735–1815), philologist
 * Hua Luogeng (1910-1985), mathematician and politician
 * Xifeng Wu, epidemiologist

title: Jintan, Changzhou


text:
Talk:Myron Cope

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Terrible Towel
The Towel was a response to Dolphin and Raider fan practice. They waved white handkerchiefs and black socks, respectively.Arnold Rothstein1921 (talk) 02:42, 22 January 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Myron Cope


text:
Solar analog

Solar-type stars, solar analogs (also analogues), and solar twins are stars that are particularly similar to the Sun. The stellar classification is a hierarchy with solar twin being most like the Sun followed by solar analog and then solar-type. Observations of these stars are important for understanding better the properties of the Sun in relation to other stars and the habitability of planets.

By similarity to the Sun
Defining the three categories by their similarity to the Sun reflects the evolution of astronomical observational techniques. Originally, solar-type was the closest that similarity to the Sun could be defined. Later, more precise measurement techniques and improved observatories allowed for greater precision of key details like temperature, enabling the creation of a solar analog category for stars that were particularly similar to the Sun. Later still, continued improvements in precision allowed for the creation of a solar-twin category for near-perfect matches.

Similarity to the Sun allows for checking derived quantities—such as temperature, which is derived from the color index—against the Sun, the only star whose temperature is confidently known. For stars that are not similar to the Sun, this cross-checking cannot be done.

Solar-type
These stars are broadly similar to the Sun. They are main-sequence stars with a B−V color between 0.48 and 0.80, the Sun having a B−V color of 0.65. Alternatively, a definition based on spectral type can be used, such as F8V through K2V, which would correspond to B−V color of 0.50 to 1.00. This definition fits approximately 10% of stars, so a list of solar-type stars would be quite extensive.

Solar-type stars show highly correlated behavior between their rotation rates and their chromospheric activity (e.g. Calcium H & K line emission) and coronal activity (e.g. X-ray emission) Because solar-type stars spin down during their main-sequence lifetimes due to magnetic braking, these correlations allow rough ages to be derived. Mamajek & Hillenbrand (2008) have estimated the ages for the 108 solar-type (F8V–K2V) main-sequence stars within 52 light-years (16 parsecs) of the Sun based on their chromospheric activity (as measured via Ca, H, and K emission lines).

The following table shows a sample of solar-type stars within 50 light years that nearly satisfy the criteria for solar analogs (B−V color between 0.48 and 0.80), based on current measurements (the Sun is listed for comparison):

Solar analog
These stars are photometrically similar to the Sun, having the following qualities:
 * Temperature within 500 K from that of the Sun (5278 to 6278 K)
 * Metallicity of 50–200% (± 0.3 dex) of that of the Sun, meaning the star's protoplanetary disk would have had similar amounts of dust from which planets could form
 * No close companion (orbital period of ten days or less), because such a companion stimulates stellar activity

Solar analogs not meeting the stricter solar twin criteria include, within 50 light years and in order of increasing distance (The Sun is listed for comparison.):

Solar twin
To date no solar twin that exactly matches the Sun has been found. However, there are some stars that come very close to being identical to the Sun, and are such considered solar twins by members of the astronomical community. An exact solar twin would be a G2V star with a 5,778K surface temperature, be 4.6 billion years old, with the correct metallicity and a 0.1% solar luminosity variation. Stars with an age of 4.6 billion years are at the most stable state. Proper metallicity, radius, chemical composition, rotation, magnetic activity, and size are also very important to low luminosity variation.

The stars below are more similar to the Sun and having the following qualities:
 * Temperature within 50 K from that of the Sun (5728 to 5828 K) (within 10 K of sun (5768–5788 K)).
 * Metallicity of 89–112% (± 0.05 dex) of that of the Sun, meaning the star's proplyd would have had almost exactly the same amount of dust for planetary formation
 * No stellar companion, because the Sun itself is a solitary star
 * An age within 1 billion years from that of the Sun (3.6 to 5.6 Ga)

Other Sun parameters: The following are the known stars that come closest to satisfying the criteria for a solar twin. The Sun is listed for comparison. Highlighted boxes are out of range for a solar twin. The star may have been noted as solar twin in the past, but are more of a solar analog.
 * Sun rotates on its axis once in about 27 days or 1.997 km/s
 * Sun radius is 700,000 km
 * Sun chemical composition by mass: hydrogen (73.4%); helium (25%); carbon (0.2%); nitrogen (0.09%);oxygen (0.80%); neon (0.16%); magnesium (0.06%); silicon (0.09&); sulfur (0.05%); iron (0.003%).

Some other stars are sometimes mentioned as solar-twin candidates such as: Beta Canum Venaticorum; however it has too low metallicities (−0.21) for solar twin. 16 Cygni B is sometimes noted as twin, but is part of a triple star system and is very old for a solar twin at 6.8 Ga. Two solar sibling candidates (similar age, metallicity (−0.113), and kinematics) are Gaia DR2 1927143514955658880 and 1966383465746413568.

By potential habitability
Another way of defining solar twin is as a "habstar"—a star with qualities believed to be particularly hospitable to a life-hosting planet. Qualities considered include variability, mass, age, metallicity, and close companions.
 * At least 0.5–1 billion years old
 * On the main sequence
 * Non-variable
 * Capable of harboring terrestrial planets
 * Support a dynamically stable habitable zone
 * 0–1 non-wide stellar companion stars.

The requirement that the star remain on the main sequence for at least 0.5–1 Ga sets an upper limit of approximately 2.2–3.4 solar masses, corresponding to a hottest spectral type of A0-B7V. Such stars can be 100x as bright as the Sun. Tardigrade-like life (due to the UV flux) could potentially survive on planets orbiting stars as hot as B1V, with a mass of 10 M☉, and a temperature of 25,000 K, a main-sequence lifetime of about 20 million years.

Non-variability is ideally defined as variability of less than 1%, but 3% is the practical limit due to limits in available data. Variation in irradiance in a star's habitable zone due to a companion star with an eccentric orbit is also a concern.

Terrestrial planets in multiple star systems, those containing three or more stars, are not likely to have stable orbits in the long term. Stable orbits in binary systems take one of two forms: S-Type (satellite or circumstellar) orbits around one of the stars, and P-Type (planetary or circumbinary) orbits around the entire binary pair. Eccentric Jupiters may also disrupt the orbits of planets in habitable zones.

Metallicity of at least 40% solar ([Fe/H] = −0.4) is required for the formation of an Earth-like terrestrial planet. High metallicity strongly correlates to the formation of hot Jupiters, but these are not absolute bars to life, as some gas giants end up orbiting within the habitable zone themselves, and could potentially host Earth-like moons.

One example of such a star is, a G5V, at temperature of 5533 K, but is much younger than the Sun, at 1.9 billion years old.

Another such example would be HIP 11915, which has a planetary system containing a Jupiter-like planet orbiting at a similar distance that the planet Jupiter does in the Solar System. To strengthen the similarities, the star is class G5V, has a temperature of 5750 K, has a Sun-like mass and radius, and is only 500 million years younger than the Sun. As such, the habitable zone would extend in the same area as the zone in the Solar System, around 1 AU. This would allow an Earth-like planet to exist around 1 AU.

title: Solar analog


text:
Polly (Nirvana song)

"Polly" is a song by the American rock band Nirvana, written by vocalist and guitarist Kurt Cobain. It is the sixth song on their second album Nevermind, released by DGC Records in September 1991.

The song was written about the abduction, rape, and torture of a 14-year-old girl returning home from a punk rock concert in Tacoma, Washington in 1987. Written from the perspective of the perpetrator, "Polly" has frequently been cited as evidence of Cobain's support of feminism and women's rights.

Early history
Originally titled "Cracker", "Polly" dates back to at least 1987. The earliest known version is a home demo featuring Cobain on vocals and guitar. This version was released on the Nirvana rarities box set, With the Lights Out, in November 2004.

The song was first performed live on June 21, 1989, at The Vogue in Seattle, Washington. It was first recorded in the studio in August 1989 by Steve Fisk at Music Source in Seattle, Washington. The sessions were for a planned EP to coincide with the band's European tour, but only two of the five songs recorded, "Stain" and "Been a Son," were officially released, on the Blew EP later that year. Unreleased during the band's lifetime, this version of "Polly" also appeared on With the Lights Out.

On October 26, 1989, the band recorded a version during their first BBC Peel Session, at Maida Vale Studios in London, England. The four-song session, engineered by Ted de Bono, was originally broadcast on November 22, 1989.

Nevermind
"Polly" was re-recorded by Butch Vig at Smart Studios in Madison, Wisconsin in April 1990. This acoustic version, featuring Chad Channing on drums, later appeared on the band's major label debut, Nevermind, released in September 1991. It was the only recording from Vig's original session with the band to appear on the album, the rest of which was recorded by Vig in May 1991 at Sound City Studios in Van Nuys, California.

The recording featured Cobain playing a five-string Stella guitar that he said he purchased from a pawn shop for $20. "I didn't bother changing the strings," Cobain told Jeff Gilbert in a 1992 Guitar World interview. "It barely stays in tune. In fact, I had to use duct tape to hold the tuning keys in place." According to Vig, the guitar's "strings were so old they didn't have any tone to them. A real plunky sound." Cobain's guitar and Krist Novoselic's bass were recorded live, after which Cobain recorded lead and harmony vocals, and then Channing added the cymbal crashes.

According to Vig in the 2005 Classic Albums: Nirvana - Nevermind documentary, Cobain accidentally sang the first two words of the third verse, "Polly said," too early, during the instrumental break, but the band decided to leave it in. However, earlier versions of the song also feature this line, including the original home demo, the 1989 Peel version, and most pre-Nevermind live versions.

Post-Nevermind
The band recorded another version of the song for the BBC on November 9, 1991, at Maida Vale in London during their appearance on Radio 1's Mark Goodier Radio Session. The session, their last for the BBC, was first broadcast on November 18, 1991, and three of the four songs from the session, including "Polly", appeared on the band's compilation album Incesticide in December 1992. This faster version of the song appeared under the title "(New Wave) Polly."

In December 1992, a live version of the song, recorded at Del Mar Fairgrounds in Del Mar, California on December 28, 1991, was released as a b-side on the fourth single for Nevermind, for the song, "In Bloom".

An acoustic version of "Polly", featuring Pat Smear on second guitar and Lori Goldston on cello, was performed during Nirvana's MTV Unplugged appearance at Sony Music Studios in New York City on November 18, 1993.

The last live performance of "Polly" was at Nirvana's final concert, at Terminal 1 in Munich, Germany, on March 1, 1994.

Music
"Polly" is an alternative rock / grunge song that lasts for two minutes and 57 seconds. According to the sheet music published at Musicnotes.com by BMG Rights Management, it is written in common time, with a moderate tempo of 122 beats per minute. "Polly" is composed in the key of E minor, while Cobain's vocal range spans one octave and one note, from a low of D3 to a high of E4. The song has a basic sequence of Em–G5–D–C5 in the verses and D–C5–G–B♭5 during the refrain as its chord progression. The song starts with Cobain playing a soft, sludgy acoustic guitar riff and singing the vocals until the first chorus when bass enters, a cymbal crash is played, and Cobain adds a vocal harmony. This is done for all verses and choruses. After the second chorus, the guitar stops playing and a bass break starts. The song ends with a final cymbal crash after the third chorus.

Lyrics
Cobain wrote "Polly" about an incident in Tacoma, Washington involving the abduction and rape of a 14-year-old girl in August 1987. Gerald Arthur Friend kidnapped the girl while she was leaving a rock concert and then suspended her upside down from a pulley in his mobile home and raped and tortured her with a blowtorch. She managed to escape by jumping from his truck at a gas station, attracting attention from surrounding people. Friend was later arrested and convicted for his crimes. Cobain's addition to the story was to have the victim fool the kidnapper into thinking she was enjoying what he was doing to her, causing him to let his guard down long enough for her to escape.

In his Nirvana biography Come as You Are, journalist Michael Azerrad noted that rape seemed to be a consistent theme in Cobain's songs and interviews, as if Cobain was "apologizing for his entire gender." However, Cobain explained, "I don't feel bad about being a man at all. There are all kinds of men that are on the side of the woman and support them and help influence other men. In fact, a man using himself as an example toward other men can probably make more impact than a woman can". In the liner notes to the band's 1992 compilation album Incesticide, Cobain wrote that "last year, a girl was raped by two wastes of sperm and eggs while they sang the lyrics to our song 'Polly'. I have a hard time carrying on knowing there are plankton like that in our audience".

In 2021, Cobain's widow, Courtney Love, discussed the song in a Los Angeles Times interview, saying "you can’t write that song today, from the point of view of the perpetrator. Kurt would definitely not be allowed to sing 'Polly' today, and I think that’s pretty sad".

Reception
"Polly" was ranked number 18 in NME's 2004 "Top 20 Nirvana Songs" list. In 2015, Rolling Stone ranked it number 29 in their ranking of 102 Nirvana songs, with Julianne Sheperd writing, "Though it's certainly not a protest song, it deftly delves into the mind of a sicko, like a succinct Henry: Portrait of a Serial Killer, and is an example of the thoughtful depths Cobain was willing to plumb." In 2019, it was ranked at number 14 in The Guardian's list of "Nirvana's 20 greatest songs". In 2023, the A.V. Club ranked it at number 22 on their list of Nirvana's "30 best songs," with Stephen Thomas Erlewine calling it "a stark counterpoint to the fury of Nevermind" whose "stillness was spookier than the noise that surrounded it."

According to Charles R. Cross's biography Heavier Than Heaven, American singer-songwriter Bob Dylan was impressed with "Polly" upon hearing the song while at a Nirvana concert, remarking of Cobain that "that kid has heart".

American alternative rock musician Amanda Palmer, who covered "Polly" on the 2011 tribute album, Newermind, discussed the song in a 2011 Spin interview, saying, "It's entirely possible that the production on Nevermind is going to feel dated in 50 years, if it doesn't already. The mystery in the lyrics to a song like 'Polly' is so profound. People will always be trying to make sense of what the fuck exactly Kurt was singing about. That's what makes a song last".

In popular culture
The song appears as downloadable content in the video games Rock Band, Rock Band 2, Rock Band 3 and Rock Band 4.

"Polly" was covered by producer Cain McKnight for the noteworthy charity album, ′Nirvana Reimagined as House and Techno′.

London Astoria version
A live version of "Polly", recorded at the London Astoria on December 3, 1989, was released in Australia as a promotional single in 1996 to promote the live compilation From the Muddy Banks of the Wishkah, released in November 1996.

MTV Unplugged version
The MTV Unplugged version of "Polly" was released as a promo single in 1994, the promote the album, MTV Unplugged in New York, released in November 1994. The single received moderate airplay on American rock and alternative stations in 1994 and 1995.

Video of the full MTV Unplugged performance was released on the MTV Unplugged in New York DVD in 2007. The DVD also featured footage of the band rehearsing "Polly" during the show's soundcheck as bonus material.

Recording and release history

 * A live version of the song, recorded at De Doelen in Rotterdam, Netherlands on September 1, 1991, appeared on the live video, 1991: The Year Punk Broke, released in 1992.
 * A live version, recorded on October 31, 1991 at the Paramount Theatre in Seattle, appeared on the live video, Live! Tonight! Sold Out!!, released in November 1994. It was re-released as bonus material on the Classic Albums: Nirvana – Nevermind DVD in March 2005, and the full concert was released on DVD and Blu-ray as Live at the Paramount in September 2011.
 * A live version, recorded at the Paradiso in Amsterdam, Netherlands on November 25, 1991, was released on CD and Blu-ray on the 30th anniversary "Super Deluxe" version of Nevermind in November 2021.
 * Three additional live versions of "Polly" appeared on the 30th anniversary "Super Deluxe" version of Nevermind. In addition to the full Del Mar show, the set included the band's complete shows at The Palace in Melbourne, Australia on February 2, 1992, and the Nakano Sunplaza in Tokyo, Japan on February 19, 1992. In a review of the Nevermind 30th anniversary "Super Deluxe" box set, Rolling Stone stated that at The Palace, Melbourne, Australia show, "When the band plays "Polly" later in the set, Cobain doesn't even need to ask the audience to sing along - it knows what to do".
 * A live version, recorded during the band's 1992 Reading Festival appearance in Reading, England on August 30, 1992, appeared on Live at Reading, released on CD and DVD in November 2009.
 * Two live versions of "Polly," from the band's concerts at the Great Western Forum in Inglewood, California on December 30, 1993, and at the Seattle Center Arena in Seattle on January 7, 1994, will appear on the 30th anniversary "Super Deluxe" reissue of Nirvana's final studio album, In Utero, set to be released in October 2023.

Unreleased versions

 * The versions of "Polly" recorded for the BBC in London on October 26, 1989, and for VPRO in Hilversum on November 1, 1989, have never been officially released.

Personnel

 * Kurt Cobain – guitar, vocals
 * Krist Novoselic – bass
 * Chad Channing – cymbals

title: Polly (Nirvana song)


text:
Risk of loss

Risk of loss is a term used in the law of contracts to determine which party should bear the burden of risk for damage occurring to goods after the sale has been completed, but before delivery has occurred. Such considerations generally come into play after the contract is formed but before buyer receives goods, something bad happens.

Under the Uniform Commercial Code (UCC), there are four risk of loss rules, in order of application:
 * 1) Agreement - the agreement of the parties controls
 * 2) Breach - the breaching party is liable for any uninsured loss even though breach is unrelated to the problem. Hence, if the breach is the time of delivery, and the goods show up broken, then the breaching rule applies risk of loss on the seller.
 * 3) Delivery by common carrier other than by seller.
 * 4) Risk of loss shifts from seller to buyer at the time that seller completes its delivery obligations
 * 5) If it is a destination contract (FOB (buyer's city)), then risk of loss is on the seller.
 * 6) If it is a delivery contract (standard, or FOB (seller's city)), then the risk of loss is on the buyer.
 * 7) In cases not covered by the foregoing rules, if the seller is a merchant, then the risk of loss shifts to the buyer upon buyer's "receipt" of the goods. If the buyer never takes possession, then the seller still has the risk of loss.

In bankruptcy law, the risk of loss rule under a contract can be abrogated by a secured interest.

title: Risk of loss


text:
Category:Mountains of Guyana

The mountains of Guyana.

title: Category:Mountains of Guyana


text: User talk:69.157.233.242

title: User talk:69.157.233.242


text:
Category:Mountains of Venezuela

The mountains of Venezuela.

title: Category:Mountains of Venezuela


text:
1982 Spanish general election

The 1982 Spanish general election was held on Thursday, 28 October 1982, to elect the 2nd Cortes Generales of the Kingdom of Spain. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies were up for election, as well as 208 of 254 seats in the Senate.

The election was called several months ahead of schedule on 27 August 1982, by the then Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo, amid poor opinion poll ratings and severe infighting within his party, the Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD), that had seen the splits of former prime minister Adolfo Suárez's Democratic and Social Centre (CDS), Óscar Alzaga's People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the Democratic Action Party (PAD) of former minister Francisco Fernández Ordóñez. The closing legislature had been characterized by political instability and the effects of an economic downturn resulting from the 1979 oil crisis: Suárez himself had resigned the premiership in January 1981 as a result of the ongoing UCD crisis, a military coup d'etat attempt had been thwarted during Calvo-Sotelo's investiture on 23 February 1981, and the UCD had become increasingly isolated during the administrative set up of the so-called "state of the autonomies", both parliamentarily—a result of its minority status and continuous defections—and politically, having been routed in every regional election held since 1979: the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia and Andalusia. Calvo-Sotelo himself had chosen not to run for re-election.

The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) led by Felipe González won the largest landslide victory in a Spanish democratic election, with 48.1% of the vote and a strong majority of 202 out of 350 seats in the Congress, by running a mainstream modern social democratic campaign and appealing to political change. The UCD, on the other hand, was decimated, losing 93% of its 1979 seats and roughly 80% of its 1979 vote—still the worst defeat that a sitting government has suffered since the restoration of democracy, and one of the worst defeats ever suffered by a governing party in the Western world. The right-wing People's Alliance (AP), led into the election by former Francoist minister Manuel Fraga, benefitted greatly from the UCD's losses, becoming the main opposition party to the Socialists with slightly over 100 seats and 26.4% of the vote. Adolfo Suárez's CDS had a modest entry into the Congress with 2 seats and 2.9% of the vote, while the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) vote plummeted, suffering from tactical voting to the PSOE. Turnout remains, at 79.97%, the highest ever recorded in a general election held in Spain to date. The 1982 election was the last general election to be held on a day other than Sunday.

González took office on 2 December, heading the first government in 43 years in which none of its members had served under Francoism.

Electoral system
The Spanish Cortes Generales were envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system. The Congress of Deputies had greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a prime minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes. Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a few exclusive (yet limited in number) functions—such as its role in constitutional amendment—which were not subject to the Congress' override. Voting for the Cortes Generales was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights.

For the Congress of Deputies, 348 seats were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with an electoral threshold of three percent of valid votes—which included blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Seats were allocated to constituencies, corresponding to the provinces of Spain, with each being allocated an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations, at a rate of approximately one seat per each 144,500 inhabitants or fraction greater than 70,000. Ceuta and Melilla were allocated the two remaining seats, which were elected using plurality voting. The use of the electoral method resulted in an effective threshold based on the district magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies.

As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency was entitled the following seats:

For the Senate, 208 seats were elected using an open list partial block voting system, with electors voting for individual candidates instead of parties. In constituencies electing four seats, electors could vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces was allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts were the islands themselves, with the larger—Majorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife—being allocated three seats each, and the smaller—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each. Ceuta and Melilla elected two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities could appoint at least one senator each and were entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants. The law also provided for by-elections to fill Senate seats vacated up to two years into the legislature.

Election date
The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expired four years from the date of their previous election, unless they were dissolved earlier. An election was required to be held within from 30 to 60 days after the date of expiry of the Cortes Generales. The previous election was held on 1 March 1979, which meant that the legislature's term would expire on 1 March 1983. An election was to take place no later than the sixtieth day from the expiry, setting the latest possible election date for the Cortes Generales on Saturday, 30 April 1983.

The prime minister had the prerogative to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process, no state of emergency was in force and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since the previous one. Additionally, both chambers were to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process failed to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot. Barred this exception, there was no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections for the Congress and the Senate. Still, as of 2024 there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.

The Cortes Generales were officially dissolved on 30 August 1982 after the publication of the dissolution decree in the Official State Gazette (BOE), setting the election date for 28 October and scheduling for both chambers to reconvene on 18 November.

1979–81: Suárez's second term
The I Legislature started with the UCD victory in the 1979 election, in which it received an increased plurality of 168 seats, but still short of an absolute majority. In his investiture speech as Prime Minister on 30 March, Adolfo Suárez outlined the main areas of his policy, including the constitutional development involving the implementation and structuring of the State of Autonomies. Subsequently, in April 1979, the first municipal elections since the Second Spanish Republic were held, in which UCD won in the overall vote tally, but lost control of the main urban centers to PSOE-PCE alliances.

From 1979 the political situation in Spain began to deteriorate as a result of different factors. On one hand, an increase of terrorist activity by ETA, which resulted in 77 dead in 1979 and 95 in 1980, and the government's perceived inability to cope with the situation. Discontent among far-right groups with Suárez's democratic reforms resulted in the conspiration that would lead to the 23-F failed coup. The economic situation had also started to worsen after the start of the 1979 energy crisis and an increase on the oil barrel price. During Suárez's second term in office, inflation remained steady at 15% for several years, public deficit soared from 1.7% to 6% and the country's current account would register a net deficit of US$5 billion by 1980. The crisis also saw a sharp increase in unemployment, from 8.1% in March 1979 to 13.4% in March 1981.

The end of the political consensus that had dominated the Transition was confirmed with the launch by the PSOE of a tough opposition campaign. As the government was in minority status in the Congress, it was frequent for close votes to happen, with the government losing some of them at times. The harsh Socialist opposition reached a high-point in May 1980 when the PSOE presented a motion of no confidence on Suárez, with Socialist leader Felipe González accusing him and his government of "poor handling of the economic and social situation", as well as "repeatedly failing to fulfill campaign promises and breaching of agreements with other political forces and within the Cortes Generales themselves". While the motion was defeated—166 votes against, 152 in favour and 21 abstentions —it was regarded as a political victory of González. Suárez found himself politically isolated—his party being the only one voting against the motion—and the resulting debate, broadcast live on radio and later on television with high audience shares, gave González a pretext to expose the Socialist government program and to present the PSOE as a viable alternative to the UCD.

Growing division within UCD, with internal dissension and criticism gradually undermining the position of Suárez, also often resulted in the Prime Minister clashing with members of his own party. This was the result of the complex amalgamation of forces of very varying ideologies—social democrats, conservatives, liberals and christian democrats—into a party that was artificially created around the figure of Adolfo Suárez for the sole purpose of ruling. When UCD's popularity in opinion polls began to fall, internal tension began to flourish. The start of the UCD crisis would be a foreshadowing of what was to come in the later states of the I Legislature.

The autonomic process
The adoption of the first Statutes of Autonomy in Catalonia and the Basque Country led to the first regional elections in 1980, which gave a plurality to nationalist parties (CiU and PNV) and to disappointing results for UCD. Both Statutes were approved by the Catalan and Basque citizens through referendums with wide margins, complying with the procedure provided in article 151 of the Constitution for the "fast route" of accessing to autonomy, which allowed for an immediate assumption of full competences. The article 151 procedure was initially thought just for the three "historical nationalities" that had approved a "Statute of Autonomy" of its own during the Second Spanish Republic – namely, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia (which would see its own Statute approved in 1981) – while the rest would accede to autonomy via article 143, assuming fewer powers through a slower and longer process and maybe not even establishing institutions of self-government.

Andalusia representatives, however, were firmly opposed to this and demanded for their region the maximum level of competences granted to the "historical nationalities". After a massive rally in support of autonomy held on 4 December 1977, a referendum was accepted to be organized for Andalusia to attain autonomy through the strict requirements of article 151, which required that in all of the provinces that were to constitute the new autonomy the 'Yes' had to win the support of over half of registered voters. The UCD, which was opposed to Andalusia accessing autonomy through article 151, called for abstention in the referendum, with the PSOE calling for a vote in favour. Eventually, in one of the eight provinces, Almería, the requirement of more than half of registered voters voting in favour was not met because of a high abstention, despite an overwhelming victory for the 'Yes' in Almería and the remainder of Andalusia. After several months of discussion, Adolfo Suárez and Felipe González reached an agreement whereby the Congress would approve an amendment allowing for Andalusia to take the "fast route" and have its Statute approved. As part of the agreement, no other region would use the procedure of article 151, but in exchange, all future autonomous communities would be allowed to establish a parliamentary system with all institutions of self-government. These 'autonomic pacts' between UCD and PSOE would later be formalized with the approving by Congress of the Organic Law of Armonization of the Autonomic Process (known by its acronym, LOAPA) in July 1982. The LOAPA provided for the devolution of competences to take place gradually, according to the ability of each region to assume them, so that in the end all of them possessed the same level of competences. The Law, however, was challenged as unconstitutional by the Catalan and Basque nationalists, with 14 out of its 38 articles being later invalidated by the Spanish Constitutional Court in August 1983.

However, the UCD image in Andalusia would remain seriously damaged from this point afterwards as a result of the party's opposition to the application of article 151. The UCD was also accused during the referendum campaign of obstructing the ratification process of the Statute and of failing to offer the needed democratic guarantees for the referendum's celebration. This, coupled with the ongoing national crisis affecting the party, would result in the UCD being nearly wiped out in the first Andalusian regional election of May 1982, in which the party would fall below 15% to a discreet third place. The PSOE, on the other hand, became very popular, seen as the party defending the Andalusian people's interests, and would become the dominant force in the region from that point onwards.

Suárez's resignation and 23-F
These factors combined with an increasing political isolation and alleged pressures from military sectors led to Adolfo Suárez announcing his resignation as Prime Minister and party leader on 29 January 1981. In his resignation speech Suárez did not elaborate on the reasons motivating his departure; only that he thought that his resignation was "more beneficial to Spain than his stay in the Presidency" and that he "did not want the democratic system to be a parenthesis in the history of the country". Proposed as his successor was Second Deputy Prime Minister and Economy Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo. It was rumoured that high-ranking military officials would have advised King Juan Carlos I to dismiss Suárez as a result of growing discontent with him from former ruling far-right sectors, the military and Suárez's party itself, though this was not confirmed.

Upon Suárez's resignation, events rushed. On 1 February, the Almendros Collective published a pro-coup article in the El Alcázar far-right newspaper; from 2 to 4 February, the monarchs visits the Basque Country, where Herri Batasuna MPs receive them with strong booing and several incidents, and on the same week, several people were found kidnapped or murdered by ETA. Amidst this tense climate, UCD's 2nd party congress is held from 6 to 9 February, where the party was internally divided. Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún was elected as new party President, and on 10 February Calvo-Sotelo was confirmed as PM candidate for the investiture vote to be held on 20 February. Calvo-Sotelo, however, was unable to command the required absolute majority of votes in the first round; as a result, a second round was postponed to 23 February.

It was in that day, during Calvo-Sotelo's investiture, that the different coup plots that had been plotting since the beginning of the Transition met in a coordinated action in what was known as the 23-F coup d'etat attempt. A group of Guardia Civil members under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero assaulted the Congress of Deputies, kidnapping both the legislative and executive power within. At the same time, Lieutenant General Jaime Milans del Bosch ordered tanks onto the streets of Valencia and decreed a state of emergency.

The attempt eventually failed, however, as it did not count with the military's support. Key was King Juan Carlos I's role, broadcasting a message to Spaniards reassuring them of his personal opposition to the coup and his commitment with democracy and ordering the military rebels to stand down and surrender to constitutional order. Afterwards, Calvo-Sotelo was elected new Prime Minister with 186 votes, gaining the temporary support of CiU, the PAR and the entirety of AP as a result of the coup.

1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo's one-year term in office was marked by several events which further undermined UCD's electoral base. The colza oil scandal of 1981, in which the illegal marketing of denatured rapeseed oil (intended for industrial use) for food purposes resulted in the mass poisoning of 20,000 people and the death of over 600. The legalization of divorce in mid-1981 met with criticism from the Catholic Church and the most conservative sectors within the UCD, which even demanded the resignation of Justice Minister Francisco Fernández Ordóñez, promoter of the law. The schism within UCD kept growing even after Suárez's departure from its leadership and desertions began to intensify. By early 1982, the UCD's parliamentary group was reduced to 164 in the Congress from 168 in the 1979 election (and with many within the group not following the party-line) and 108 in the Senate (out of the 121 it was entitled to), after Fernández Ordóñez split with his Democratic Action Party (PAD). By this point, defections and splits had begun to take a toll on the government's ability to win parliamentary votes, resulting in events such as the UCD defeat in the 1982 budget voting. Sotelo would assume full leadership over the UCD on 21 November 1981, succeeding Rodríguez Sahagún as party president.

Also during Calvo-Sotelo's tenure, Spain negotiated and accomplished its integration within NATO in May 1982. This move was met with the staunch opposition of the parliamentary left, headed by Felipe González' PSOE, which promised to hold a referendum on the issue if it ever came to government. But it also caused a rift between Calvo-Sotelo and former PM Adolfo Suárez, still a UCD MP, on the grounds that the incumbent Cabinet had not been duly informed of the possible consequences of an eventual Spanish entry into NATO, as well as the haste and rush with which the integration process was being carried out.

On 20 October 1981, the first Galician regional election was held. Seen as an UCD stronghold after its landslide wins in the region in both the 1977 and 1979 general election, the UCD was predicted an easy win, despite the already-expected loss in support. However, voters' weariness with the UCD's internal crisis and its management of the country resulted in a surprise win for the right-wing People's Alliance on an extremely low turnout (46.3%). While AP's victory was narrow (a 3-point margin), the result evidenced the enormous loss of support for the UCD in the urban areas and how AP was beginning to capitalize on its losses. This was followed by the party's collapse in the 23 May 1982 Andalusian election; garnering only 13% of the votes (from 32% in 1979) and also surpassed by AP, it was considered a disaster for the party. The dimensions of the electoral setback were unassailable (loss of 60% of its 1979 vote and displaced by AP as the main referent of the right in Spain's most populated region) and it had happened even after many of Calvo-Sotelo's Cabinet members had personally committed themselves to the election campaign (with up to 10 Ministers and Prime Minister Calvo-Sotelo himself publicly supporting the UCD candidate in Andalusia, Luis Merino). The national implications of the electoral results could not be ignored as the UCD had tried to do in Galicia, and the effects in national opinion polls were immediate; from that point onwards, the UCD began to trail both AP and the PSOE and was relegated to third party status.

Snap election
The Andalusian election debacle paved the way for the party's final decomposition in the run up to the next general election. Calvo-Sotelo announced in July 1982 his intention not to run as his party's main candidate for the premiership and resigned from the UCD presidency, but remained as Prime Minister. Replacing him as party candidate and leader was Landelino Lavilla, elected with a strong internal opposition (with the support of only 67% despite being the only party candidate). Concurrently, the UCD's continuous splits in the Congress (with its parliamentary group reduced to 150 out of 350) had, by the summer of 1982, deprived the party of a workable majority to govern until the end of the legislature in 1983, causing Calvo-Sotelo to announce the Cortes' dissolution and the call of a snap election for 28 October before the Parliament's reopening in September. Bill proposals such as the Statutes of Autonomy of Madrid, the Balearic Islands, Castile and León and Extremadura or the 1983 budget, scheduled to be approved throughout the autumn, had to be delayed until after the election as a result.

Adolfo Suárez, himself the UCD's founder, staged one of the most remarkable splits by founding the centrist Democratic and Social Centre (CDS) and announcing his intention to run on its own in the next general election. Also splitting from UCD was the new christian democrat People's Democratic Party (PDP) of Óscar Alzaga, which would run in coalition with AP. Had the Cortes reopened in September after the holidays as it was initially scheduled, the UCD parliamentary group in the Congress would have been down to 124, even less than a hypothetical sum of the PSOE and PAD parties (128 seats).

Parties and candidates
The electoral law allowed for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, coalitions and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within fifteen days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one permille—and, in any case, 500 signatures—of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates.

Below is a list of the main parties and coalitions which contested the election:

Pre-election
One of the most discussed issues in the road to the 1982 general election was the parties' policy of electoral alliances. Fernández Ordóñez' PAD had already reached an agreement by the spring of 1982 to run under the PSOE banner, while talks for an eventual AP–PDP coalition were underway already before the Cortes' dissolution, being confirmed in early September. Initially confirmed was also the nationwide coalition between the UCD and the Liberal Democratic Party (PDL) of Antonio Garrigues Walker under the UCD banner; the PDL having been founded in July amidst the internal crisis of UCD. However, the UCD–PDL alliance broke apart because of "technical differences" in the making up of electoral lists, with the PDL opting for not contesting the election. Some sectors within UCD had also tried to ally itself with Suárez's CDS with little success as a result of the latter's refusal, with the UCD's general reluctance against any electoral coalition in which it was not dominant causing new internal clashes within the party, as the belief of it heading towards election defeat increased.

There were also voices within the party calling for a nationwide coalition with Manuel Fraga's AP, which was rejected by the party's leadership,  although a coalition at the regional level between both parties for the Basque Country was confirmed on the basis of "exceptional circumstances" existing in the territory. People from the business and banking world, concerned about a hypothetical victory of the PSOE with an absolute majority, also voiced their support for an UCD–AP coalition, criticizing the centrists' rejection of such an agreement, while Manuel Fraga was confident in that "the natural majority [a hypothetical union of the Spanish centre-right electorate] will be realized, either from above or from below". However, Lavilla wanted to distance himself and his party from the right and appeal to the centre of the political spectrum, viewing AP as too right-wing for that purpose.

During the first days of October, preparations for a coup d'etat attempt scheduled for 27 October (on Election Day's eve) were unveiled and foiled. The plan was to stage a number of violent actions against different personalities, to culminate later with a great explosion in a block of military houses in Madrid. This would be blamed on ETA and the inefficiency in the fight against terrorism as a means to justify a military takeover. The importance of the coup attempt was downplayed by the media in order to avoid raising social unrest, and it hardly affected the election campaign starting on 7 October. PSOE Vice Secretary-General Alfonso Guerra, however, would state that the incorporation of the Army to democracy was to be one of the goals of a future PSOE government.

Development

 * PSOE

The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party centered its campaign on the perceived need for a political change in the Spanish government. Unlike the 1977 and 1979 campaigns, the PSOE resorted to a catch-all party strategy, presenting itself as the "only effective alternative to UCD". It used a single, simple and catchy slogan ("For change"), meant to simplify the party's message as well as to transmit confidence in the new government. Raised fists and singing of The Internationale also disappeared from PSOE's rallies. Instead, seeking to move away from its traditional left-wing stance and to appeal to a broader electorate through a more centrist platform, the party usually ended its rallies with a jingle ("We must change") centering on the message of "change". The PSOE also relied in a strong personalization around the figure of Felipe González, appealing to ethics and messages of hope as drivers of the political change, but also to show an image of party unity in contrast to the UCD's internal infighting of the previous years. The party's final campaign rally on 26 October, held in the University City of Madrid, was estimated to have gathered roughly half a million people.

Among the PSOE election pledges were the creation of 800,000 employments, the nationalization of banks in a critical economic situation and the decrease of retirement age from 69 to 64, as well as to establish the maximum working time at 40-hour week. It also proposed a wide range of social policies: raising taxes to higher incomes, increasing lowest-earning pensions, promotion of public companies, to increase control and monitoring of companies by workers, to expand unemployment insurances and to reduce social inequality through the social security. Regarding NATO, the PSOE was also a staunch advocate of Spain's exit from the organization, though eventually it would defend a 'Yes' vote in the 1986 referendum on NATO membership.

Leading all opinion polls and fresh from its success in the May Andalusian regional election, the PSOE was widely expected to win the election; its victory being so assured that all other parties' efforts were directed towards avoiding a Socialist absolute majority so that it had to govern through coalitions or agreements, rather than in winning the election themselves.

The Union of the Democratic Centre tried to campaign focusing on the values of the centre against the alleged radicalism of the PSOE and AP, the two of them had begun to polarize the political scene by 1982.
 * UCD

Nonetheless, the UCD campaign was plagued by organizational problems. No proper campaign chief was named, the messages were varied and confusing and the economic waste, despite being the best-funded campaign, was deemed unaffordable given the electoral prospects. No attempt for simplification of the party's message was made; their proposals consisting of dense and long texts to the simpler and more effective slogans of the other parties. Incumbent Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo was mostly left out from the party campaign, and defections to other parties as well as the refusal to form a broad centre-right coalition with AP had left the UCD in a weak position to voters. Landelino Lavilla was also deemed to have poor public performances: in an opinion article published during the campaign on the Cambio 16 magazine it was noted how Lavilla's speeches were unable to incite any euphoria or to make clear any ideas.

Overall, the party campaign was criticised as having been carried out with reluctance and lack of conviction.

 * AP–PDP

The People's Alliance and the People's Democratic Party ran in a common ticket for this election, in what would be a foreshadowing of the future People's Coalition from 1983 to 1986. The coalition's communication strategy for the campaign revolved around two main ideas: emphasis on Manuel Fraga's leadership and in the coalition as the only viable alternative to the PSOE. The coalition strategy was also meant to present itself as an example of political cooperation, contrasting with UCD's disintegration. All in all, the purpose of the AP–PDP ticket was to turn itself into the main centre-right reference force of Spain. Manuel Fraga was also concerned in moderating his right-wing stance, avoiding themes such as death penalty or constitutional reform.

Among AP's election pledges were a tax reduction consisting in the suppression of the wealth tax, exemption from the income tax (IRPF) for incomes lower than 750,000 yearly pesetas, deduction of any economic amount intended for productive investments and the setting of an upper limit to individual tax burden. It also proposed the political immunity of Administration officials against successive government changes and a partial privatization of the social security system so that only the most basic levels of attendance would be maintained generally, with other benefits depending on what users paid (but providing extensions for the person attending home in each family and to young people unable to find employment after completing their studies). Finally, it advocated for completing the integration of Spain into NATO, ensuring full employment and to guide the cultural policy under christian humanism.

After its success in the 1981 Galician and 1982 Andalusian regional elections, all opinion polls pointed to AP becoming the main Spanish opposition party, but at a great distance from the PSOE.

Outcome
With a record high turnout of 79.97%, the Spanish political landscape underwent an electoral earthquake. The ruling UCD was devastated; it lost 157 seats and fell to 11, a 93.5% loss from 1979. In terms of votes, it went from 6.3 million down to 1.4 million, a loss of 4.9 million votes or 77.8% of its 1979 vote, and plunged to 6.8% of the share to the 34.8% it had won in 1979—a loss of 80.5% of its share. Of its 11 seats, 5 were obtained in Galicia, 3 in Castile and León, 2 in the Canary Islands and only 1 in Madrid, winning no seats in all other regions. Incumbent Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo, which stood in second place in the Madrid list, lost his seat—the only time in recent Spanish history that a sitting Prime Minister seeking re-election as MP was unseated. It was the worst defeat, both in absolute terms and in terms of percentage of seats lost, for a ruling party at the national level in Spain, and one of the worst defeats ever suffered by a governing party in any country at the time, rivaling only with the collapse of Christian Democracy at the 1994 Italian election or the Progressive Conservatives' downfall at the 1993 Canadian election.

The PSOE swept the popular vote in nearly all regions of the country—only AP and PNV wins in Galicia and the Basque Country denied them a clean sweep of the entire national territory. They won a majority of seats in every region but Galicia, La Rioja and the Balearic Islands, and obtained an astounding 60% in Spain's most populous region, Andalusia—a feat never to happen again. In Catalonia it obtained a 23-point lead over the second most-voted party, a result that would only be surpassed by the PSOE's own result in the 2008 election. Andalusia and Catalonia would become from that point onwards as the main strongholds of PSOE support, which was to remain the dominant political force in both regions in each general election until 2011. Overall, the PSOE won 202 seats—its best historical performance and the best performance of any party in a Spanish general election. This gave them an overwhelming majority in the Congress, nearly doubling the seat-count of its immediate competitor. The PSOE was also the only party to win seats in every district, the first of only three times since the Spanish transition to democracy that this has happened—the other two being PP results in the 2000 and 2011 elections.

The AP-PDP coalition had a major breakthrough, gaining a substantial portion of UCD previous support, displacing it as the main party to the right-of-centre in Spain and becoming the country's main opposition party. Despite only topping the polls in Galicia, its results elsewhere where still considered impressive for a party that, in the 1979 election, had only obtained 6% of the vote and 9 seats. It obtained 107 seats—despite opinion polls predicting that it would be well-below the 100-seat mark—and climbed up to 5.5 million votes. It did not win any seats, however, in the districts of Ceuta and Melilla, which essentially worked under a FPTP system. The AP-UCD-PDP coalition in the Basque Country won 2 seats, 1 each for Álava and Biscay, being left out from Gipuzkoa. It would also be the only one of three times that AP and its successor, the PP, would win a seat in the district of Girona.

The PCE suffered from PSOE's growth, falling from 23 seats to 4—a loss of 82.6%—and losing 1.1 million votes to 850,000 —a loss of 60%. Furthermore, it fell to 4.02% of the share, from 10.8% in 1979. As a result of not reaching the required 5% threshold and 5 seats to obtain a parliamentary group in Congress of its own, the PCE was forced into the Mixed Group, with the fear of becoming an extraparliamentary party at the next election remaining for the entire legislature. On the other hand, nationalist parties such as PNV and CiU benefitted from the UCD's collapse and enlarged its political representation. CiU gained 4 seats for a total of 12, placing among the top two in Catalonia, a first in a general election since 1977.

Aftermath
Congress Speaker Gregorio Peces-Barba (PSOE), in an uncommon gesture, did not cast a ballot and maintained strict neutrality, as his party's lopsized majority all but guaranteed González's election. The 202-strong PSOE absolute majority would come to be known as the "roller" (rodillo in Spanish), in reference to the party's overwhelming parliamentary power. Any bill submitted by González' government was assured to be approved by Congress, with the parliamentary process of law-making and approval turning into a mere formality.

Legacy
The October 1982 general election led to a major reconfiguration of the Spanish political scene. While institutionally, the Spanish transition to democracy ended in December 1978 after the approval of the 1978 Constitution in referendum and its subsequent adoption, historically the transition is considered to have ended with the 1982 election. The threat of a military coup d'etat after the failed 23-F coup had effectively ended, after preparations for the 27-O coup attempt were foiled. The election's aftermath ensured a lasting political stability that would favour the implementation of reforms that would definitively settle democracy in Spain. Furthermore, the exceptionally high turnout (80%) was seen as a strong endorsement by the Spanish people on the democratic system, and the political earthquake resulting from the election was deemed as the Spaniards' desire to break up with the past and to look into the future, rallying behind the PSOE and the "for change" premises it had campaigned for.

The UCD, the political party which had led the country into the transition from Francisco Franco's dictatorship into a fledgling democracy, was not only ousted from power, but almost entirely decimated in the election. From the 35% of the share and 168 seats it had obtained in 1979 it was reduced to a mere 7% and 11 seats. It had lost 4.9 million votes in its last three years in power (roughly 80% of its 1979 voter base) and was left as a third party with no ability to influence the government. As a result, the UCD, which had been in office since its inception in 1977 until December 1982, effectively ceased to exist as in February 1983, when its leadership decided to dissolve the party as it was unable to cope with the mounting debts. Its collapse was seen with time as the result of the voters' perception of it not acting with consistency, clarity and effectiveness, and because of the internal party division and infighting that plagued the UCD's final time in power.

The PSOE won the election in a landslide with a large absolute majority of seats and roughly half (48.1%) of the vote share. With 202 out of the 350 seats at stake in the Congress and 134 out of the 208 electable seats in the Senate, it won roughly 60% of the seats in each chamber, a record result not surpassed ever since by any political party. Its 10,127,392-vote result, comprising 38% of the voting-able electorate at the time, was not reached by any party until the 2000 general election held 18 years later, when the PP obtained 10,321,178 (however, as the voting-able electorate was much larger in 2000, that result was not as lopsized in percentage terms as it was in 1982). For the next decade, the Socialists would dominate Spanish politics with no other party having a realistic chance of forming government, leading some commentators to suggest that Spain had moved to a dominant-party system. Eventually, the PSOE would not be seriously challenged until 1993, when they were reduced to a minority government, remaining in power for another 3 years until 1996. To date, Felipe González' 1982–1996 stay in power (four terms comprising 14 years) remains the longest period of continuous government by a democratically elected PM, with governments ever since usually having shorter durations of 8 years (two terms).

The People's Alliance became the major opposition party as a result of this election, having been a minor party in the 1977–1982 period. It replaced the UCD as the main non-socialist party in Spain, and has maintained this position for most of the last four decades. However, despite its position as the main alternative to the PSOE, its perceived right-wing stance, subsequent internal crises and leadership changes, as well as the PSOE's enduring popularity until the early 1990s, ensured the party would remain electorally stagnant throughout the decade. AP would also face the direct competition of Suárez's CDS in the 1986–1989 period, which for some time was even expected to surpass AP as the PSOE's main rival. The party's position would not improve until its relaunch as the People's Party in 1989 and the leadership of José María Aznar, which would eventually led to the establishment in 1993 of a two-party system in Spain, and in the PP's rise to power in 1996.

title: 1982 Spanish general election


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KDFX-CD

KDFX-CD (channel 33) is a low-power, Class A television station licensed to both Indio and Palm Springs, California, United States, serving as the Fox affiliate for the Coachella Valley. It is owned by the News-Press & Gazette Company alongside Palm Springs–licensed ABC affiliate KESQ-TV (channel 42) and four other low-power stations: Cathedral City–licensed Class A CBS affiliate KPSP-CD (channel 38), Palm Springs–licensed CW affiliate KCWQ-LD (channel 2), Indio-licensed Telemundo affiliate KUNA-LD (channel 15), and AccuWeather affiliate KYAV-LD (channel 12). The six stations share studios on Dunham Way in Thousand Palms; KDFX-CD's transmitter is located on Edom Hill northeast of Cathedral City and I-10.

Along with other major Coachella Valley television stations, KDFX identifies itself on-air using its cable designation (Fox 11) rather than its over-the-air channel position. The unusual practice stems in part from the area's exceptionally high cable penetration rate of 80.5% which is one of the highest in the United States.

In addition to its own digital signal, KDFX is simulcast in standard definition on KESQ's fourth digital subchannel (virtual channel 33.2) from the same Edom Hill transmitter facility.

History
The station signed on March 2, 1990, as K40DB, a translator of CBS affiliate KECY-TV in El Centro and began identifying as "KDBA-TV". The station was added on cable television on November 1, 1992. Along with its parent outlet, the station switched to Fox in September 1994, becoming the first CBS affiliate in the United States to join the so-called "fourth network" outside of the network's 1994 affiliation agreement with New World Communications. In fact, one reason owner Judge Robinson O. Everett of Wilmington, North Carolina signed with Fox was because Fox was willing to give Everett the primary Palm Springs affiliation, whereas CBS felt that KCBS-TV had sufficient penetration in the area and was demanding that the company's CBS affiliates resume producing local news. Prior to this switch, KECY aired some Fox programming, and cable viewers received KTTV from Los Angeles.

In 1997, Pacific Media Corporation (which was principally controlled by Robinson O. Everett) entered into a local management agreement (LMA) with a subsidiary of Beverly Hills, California–based Lambert Broadcasting, LLC. That company split the translator off and relaunched it as a separate Fox affiliate serving the Coachella Valley. On August 23 of that year, the station moved to UHF channel 33 and adopted KDFX-LP as its call sign. The LMA and options to purchase the two stations were sold a year later to the News-Press Gazette Company of St. Joseph, Missouri, bringing KDFX under common control with KESQ-TV. Lambert invested heavily in the station and upgraded it to Class A status on April 7, 2003, as KDFX-CA. In November 2007, NPG filed to buy the stations for $2 million. The station was licensed for digital operation on March 18, 2015, taking on the call sign KDFX-CD.

Newscasts
KDFX airs a two-hour morning newscast (7–9 a.m.) and 6:30 and 10 p.m. newscasts from KESQ-TV.

Subchannels
The station's signal is multiplexed: {{legend|#E6FFF7|Simulcast of subchannels of another station}}

title: KDFX-CD


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User talk:Harpreet singh

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title: User talk:Harpreet singh