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Khmu people

The Khmu (Khmu: ; ກຶມມຸ or ຂະມຸ ; ขมุ ; Khơ Mú; ; ခမူ) are an ethnic group of Southeast Asia. The majority (88%) live in northern Laos where they constitute the largest minority ethnic group, comprising eleven percent of the total population. Alternative historical English spellings include Kmhmu, Kemu, and Kơbru, among others.

The Khmu can also be found in southwest China (in Xishuangbanna in Yunnan province), and in recent centuries have migrated to areas of Burma, Thailand and Vietnam (where they are an officially recognized ethnic group). In the People's Republic of China, however, they are not given official recognition as a separate "national" group, but are rather classified as a subgroup of Bulang.

The endonym "Khmu" is suspected to stem from their word kymhmuʔ meaning "people". Khmu also often refer to their ethnicity as pruʔ.

Geographic distribution
The Khmu were the indigenous inhabitants of northern Laos. It is generally believed the Khmu once inhabited a much larger area. After the influx of Thai/Lao peoples into the lowlands of Southeast Asia, the Khmu were forced to higher ground (Lao Theung), above the rice-growing lowland Lao and below the Hmong/Mien groups (Lao Sung) that inhabit the highest regions, where they practiced swidden agriculture. There are more than 568,000 Khmu around the world, with populations of 500,000 in Laos, 73,000 in Central Highlands of Vietnam, 10,000 in Thailand, 10,000 in China, and an estimated 8,000-10,000 in the United States.

The Khmu (Kobru) of Laos reside mainly in the North, ranging across 10 provinces. The Khmu form the largest ethnic group, outnumbering even the Lao, in five Northern provinces (Luang Prabang, Phongsaly, Oudomxay, Bokeo and Luangnamtha Provinces). The Khmu of Thailand are clustered in Nan Province near the Thailand-Laos border.

Most Khmu villages are isolated, and only slowly receiving electricity. In many areas the Khmu live alongside the Hmong and other regional minority ethnic groups. The Khmu in the United States originated as refugees from the Vietnam War. Most of these refugees settled in California, which is home to both the Khmu National Federation, Inc., and the Khmu Catholic National Center.

Many of the Khmu in Thailand have arrived recently from Laos and Vietnam, also as refugees from the Vietnam War and subsequent communist governments, although cross-border migrations into Thailand's Nan, Phayao and Chiang Rai provinces for new farm land and work in the teak industry began as much as 200 years ago.

Subgroups
In their mountain refuges, the various Khmu settlements became isolated, surrounded and partially influenced by the dominant groups of their respective areas. Accordingly, the Khmu now recognize subdivisions among themselves which are differentiated primarily by dialect. These subgroups are called tmowy in Khmu. Some of the larger tmowy are the Tmowy Mea [tmɔi mɛ], Tmowy Ksak [tmɔi ksăk], Tmowy Rok [tmɔi rɔk] (Lao: kha hok). The Khmu north of the Tha River (nam tha), who often live in close contact with the lowland Tai Lü and Thai Yuan peoples, distinguish groups including the Tmowy Lü [tmɔi lɯʔ], Tmowy Yuan and Tmowy Khuen     (Khuen is often a synonym for "Khmu" in general).

Aside from their geographical separation, the subgroups' primary differences are in dialect. However, there are slight variations in customs and cultural practices among the various tmowy. The Khmu refer to others within their own tmowy as tay-haem ("older siblings-younger siblings"), expressing solidarity and shared ritual/common ancestral worship while referring to other Khmu by the name of their respective groups.

The Khmu groups north of the Tha River in particular, whose names reflect their partial identification with the Buddhist Tai cultures, have acculturated to the dominant ethnic groups of the region. They are often contrasted with the Khmu Roek who live higher up in the hills and retain some older customs that other groups have abandoned. While the Khmu Roek are often respected as the center of the Khmu "socio-economic ritual complex", "Roek" is also used by more assimilated Khmu as an appellation for "backwood" Khmu regardless of their tmowy.

Language
The Khmu language belongs to the Austro-Asiatic language family, in which several closely related languages including Puoc, O’du and Kniang, among others, are grouped together forming the Khmuic branch. The many dialects of Khmu differ primarily in consonant inventory, existence of register, and the degree to which the language has been influenced by the surrounding national language(s). Dialects are, for the most part, mutually intelligible; however communication can be difficult between speakers of geographically distant dialects.

The dialects of Khmu can be broadly categorized into two groups, Western Khmu and Eastern Khmu. Western Khmu dialects have fewer consonant phonemes and instead use phonemic register contrast of "lax" breathy register and "tense" modal register. In at least one dialect of Western Khmu, Khmu Roek, tonogenesis is evident as the register contrast has developed into a system of two phonemic tones with six phonetic realizations. Eastern Khmu dialects show the opposite tendency. Completely lacking either register or tone distinction, these dialects utilize a three-way distinction of stops (voiced, voiceless and aspirated voiceless) and nasals (voiced, voiceless, and pre-glottalized) in the syllable-initial position for phonemic contrast.

Although Khmu language use among peers is currently fairly vigorous, most, if not all, Khmu are also fluent in the language of the culturally dominant group of the area and many regularly use three or even four different languages. The Khmu of Laos, for example, speak Lao when dealing with government officials, engaging in commerce with the lowland Lao, or if attending school. Trade with other highland groups may necessitate knowledge of additional languages, such as Hmong, unless Lao can be used a lingua franca by both groups. The Khmu of Thailand are more assimilated, often living in villages among the Thai and preferring to speak Kham Meuang even at home in households with two Khmu parents.

Origin
Khmuic peoples refers to a group of ethnicities of mainland Southeast Asia that speak closely related languages and follow similar customs and traditions. It is believed, based on linguistic, cultural and historical evidence, that these now-disparate groups are descended from a homogeneous ethnicity that may have been among the first populations to settle northern Indochina. This historical Khmuic people inhabited areas far larger than at present, including northern lowland areas of at least present day Thailand and Laos, until absorbed or pushed into mountainous refuges by successive Mon and Khmer empires and the later arrival of various Tai peoples.

Social structure
The Khmu are an agricultural society, although gathering, hunting, trapping and fishing are parts of the Khmu lifestyle. Khmu crops include rice (especially white and black sticky rice), corn, bananas, sugar cane, cucumbers, beans, sesame and a variety of vegetables. Most of the agricultural work in Khmu villages is done communally, so as to combine the strength and finish the work quickly. Harvesting of rice from the swidden field is generally performed by the village women.

Rice is stored outside the village to protect from fire, and in elevated structures to protect from mice and rats. Khmu elders are traditionally the most important people of the village, and are responsible for resolving all village disputes.

Village leaders included the shaman (knowledgeable in spiritual medicine), the medicine man (knowledgeable in herbal medicine), the priest (based on family lineage of priesthood), and the village headman (in modern times chosen by the Laotian government). Laotian Khmu communities generally have localized justice systems administered by the village elders.

Culture
Khmu culture is traditionally passed down by the recital of stories around evening fires. The story-telling sessions involve the sharing of silver pipes (originally opium, but now predominantly tobacco). Some Khmu are heavily tattooed for both decorative and religious reasons. In Laos, Khmu are reputed for practicing magic, and some families still engage in the casting of spells and telling of fortunes. According to the animistic practices of the Khmu, reverence is offered to the house spirit Hroi gang.

Villagers believe that a Khmu house, village, and its surroundings are integrated with the spirits of the land, and so houses and villages are considered holy or ritualized spaces. Typically, entire Khmu villages are enclosed in fences with three or four gates which separate the Khmu from their granaries and barns. Altars are placed outside the perimeter to ward off fires and storms.

In the past, each Khmu family was believed to be under the protection of a totem such as a boar or an eagle who had originally helped an ancestor and would continue to protect the family. In the past Khmuic people celebrated 4 festivals namely: rice planting, rice harvesting, new year, and wash or get rid of sin festivals. In ancient time Khmuic people celebrated new year festival on the first waxing moon day of the first lunar month. At present day the new year festival is mostly not practiced or if it is, it is integrated with the harvesting festival.

An ancient Khmuic house must be laid long along the direction from east to west and never intersected the direction of the sun. However, there are Khmuic who people built their houses intersecting the sun direction. Each house must have a door in the east and another one facing to the north or south. This depends on the situation of the area where the house was built and never build a door in the west side of the house. A house with straight leans must have a large outside balcony (attached with a 5 or 7 step stair) connected from the east door and a lean room with east or north door (attached with a 5 or 7 step stair). A house with bent leans (half moon shape) must have a large outside balcony (attached with a large 5 or 7 step stair) connected from a small and short lean room connected from the north or south site of the house, and an inside balcony (attached with a 5- or 7-step stair) connected from the east door. Ancient Khmuic people believed and worshiped the sun spirit for safety and health. In the early morning whichever day the sky is clear, when the sun is starting to rise, Khmuic people opened the east doors of their houses to let the sun shine into their houses.

There are three explanations for this directionality of house construction: 1. to expel devils, ghosts and bad spirits out of the houses (ancient Khmuic people believed that devils, ghosts or bad spirits fear sunlight); 2. to expel and wash out bacteria and any kinds of small insects dangerous to body and health; 3. Khmuic people also believe that the early morning sunlight is pure and fresh, so exposing one's own body to the early morning sunlight makes one's own mind fresh, good tempered, healthy and active at work. Nowadays, most Khmuic people ignore the beliefs and rules, and don't practice this way of building their houses. Roofs of houses are covered with wooden tiles or thatch.

In cases relating to the harvesting season, Khmuic people also respect the sun as a symbol of clear sky or rain-less weather. During the harvesting season, sometimes the weather was abnormal and it rained, which caused a lot of damage to rice. So, when the rice ripens and its color becomes yellow or orange, and about the time of harvesting, Khmuic people held small rituals to sacrifice rice souls or spirits on the rice fields, mostly are up land rice fields or swidden fields (slash and burn technique which Khmuic people call “hre hngo” [hre̞ʔ hŋɒ̞ʔ]). In the rituals of rice soul sacrifices they hit bronze drum, which Khmuic people call "yan" (bronze drum) or "heurbang greh" (harvest gong) to beg the sun to shine well and prevent rain from falling down. In case it rains, they also hit yan and say some sayings to beg for the rain to stop. During the rainy season if it rains more than usual, Khmuic people also hit yan, and recite sayings to beg for rain to ease or stop for a little while. This is why in the 'Moun Greh ceremony, Khmuic people hit the yan (bronze drum) to thank the sun for shining well during the rice harvesting; and that is why Khmuic people also call bronze drum as “heurbang greh” (harvest gong); in the present day this kind of practice is rare.

Khmu cemeteries are traditionally divided into four sections; one for natural deaths, one for accidental deaths, one for children, and one for those who died away from home. The Khmu do not generally believe in rebirth. Traditional Khmu animism puts emphasis on the concept of taboo, as villagers believe that violations of taboo result in vengeance of spirits. Forbidden activities include touching the altars or the amulets representing the house's spirit, birth ceremonies for children born feet-first, and entering a house without permission.

Dances to propitiate the rice goddess are common among the Khmu people; they are performed in order to ensure a good harvest.

title: Khmu people


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Persija Jakarta

Persatuan Sepakbola Indonesia Jakarta ( 'Indonesian Football Association of Jakarta'), abbreviated as Persija, is an Indonesian professional football club based in the Indonesian capital city of Jakarta. Persija Jakarta is one of the most successful football clubs in Indonesia with 2 Indonesian League titles and 9 Perserikatan titles. It has never been in a lower league since a nationwide competition started in 1930, fifteen years before Indonesia became an independent country. Persija is one of the founders of the Indonesian football association PSSI, along with six other clubs. Persija's rivalry with fellow PSSI founder Persib Bandung has gone on for decades, occasionally marred by violence.

Foundation and early years
Persija has roots that predate the current Indonesian state, which declared independence in 1945. Its forerunner, the Voetbalbond Indonesische Jacatra (VIJ), was formed on 28 November 1928 as a football club for Indonesian residents of Jakarta when the Dutch were still colonizing the country. The name Jacatra refers to a fort on the northern coast of present-day Jakarta. VIJ, along with six other Indonesian clubs, established PSSI on 19 April 1930 and won the first PSSI-authorized competition in 1931. In 1937, VIJ did not enter the competition but after that the club was always in the top division.

Post-independence
VIJ changed its name to Persija in 1950, five years after the Indonesian independence. In mid-1951, a club with ethnic Chinese, Dutch and Eurasian players merged with the rebranded outfit. As the Indonesia national football team in the 1950s heavily depended on Persija players, its line-ups at that time were filled by many ethnic Chinese, Dutch and Eurasian players from the Jakarta club.

Amateur years (1951–1994)
After the 1945 independence, national football competitions in Indonesia centred on region-based associations of amateur clubs that received funding from the state. These associations, including Persija, played against each other in an annual tournament known as Perserikatan, which literally means union. Almost all of these associations were seen as representatives of the main ethnic group in their respective regions, flaming primordial sentiments. Multicultural Persija was the exception. Persija won six national titles in the Perserikatan years. However, its fanbase was small and less passionate compared to ethnic-based supporter groups of Persib Bandung, Persebaya Surabaya, PSM Makassar or PSMS Medan. As the Perserikatan games became popular and televised from the 1980s, the other clubs proved to be more dominant with their stronger band of supporters.

Semi-professional years (1994–2008)
PSSI tried to combine the popular Perserikatan teams with the professional clubs from the Galatama league, which was struggling to attract a healthy-sized audience as the clubs did not attract primordial sentiments, into a league called Liga Indonesia. Persija, with a weak fanbase, continued its poor streak in the early years of Liga Indonesia until former army general Sutiyoso was appointed as governor of Jakarta in 1997 amid nationwide demonstrations that demanded the end of military-backed authoritarianism and the start of democratic elections at all levels.

Recognizing that he must win support to secure another term, Sutiyoso used Persija as an outreach vehicle. In 1997, Sutiyoso rebranded Persija with a different colour. Orange replaced red to stress Persija's tiger symbol while national players were recruited and more professional management was introduced. The governor also wielded his powers to motivate other Jakarta clubs in Liga Indonesia, including the once-successful Pelita Jaya FC, to leave the capital city. To augment the fanbase, the Jakmania supporter group was created in December 1997. The total makeover paid off with Persija winning the 2001 national title, a fanbase developing into the biggest in the country and Sutiyoso securing a second term in 2002. The flip side of this top-down approach is constant taunts from supporters of other clubs calling Persija as "anak papa" (papa's boy), which has become louder since Persija won its next national title in 2018.

Professional years (2008–present)
The emergence of the Indonesian Super League in 2008 came amid pressure on Perserikatan teams to stop relying on the state budget and increase professional management. Persija, with the ability to attract supporters, sponsors and quality players, evolved into a well-oiled machine that performed well in different forms of competitions in Indonesia. However, it failed to win a national title in these professional years until 2018 when it championed the 2018 Liga 1. While Jakmania turned the capital city orange after the crowning, supporters of other clubs mocked the victory as engineered so that Persija could finally end its 17-year drought. These naysayers argue that PSSI influenced several decisions during the season that unfairly benefitted Persija, including the goals scored in the 9 December 2018 game that sealed the title.

Controversy aside, Persija is undeniably one of Indonesia's leading clubs with a fanbase that is now considered as the biggest in Asia, according to a December 2020 survey by the Asian Football Confederation. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, Persija games could easily gather more than 50,000 people inside the stadium with thousands watching on public screens in neighbourhoods across the sprawling capital. Persija holds the record for highest attendance in a AFC Cup match when it faced with Johor Darul Ta'zim F.C. in 2018.

In April 2022, Persija appointed former Borussia Dortmund manager, Thomas Doll, as the new head coach and manager in a three-year deal.

Stadium
Persija currently plays their home matches at Gelora Bung Karno Stadium (GBK) in Central Jakarta along with the Indonesia national football team. As VIJ, Persija first played at VIJ Stadium Petojo, Gambir.

Before settling at the large GBK, the club used smaller stadiums in Jakarta as their home ground. For the 2017 Liga 1 and much of the 2018 Liga 1, Persija had to relocate to nearby Bekasi and use the Patriot Chandrabhaga Stadium or the Wibawa Mukti Stadium when the GBK stadium underwent renovation for the 2018 Asian Games and was later used for the main venue of that multi-sports event.

Current Jakarta governor Anies Baswedan in 2019 decided to build a new stadium for Persija in North Jakarta, which is called the Jakarta International Stadium. The new stadium was completed in 2022.

However, there is a campaign to rename the stadium after intellectual, national hero, and Jakarta native, Mohammad Husni Thamrin. Thamrin also played an important part in the founding of Persija as VIJ by contributing his own money to build VIJ's first football pitch and stadium, VIJ Stadium.

Retired numbers

 * 12 – The 12th man, reserved for club supporters "The Jakmania"
 * 14 – Ismed Sofyan
 * 20 – Bambang Pamungkas

Management

 * }

Kit colours

Persija Jakarta's traditional colour is red, which is used for their home kit. Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso in 1997 replaced it with orange to make it in line with the tiger symbol during the rebranding of the club. After 19 years, in 2016, Persija decided to return to red after a long national title drought. The experiment worked as Persija championed the top-tier league in 2018. Frequently, the colour of their away jersey is white. But sometimes, players wear black in their away matches. Orange has been kept as the color of their third jersey.

Supporters
Persija's main supporter group are called the Jakmania, simply known as The Jak. Founded in 1997 by Gugun Gondrong and Ferry Indra Sjarif, the Jakmania is one of the biggest football fan groups in Indonesia and use orange as their main colour, even though the club have since switched to red. Persija's home matches could easily attract over 50,000 spectators before the COVID-19 pandemic. The Jakmania often travel to away matches, except against rivals Persib Bandung and Persebaya Surabaya because of police restrictions. However, tragedy still struck. Haringga Sirla, a Jakmania member who dared to break the rule and travel to Bandung in September 2018, was beaten to death by a group of Vikings, supporters of Persib.

The anthem of Persija, "Persija Menyatukan Kita Semua", written by the Jakmania, is always sung after a match.

Rivalries
Persija typically has rivalries with former Perserikatan teams such as PSM Makassar, Persebaya Surabaya and PSMS Medan due to long history of meeting. However, its top rival are Persib Bandung from the West Java city of Bandung, 180 km away. This derby is known as Duel Klasik or Laga Klasik. The rivalry between the two teams has become violent in the 2000s due to the growth of ultras on each side. Influenced by some media and individuals who want the rivalry to be preserved, many hostile incidents involving the two support group have occurred with seven deaths so far.

In 2014, a reconciliation was held by the West Java Police to avoid future clashes, resulting in restrictions against travelling supporters. However, fans continue to break the rule and end up in violent altercations.

Persija also has rivalries with other Jakarta-based football clubs, dubbed Derby Ibukota (the Capital Derby) or Jakarta Derby. However, unlike its rivalries with former Perserikatan teams, Persija's rivalries with other Jakarta-based clubs are low in intensity due to fewer matches held against them. The only rivalry worth mentioning is the one the club has with Persitara Jakarta Utara, which has successfully promoted to the top tier for some times, hence having more matches played between them.

Honours
Persija has won many titles, including from international tournaments, making the club as the most successful in Indonesia. Its last national title comes from the 2018 Liga 1.

Past seasons

 * Key
 * Tms. = Number of teams
 * Pos. = Position in league

AFC (Asian competitions)

 * Asian Club Championship/AFC Champions League
 * 2001-02 – First round
 * 2019 – Preliminary round 2
 * AFC Cup
 * 2018 – ASEAN Zonal semi-finals
 * 2019 – Group stage

Former coaches
After becoming professional, Persija Jakarta has been trained by a combination of foreign and local coaches. Sofyan Hadi was the first head coach who won a professional national title for Persija Jakarta in 2001 when he was also playing for the team. Brazilian Antonio Claudio also was playing in and coaching the same team, but as a fitness coach. Another Brazilian, Stefano Cugurra, led Persija to the 2018 national title.

Notable former players
This is the list of several domestic and foreign former notable or famous players of Persija from time to time.

Indonesia

 * 🇮🇩 Soetjipto Soentoro
 * 🇮🇩 Tan Ling Houw
 * 🇮🇩 Sutan Harhara
 * 🇮🇩 Rully Nere
 * 🇮🇩 Dede Sulaiman
 * 🇮🇩 Rahmad Darmawan
 * 🇮🇩 Widodo Cahyono Putro
 * 🇮🇩 Anang Ma'ruf
 * 🇮🇩 Budiman Yunus
 * 🇮🇩 Imran Nahumarury
 * 🇮🇩 Francis Wewengkang
 * 🇮🇩 Hendro Kartiko
 * 🇮🇩 Kurniawan Dwi Yulianto
 * 🇮🇩 Charis Yulianto
 * 🇮🇩 Elie Aiboy
 * 🇮🇩 Budi Sudarsono
 * 🇮🇩 Aples Tecuari
 * 🇮🇩 Hamka Hamzah
 * 🇮🇩 Ortizan Solossa
 * 🇮🇩 Atep Rizal
 * 🇮🇩 Muhammad Ilham
 * 🇮🇩 Aliyudin
 * 🇮🇩 Agus Indra Kurniawan
 * 🇮🇩 Rochy Putiray
 * 🇮🇩 Nur'alim
 * 🇮🇩 Anjas Asmara
 * 🇮🇩 Anindito Wahyu
 * 🇮🇩 🇧🇷 Beto Gonçalves
 * 🇮🇩 🇳🇬 Osas Saha
 * 🇮🇩 Adam Alis
 * 🇮🇩 Gendut Doni Christiawan
 * 🇮🇩 Alexander Pulalo
 * 🇮🇩 Muhammad Roby
 * 🇮🇩 Leo Saputra
 * 🇮🇩 🇳🇬 Greg Nwokolo
 * 🇮🇩 Firman Utina
 * 🇮🇩 Ponaryo Astaman
 * 🇮🇩 Amarzukih
 * 🇮🇩 🇳🇱 Stefano Lilipaly
 * 🇮🇩 🇳🇱 Raphael Maitimo
 * 🇮🇩 Farri Agri
 * 🇮🇩🇳🇬 O.K. John
 * 🇮🇩 Bambang Pamungkas
 * 🇮🇩 Gunawan Dwi Cahyo
 * 🇮🇩 Fitra Ridwan
 * 🇮🇩 Valentino Telaubun
 * 🇮🇩 Michael Orah
 * 🇮🇩 Talaohu Musafri
 * 🇮🇩 Leonard Tupamahu
 * 🇮🇩 Alfin Tuasalamony
 * 🇮🇩 Dany Saputra
 * 🇮🇩 🇳🇱 Nol van der Vin
 * 🇮🇩 Samosir Tamani
 * 🇮🇩 Fahreza Agamal
 * 🇮🇩 Defri Rizki
 * 🇮🇩 Fariz Nur Hisyam
 * 🇮🇩 Mulky Alifa Hakim
 * 🇮🇩 🇳🇱 Marc Klok
 * 🇮🇩 Evan Dimas
 * 🇮🇩 Osvaldo Haay
 * 🇮🇩 Novri Setiawan
 * 🇮🇩 Ichsan Kurniawan
 * 🇮🇩 Ahmad Bustomi
 * 🇮🇩 Adixi Lenzivio
 * 🇮🇩 Rinto Ali
 * 🇮🇩 Salman Alfarid
 * 🇮🇩 Iman Fathuroman
 * 🇮🇩 Ikhwan Ciptady
 * 🇮🇩 Yoewanto Setya Beny
 * 🇮🇩 Daryono
 * 🇮🇩 Shahar Ginanjar
 * 🇮🇩 Sandi Sute
 * 🇮🇩 Ramdani Lestaluhu
 * 🇮🇩 Feby Eka Putra
 * 🇮🇩 Rachmad Hidayat
 * 🇮🇩 Septinus Alua
 * 🇮🇩 Rudi Widodo
 * 🇮🇩 Heri Susanto
 * 🇮🇩 Alfath Fathier
 * 🇮🇩 Asri Akbar
 * 🇮🇩 Sutanto Tan
 * 🇮🇩 Arthur Irawan
 * 🇮🇩 Rizky Darmawan
 * 🇮🇩 Ambrizal Umanailo
 * 🇮🇩 Vava Mario Yagalo
 * 🇮🇩 Muhammad Hargianto
 * 🇮🇩 Andik Rendika Rama
 * 🇮🇩 Syahroni
 * 🇮🇩 Samuel Christianson Simanjuntak
 * 🇮🇩 Rafli Mursalim
 * 🇮🇩 Adrianus Purnomo
 * 🇮🇩 Ismed Sofyan
 * 🇮🇩 Tony Sucipto
 * 🇮🇩 Maman Abdurrahman
 * 🇮🇩 Hasyim Kipuw
 * 🇮🇩 Harry Salisbury
 * 🇮🇩 Rizky Ridho
 * 🇮🇩 Rezaldi Hehanussa

Asia

 * 🇮🇩 Miro Baldo Bento
 * 🇮🇩 João Bosco Cabral
 * 🇳🇵 Rohit Chand
 * 🇸🇬 🇳🇬 Precious Emuejeraye
 * 🇸🇬 🇳🇬 Agu Casmir
 * 🇸🇬 Baihakki Khaizan
 * 🇸🇬 🇷🇸 Fahrudin Mustafic
 * 🇦🇺 Aleks Vrteski (Only In Indonesian Premier League) (Unofficial)
 * 🇺🇿 Jahongir Abdumominov
 * 🇭🇰 Lam Hok Hei
 * 🇰🇷 Park Kyung-min
 * 🇰🇷 Jeong Kwang-sik
 * 🇰🇷 Hong Soon-hak
 * 🇦🇺 🇧🇷 Reinaldo
 * 🇧🇭 Yusuf Helal
 * 🇵🇭 🇩🇪 Oliver Bias

Africa

 * 🇨🇲 Roger Batoum
 * 🇨🇲 Abanda Herman
 * 🇨🇲 Serge Emaleu Ngomgoue
 * 🇨🇲 Louis Berty Ayock
 * 🇨🇲 🇭🇰 Julius Pongla Akosah
 * 🇨🇲 Olinga Atangana
 * 🇨🇲 Pierre Njanka
 * 🇨🇲 Eric Bayemi
 * 🇨🇲 🇧🇪 Emmanuel Kenmogne
 * 🇨🇲 Mbeng Jean Mambalou
 * 🇱🇷 Boakay Foday
 * 🇱🇷 Oliver Makor
 * 🇱🇷 Frank Seator
 * 🇳🇬 Chinedum Antoni
 * 🇳🇬 Sam Ayorinde
 * 🇦🇴 Vata Matanu Garcia
 * 🇱🇷 🇨🇲 Alex Brown
 * 🇲🇱 Makan Konaté

Europe

 * 🇵🇹 Jaime Braganca (Only In Indonesian Premier League) (Unofficial)

 * 🇪🇪 Martin Vunk
 * 🇷🇺 Evgeni Kabaev
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title: Persija Jakarta


text: User talk:81.136.156.158

title: User talk:81.136.156.158


text:
Judicial activism

Judicial activism is a judicial philosophy holding that the courts can and should go beyond the applicable law to consider broader societal implications of its decisions. It is sometimes used as an antonym of judicial restraint. The term usually implies that judges make rulings based on their own views rather than on precedent. The definition of judicial activism and the specific decisions that are activist are controversial political issues. The question of judicial activism is closely related to judicial interpretation, statutory interpretation, and separation of powers.

Etymology
Arthur Schlesinger Jr. introduced the term "judicial activism" in a January 1947 Fortune magazine article titled "The Supreme Court: 1947".

The phrase has been controversial since its beginning. An article by Craig Green, "An Intellectual History of Judicial Activism," is critical of Schlesinger's use of the term; "Schlesinger's original introduction of judicial activism was doubly blurred: not only did he fail to explain what counts as activism, he also declined to say whether activism is good or bad."

Even before this phrase was first used, the general concept already existed. For example, Thomas Jefferson referred to the "despotic behaviour" of Federalist federal judges, in particular Chief Justice John Marshall.

Definitions
Black's Law Dictionary defines judicial activism as a "philosophy of judicial decision-making whereby judges allow their personal views about public policy, among other factors, to guide their decisions."

Political science professor Bradley Canon has posited six dimensions along which judge courts may be perceived as activist: majoritarianism, interpretive stability, interpretive fidelity, substance/democratic process, specificity of policy, and availability of an alternate policymaker.

David A. Strauss has argued that judicial activism can be narrowly defined as one or more of three possible actions: overturning laws as unconstitutional, overturning judicial precedent, and ruling against a preferred interpretation of the constitution.

Others have been less confident of the term's meaning, finding it instead to be little more than a rhetorical shorthand. Kermit Roosevelt III has argued that "in practice 'activist' turns out to be little more than a rhetorically charged shorthand for decisions the speaker disagrees with". Roosevelt defines judicial activism as "an approach to the exercise of judicial review, or a description of a particular judicial decision, in which a judge is generally considered more willing to decide constitutional issues and to invalidate legislative or executive actions."; likewise, the solicitor general under George W. Bush, Theodore Olson, said in an interview on Fox News Sunday, with regard to a case for same-sex marriage he had successfully litigated, that "most people use the term 'judicial activism' to explain decisions that they don't like." Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy said that, "An activist court is a court that makes a decision you don't like."

Echoed sentiments in many articles, such as "The courts have gradually abandoned their proper role of policing the structural limits on government and neutrally interpreting the laws and constitutional provisions without personal bias."

Richard H. Fallon Jr. quotes Justice Holmes "great cases... make bad law." in their explanation on presidential overreach. "Presidents frequently interpret their own powers without judicial review and where executive precedents play a large role in subsequent interpretive debates, some of the historical assertions of presidential authority that stretch constitutional and statutory language the furthest seem hard to condemn in light of the practical stakes."

Debate
Detractors of judicial activism charge that it usurps the power of the elected branches of government and of legislatively created agencies, damaging the rule of law and democracy. Defenders of judicial activism say that in many cases it is a legitimate form of judicial review and that the interpretation of the law must change with changing times.

A third view is that so-called "objective" or "formalist" interpretation of the law does not exist. According to law professor Brian Z. Tamanaha, "Throughout the so-called formalist age, it turns out, many prominent judges and jurists acknowledged that there were gaps and uncertainties in the law and that judges must sometimes make choices." Under this view, any judge's use of judicial discretion will necessarily be shaped by that judge's personal and professional experience and his or her views on a wide range of matters, from legal and juridical philosophy to morals and ethics. This implies a tension between granting flexibility (to enable the dispensing of justice) and placing bounds on that flexibility (to hold judges to ruling from legal grounds rather than extralegal ones).

Some proponents of a stronger judiciary argue that the judiciary helps provide checks and balances and should grant itself an expanded role to counterbalance the effects of transient majoritarianism, i.e., there should be an increase in the powers of a branch of government that is not directly subject to the electorate, so that the majority cannot dominate or oppress any particular minority through its elective powers. Other scholars have proposed that judicial activism is most appropriate when it restrains the tendency of democratic majorities to act out of passion and prejudice rather than after reasoned deliberation.

Moreover, they argue that the judiciary strikes down actions of both elected and unelected officials, in some instances acts of legislative bodies reflecting the view the transient majority may have had at the moment of passage and not necessarily the view the transient majority may have at the time the legislation is struck down. Also, the judges that are appointed are usually appointed by previously elected executive officials so that judges' philosophy should reflect that of those who nominated them, and that an independent judiciary is a great asset to civil society since special interests are unable to dictate their version of constitutional interpretation with the threat of stopping political donations. Critics of judicial activism often purport to follow a conservative agenda, though United States issues for several decades have seen extreme conservative activist rulings delivered to advance conservative economic and social causes.

Critical legal studies argues that political argument and legal argument cannot be entirely separated.

United States examples
The following rulings have been characterized as judicial activism.

 * Brown v. Board of Education – 1954 Supreme Court ruling ordering the desegregation of public schools.
 * Roe v. Wade – 1973 Supreme Court ruling creating the constitutional right to an abortion.
 * Bush v. Gore – The United States Supreme Court case between the major-party candidates in the 2000 presidential election, George W. Bush and Al Gore. The justices voted 5–4 to halt the recount of ballots in Florida and as a result Bush was chosen as president.
 * Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission – 2010 Supreme Court decision declaring congressionally enacted limitations on corporate political spending and transparency as unconstitutional restrictions on free speech.
 * Obergefell v. Hodges – 2015 Supreme Court decision declaring same-sex marriage as a right guaranteed under the Due Process Clause and the Fourteenth Amendment.
 * Janus v. AFSCME – a 2018 Supreme Court decision addressing whether unions can require dues from all workers who benefit from collective bargaining agreements. The decision overturned the 41-year-old precedent of Abood v. Detroit Board of Education.
 * Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California – a 2020 Supreme Court decision addressing whether the Department of Homeland Security under President Donald Trump had the authority to dismantle the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program initiated by Executive Order under former President Barack Obama.
 * Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization - a 2022 Supreme Court ruling reversing the effects of Roe v. Wade, allowing states once again to forbid abortion within their borders.

Some US Presidents have also commented on the idea. When President George W. Bush announced his first nominations for the federal bench, he declared: "Every judge I appoint will be a person who clearly understands the role of a judge is to interpret the law, not to legislate from the bench. To paraphrase 4th president of the United States James Madison Jr (hailed as the Father of the Constitution for his role in drafting the Constitution of the United States and the Bill of Rights) the courts exist to exercise not the will of men, but the judgment of law. My judicial nominees will know the difference."

Outside the United States
While the term was first coined and is often used in the United States, it has also been applied in other countries, particularly common law jurisdictions.

Canada
Judges in Canada are given the power to interpret law passed down from the legislature, discretionary power to resolve disputes, and the power to use common law and accepted judicial policy to render judgement. By the principle of separation of powers, a strong tradition in Canada and accepted practice, judges should respect the role of the legislature to create law. Judges are also charged to impartially apply the law as it is written.

Canada has a legal system that is derived from the British system of common law (and the French system in the province of Quebec). Canadian Courts have a structure that relies more heavily on the discretion of its judges, policy and common law to create a workable body of law. Thus Canada's legal system may have more potential for conflicts with regards to the accusation of judicial activism, as compared to the United States.

Former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada Beverley McLachlin has stated that:

 * the charge of judicial activism may be understood as saying that judges are pursuing a particular political agenda, that they are allowing their political views to determine the outcome of cases before them. ... It is a serious matter to suggest that any branch of government is deliberately acting in a manner that is inconsistent with its constitutional role.

Such accusations often arise in response to rulings involving the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Specifically, rulings that have favoured the extension of gay rights, have prompted accusations of judicial activism. Justice Rosalie Abella is a particularly common target of those who perceive activism on the Supreme Court of Canada bench.

The judgment Chaoulli v Quebec [2005] 1 R.C.S. which declared unconstitutional the prohibition of private healthcare insurance, and challenged the principle of Canadian universal health care in Quebec was deemed by many as a prominent example of judicial activism. The judgment was written by Justice Deschamps with a tight majority of 4 against 3.

European Union
In the Cassis de Dijon Case, the European Court of Justice ruled the German laws prohibiting sales of liquors with alcohol percentages between 15% and 25% conflicted with EU laws. This ruling confirmed that EU law has primacy over member-state law. When the treaties are unclear, they leave room for the Court to interpret them in different ways. When EU treaties are negotiated, it is difficult to get all governments to agree on a clear set of laws. In order to get a compromise, governments agree to leave a decision on an issue to the Court.

The Court can only practice judicial activism to the extent the EU Governments leave room for interpretation in the treaties.

The Court makes important rulings that set the agenda for further EU integration, but it cannot happen without the consensual support of the member-states.

In the Irish referendum on the Lisbon Treaty many issues not directly related to the treaty, such as abortion were included in the debate because of worries that the Lisbon Treaty will enable the European Court of Justice to make activist rulings in these areas. After the rejection of the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland, the Irish Government received concessions from the rest of the member states of the European Union to make written guarantees that the EU will under no circumstances interfere with Irish abortion, taxation or military neutrality. Ireland voted on the Lisbon Treaty a second time in 2009, with a 67.13% majority voting Yes to the treaty.

India
India has a recent history of judicial activism, originating after the Emergency in India which saw attempts by the Government to control the judiciary. Public Interest Litigation was thus an instrument devised by the courts to reach out directly to the public, and take cognizance though the litigant may not be the victim. "Suo motu" cognizance allows the courts to take up such cases on its own. The trend has been supported as well as criticized. New York Times writer Gardiner Harris sums this up as

All such rulings carry the force of Article 39A of the Constitution of India, although before and during the Emergency the judiciary desisted from "wide and elastic" interpretations, termed Austinian, because Directive Principles of State Policy are non-justiciable. This despite the constitutional provisions for judicial review and B R Ambedkar arguing in the Constituent Assembly Debates that "judicial review, particularly writ jurisdiction, could provide quick relief against abridgment of Fundamental Rights and ought to be at the heart of the Constitution."

Fundamental Rights as enshrined in the Constitution have been subjected to wide review, and have now been said to encompass a right to privacy, right to livelihood and right to education, among others. The 'basic structure' of the Constitution has been mandated by the Supreme Court not to be alterable, notwithstanding the powers of the Legislature under Article 368. This doctrine has been recognized by several countries like Bangladesh, Pakistan and Malaysia as part of their jurisprudence. Other countries such as Singapore, Belize and Uganda has heard important cases regarding the use of this doctrine in their own countries. The modern trend of judicial activism began in 1973 when the Allahabad High Court rejected the candidature of Indira Gandhi in State of Uttar Pradesh v. Raj Narain. The introduction of public interest litigation by Justice V. R. Krishna Iyer further expanded its scope. Recent examples quoted include the order to Delhi Government to convert the Auto rickshaw to CNG, a move believed to have reduced Delhi's erstwhile acute smog problem (it is now argued to be back) and contrasted with that of Beijing.

Israel
The Israeli approach to judicial activism has transformed significantly in the three decades since the 1992 Constitutional Revolution led by Aharon Barak, and, as of 2022, presents an especially broad version of robust judicial review and intervention. Additionally, taking into consideration the intensity of public life in Israel and the challenges that the country faces (including security threats), the case law of the Israeli Supreme Court touches on diverse and controversial public matters.

United Kingdom
British courts were largely deferential towards their attitudes against the government before the 1960s. Since then, judicial activism has been well established throughout the UK. One of the first cases for this activism to be present was the Conway v Rimmer (1968); a Public-interest immunity, previously known as Crown privilege. Previously, a claim like this would be defined as definitive, but the judges had slowly begun to adopt more of an activist line approach. This had become more prominent in which government actions were overturned by the courts. This can inevitably lead to clashes between the courts against the government as shown in the Miller case consisting of the 2016 Conservative government. The perceptions of judicial activism derived from the number of applications for judicial review made to the courts, which led to R (Miller) v The Prime Minister and Cherry v Advocate General for Scotland in 2019, joint landmark constitutional law cases on the limits of the power of royal prerogative to prorogue the Parliament of the United Kingdom. This can be seen throughout the 1980s, where there were about 500 applications within a year. This number dramatically increased as by 2013, there were 15,594 applications. This trend has become more frequent as time passes along, possibly pointing to a greater influence in the UK courts against the government. Along with the number of applications submitted to the courts, in some instances it has attracted media attention. For instance, in 1993, William Rees-Mogg had challenged the Conservative government to ratify the Maastricht Treaty (a legislation that self described as "a new stage in the process of European integration"), which eventually had formed into the European Union and initiated the Eurodollar. This was rejected by the Divisional Court and attracted large amounts of media attention to this case. Through these components it is largely evident that judicial activism should not be exaggerated. Ultimately, judicial activism is greatly established throughout the UK as the courts are becoming more prone to scrutinise at their own will, and at times, reject government legislation that they deem to be not within balance to the UK constitution and becoming more visible doing so.

Obviously since the United Kingdom's judiciary powers do not come from electoral methods, they differ in strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats compared to a free and democratic system. Baroness Hale of Richmond raises the popular concern that this system operates on a fundamentally different playbook to the United States of America's court of law, and personal bias can be inherited, through an 'old boys' club'.

Among critics of judicial activism in the United Kingdom are Richard Ekins, John Finnis, and Sir Stephen Laws. Policy Exchange's Judicial Power Project, headed by Ekins, is dedicated to opposing judicial activism by British judges.

title: Judicial activism


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User:YolanC~enwiki

I lost my password (and my mail...), so I have created a new account : YolanCh

fr:Utilisateur:YolanC

title: User:YolanC~enwiki


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User talk:Nigelcwm

Thanks for experimenting with Wikipedia. Your test worked, and has been reverted or removed. Please use the sandbox for any other tests you want to do. Take a look at the welcome page if you would like to learn more about contributing to our encyclopedia. Thanks. Thue | talk 20:37, 26 May 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Nigelcwm


text:
Jimmy Brown (Irish republican)

Jimmy Brown (1956 – 18 August 1992) was a militant Irish republican and drug dealer who was a member of Fianna Eireann, the Official IRA, then Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP)/ Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), and latterly of the Irish People's Liberation Organisation (IPLO).

Biography
Brown was born on Broadway Road near the Falls Road in west Belfast. As a teenager, he was a member of Fianna Eireann and in 1969, upon the onset of the Troubles, he joined the Official IRA where he was a member of their "intelligence department". Within the OIRA, Brown was a member of the Seamus Costello faction which split off as their own organisation in 1974. Their faction became the Irish National Liberation Army, with the Irish Republican Socialist Party as their political wing. Brown did not immediately follow Costello into the INLA, instead remaining within the OIRA until early 1976 as a spy. After that, Brown openly joined the INLA and in December 1977 Brown was made a member of IRSP's ard comhairle (executive committee). Thereafter Browne acted as both a political spokesman and an "intelligence officer" who planned bombings and shootings. Those who admired Brown gave him the moniker "the Professor" because of his skill with Marxist rhetoric while his detractors mocked him by calling him "the Clown", due to his involvement in several high-profile blunders.

Extended police custody
Brown was closely associated with childhood friend and neighbour Gerard Steenson, and in December 1981 Brown supported Steenson's attempt to seize control of the INLA. By February 1983 Brown was chairman of the IRSP's Belfast branch; that same month he contested a Belfast City Council by-election. However, during his campaign, he was arrested alongside Steenson and other leading Belfast INLA members after INLA member Rab McAllister became an informant to the police. In March 1983 McAllister retracted his testimony, but Brown and the rest of the detained INLA members were still held because of the evidence of another informer, Jackie Grimley. In December 1983 the INLA members were put before the court, but Lord Justice Maurice Gibson deemed Grimley, a petty criminal, unreliable. Nevertheless, Brown and the INLA members continued to be held when a third informer, Harry Kirkpatrick, gave evidence against them. During this time period, Brown used his time in court during bail applicants to make political speeches. He also created political articles and letters. In December 1985 Brown and the INLA members were convicted of terrorism on Kirkpatrick's evidence, but one year later in December 1986, their sentences were overturned on appeal.

Republican infighting
In 1982 "Mad Dog" Dominic McGlinchey had become the leader of the INLA, however, in 1984, McGlinchy was captured while Brown was still in jail. Without McGlinchy, a power vacuum was created within the INLA. One faction fell behind Belfast's John O'Reilly, while others formed together as an anti-O'Reilly block. Brown was part of the anti-O'Reilly group, and as a result O'Reilly tried to personally kill Brown's girlfriend in October 1984, while in the summer of 1985, Brown was attacked by O'Reilly followers while in prison.

Upon the release of the Brown/Steenson group, they sought retaliation against the O'Reilly group, a feud that would see 11 people killed. As O'Reilly retained the INLA label, the Brown/Steenson faction renamed themselves the 'Irish People's Liberation Organisation', with Brown forming a political wing called the 'Republican Socialist Collective'. The IPLO's initial aim was to destroy the IRSM and replace it with their organisation.

Steenson was shot dead on 14 March 1987, leaving Brown the principal political leader of the IPLO/RSC. Brown by this point had moved to Dublin, where his affable personality won over many in the media and far-left circle, leading them to assume Brown was in control of both the IPLO and RSC. However, behind the scenes, Brown was increasingly losing control of the IPLO to the gunmen who filled its ranks. In the late 1980s, the IPLO carried out a series of high-profile assassinations of Loyalist leaders but also a number of mindless attacks on Loyalist pubs in which people were targeted at random. Brown handwaved any criticism of the attacks using his Marxist rhetoric.

By 1989 the IPLO had turned to drug dealing in order to fund the purchase of more weapons. Brown oversaw these operations, using old INLA arms smuggling routes in Western Europe for drug trafficking, particularly MDMA and ecstasy, from locations such as the Netherlands and France to Ireland via the Europort in Rosslare. When this was put to Brown, he would occasionally justify the IPLO's actions by noting the drug dealing activities of other Marxist paramilitary groups internationally such as FARC. It was also around this time that the IPLO began an "open door" policy to increase membership, allowing criminals and those rejected by other paramilitary groups into their ranks without barriers. Some hardened criminals joined the IPLO to seek protection from the Provisional IRA crackdowns on their illicit activities. This upset many other republican groups and the IPLO's notoriety soared. By late 1991, the Provisional IRA began to make clear it was not happy with the IPLO and started to threaten action. Brown retorted back by threatening to stand in Gerry Adams' West Belfast constituency as a spoiler candidate, so that the SDLP could take the seat. Brown also declared that if he was attacked, he would have the IPLO assassinate leading members of Sinn Féin. Paradoxically, Brown also suggested, as an alternative, that all Irish Republican groups should band together as a "broad front".

By 1991 it's alleged that IPLO drug dealing had stripped the IPLO/RSC of any remaining political credibility they had and left them solely a criminal gang. In August 1991 it was alleged that the IPLO collaborated with the UVF to kill senior IPLO operator Martin O'Prey in a dispute over profits. After the killing of O'Prey, Brown and the IPLO chief-of-staff threatened to kill "selective loyalist targets", however members instead opted for shooting up loyalist bars and businesses, such as the Diamond Jubilee Bar on the Shankill Road and the Donegall Arms on Roden Street. Following the robbery of a post office in Whiterock, the IPLO split into two groups, the "Army Council" and the "Belfast Brigade". Each side accused the other of drug dealing, collaborating with Loyalists and of working with the British as informants. Brown was killed while sitting in his car on Clonard Street in the Lower Falls area of West Belfast by the IPLO's Belfast Brigade faction on 18 August 1992. Disgusted by the entire matter, the Provisional IRA moved in and attacked both groups in a large-scale operation on Halloween, dubbed the "Night of Long Knives" by Belfast locals. During the operation, one IPLO member was executed and another 20 were shot. Weak, leaderless and demoralised, both factions of the IPLO "surrendered" to the PIRA and disbanded.

Legacy
Historian Patrick Maume described Brown's life as a waste of talent, stating "Some sympathy can be felt for [Brown] as a self-educated working-class boy, shaped by the sectarian violence of the early troubles and seeking in Marxism a tool to make sense of the world. A devious man who deceived himself, he provided an ideological veneer for sectarian murder and criminality, and expanded paramilitary involvement in drug dealing."

Personal life
Brown's son, Emmet McDonough Brown, was elected as an Alliance Party of Northern Ireland member of Belfast City Council at the 2014 Northern Ireland local elections.

title: Jimmy Brown (Irish republican)


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User:GuidoS

I'm a German currently living in Harrisburg, IL. I sometimes fix typos.

title: User:GuidoS


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User talk:Phileas

Hi and welcome to Wikipedia :-)

Please sign your talk page comments by writing --~ to the end. This helps to show who is saying what. Thanks! —kooo 20:41, May 26, 2005 (UTC)

Ah! Thanks! I was wondering how to do that! --Phileas 03:13, 30 May 2005 (UTC)

Latin America
You have voted for South America on This week's improvement drive a few weeks ago. Now Latin America is nominated. Hope you can help us again by voting for Latin America. --Fenice 07:59, 14 August 2005 (UTC)

Word association
Its one thing it taking up your working day, but its 3:30am where I am! Thryduulf 02:28, 30 March 2006 (UTC)

Good job with recent additions to Tom Petty article
I liked the content you added and the amplifications you made to the above-referenced article. You helped me remember the name of the movie (She's the One) for which Tom did the soundtrack.--Hokeman 04:06, 2 April 2006 (UTC)

Reference Desk/Science
To the question as to whether a human might impregnate a sheep, your observation about the prospective urgency of the question made me laugh for quite a while. I've now an image in my head of the questioner sitting next to a sheep whilst the sheep waits for the results of a pregnancy test. Joe 23:49, 11 April 2006 (UTC)

Removing multiple entries
All of those entries were legal. None of them were replies to my own word. In a linear game, "two consecuutive entries" means replying to one's own word. Grid games are a little different. In this case I believe the rule translates to "do not reply to your own entry" In this case each entry was made in a different area and I took care not to reply to any of my own words. Are you trying to tell me you can only play one word for the life of a grid?JeffStickney 10:18, 13 April 2006 (UTC)

Feedback
Hi, Phileas. I don’t normally do this sort of thing, but since you say you’re on the lookout for spelling errors, you might appreciate the following feedback: I don't think it's remotely pedantic to have a minimum standard of spelling and grammar, so good on you for fighting the good fight. (and even if others think it's pedantic, so what!). Cheers and best of luck. JackofOz 08:03, 21 April 2006 (UTC)
 * you say you’re an "Assitant" English Teacher – you probably meant "Assistant"
 * “I like add things” – did you mean "I like to add things"?

 * You're welcome. If it's any consolation, I'm not exactly an editor by profession but that function forms a significant part of my job, so I'm attuned to spotting this kind of detail.  Unfortunately, I haven't learned the knack of switching off my eagle eye when I'm just reading for pleasure.  I'm constantly noticing errors on restaurant menus, TV adverts, newspapers, messages on community notice boards, novels, and yes, even in the hallowed pages of Wikipedia.  I probably need psychiatric help.  JackofOz 08:24, 21 April 2006 (UTC)

 * Don't get me started on stray apostrophes. What gets me is how people leave them out in possessives, but put them in where they don't belong - exactly the reverse of the way it's supposed to be.  And as for the its/it's thing - shudder (!!).   I suppose you've read Lynne Truss's books.  JackofOz 08:35, 21 April 2006 (UTC)

Please help on Ancient Egypt
Posted by Pruneau 18:41, 29 May 2006 (UTC) on behalf of the AID Maintenance Team

Tom Petty - Red Hot Chili Peppers controversy
I have no problem with it if it's sourced and such. The way it read to me was like some fan just heard something in the song and thought that they sounded similar. Go for it! Dismas|(talk) 03:46, 2 June 2006 (UTC)

Word association archives
Thank you for doing the archiving of the radial ultra game, you've done everything spot on. Thryduulf 09:42, 9 June 2006 (UTC)

Word Association word
I love how you were able to get your own username into the word association! I had an idea to do that, but you beat me to it. The opportunity for my username hasn't come up yet. (I almost did in one of the Ultra games, but someone filled in the square before I could get to it. I wanted to link television director and St. Clare with me, because I work at a television station, and I was born in St. Clare Hospital in Denville, New Jersey.) — Michael J 06:06, 21 June 2006 (UTC)

Os@m@ and other terrible pages
Hi there.

If you see a Wikipedia article about someone who's obviously not notable, you can add nn-bio to the page. In fact, there are many speedy deletion criterion you can use if you think something should be deleted. (No need to bring most of these pages to AfD.)

There's also WP:PROD, which is useful for deletions that don't fit one of the speedy criterion. Thanks for helping Wikipedia! Grand master  ka  08:25, 21 June 2006 (UTC)

WikiJET
Hi there. I see from your user page that you've just finished on the JET Programme and you're obviously a prolific editor of articles on Wikipedia. I thought you might be interested in my idea about creating a wiki related to the JET Programme over at Wikia.com. It is just in the idea stage at the moment but I'd be interested to hear what you think. Do you think it would have legs? Cheers, Bobo12345 11:46, 16 October 2006 (UTC)

 * Thanks for your comments! :) Bobo12345 00:29, 17 October 2006 (UTC)

I thought you might be interested that I've now started WikiJET over at Wikia.com. It's still in the early stages at the moment, but I'd be interested to know what you think so far. In response to your earlier comments, I too think it's important to keep the overall tone of the site positive. It's the negativity and bile swilling around sites like BigDaikon that keep people away. At some point we might have to create some kind of policy to reflect this. Anyway, please take a look and let me know what you think. :) Bobo12345 05:01, 24 November 2006 (UTC)

Eskimism
Be bold! eaolson 03:04, 9 November 2006 (UTC)

eskimism
hi there, i am the spokesperson on behalf of eskimism (the religion. I was wondering why you listed it for SPeedy Deletion, let alone Deletion, at all? IT was, and still is a trial for the Infamous Ism Groups of Tasmania, also known as IIGT, and the aim of the creation of the article was a trial to see if Eskimism could become recognisable. It seems to have become recognisable by many people and also by you, however, IIGT would like to lodge a complaint as to why you deleted this article? Please write back. Yours Sincerely, Gogorox93

WA2
Do you think i should change the rules after someone previously broke them and put in a lower word count than the miniumum suggested? Simply south 20:25, 9 March 2007 (UTC)

Game deletion
I saw you name here and thought that your input to Wikipedia:Miscellany_for_deletion/Wikipedia:Sandbox/Word_Association_(3rd_nomination) would be beneficial. -- Jreferee 21:25, 13 March 2007 (UTC)

Word association deletion (copied from here)
Hi, I made one of the comments on the deletion page above your own. I'm pretty much a strong keep for all WA games, because of all the reasons laid out in previous AfDs, but I'm not against the deletion of archives and lesser-used variants. I think if the games were a little more streamlined then they wouldn't get as much of the attention from deletion-happy members. As far as I can see it, the reason why games are archived rather than just replaced are so that people who had a hand in playing them can see how they panned out; if this is the case then once they've been in the archive for a certain length of time I think they should be deleted. If you like I could raise something on the WA talk page and see what the consensus among the regular players would be. Phileas 21:31, 13 March 2007 (UTC)
 * Consensus among the regular players to remove old game content is probably the best way to go. Also, for each archive that should be kept, there should be an explanation at the top of the achieve as to why it should be kept so that if the page comes up for deletion, then those voting will have more information about what is going on. Each game archive and variant should have a clear statement at the top as to (i) how the game pertins to writing the Wikipedia encyclopedia and (ii) how it is directed only towards people who are active participants in the Wikipedia project. They also should (iii) cite WP:UP as a basis for being permitted on Wikipedia. -- Jreferee 21:38, 13 March 2007 (UTC)
 * These are good ideas. I've started a discussion on the WA talk page and I'll direct all the most prolific players to it. Thanks! Phileas 21:50, 13 March 2007 (UTC)

Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User_talk:Jreferee"

Don't just give up on WA! Would you support a mediation request, as per the discussion at the talk page? --Perimosocordiae 18:03, 1 April 2007 (UTC)

Shaving
Regarding your reference desk question, there's a lot of reasons your own skin might have changed. Wherever you are in Canada is possibly cooler and (more skin-relevant) drier than the UK. Your diet may have changed, etc.-Haikon 15:57, 26 March 2007 (UTC)

Thank You
Hi! Thank you for welcoming me into Wikipedia and reminding me about the rules of one of the games. I guess I got carried away, being too excited about playing the game. I apologize for breaking the rules and I thank you for pointing that out. Eternal Memories 03:53, 1 May 2007 (UTC)

 * Hello again. I find the word association game very amusing and 'addictive'. Thanks for telling me about the 'watch' button. I found it very useful. =) Also, about the article contribution, I'm currently researching to add to one of the articles.=)

Eternal Memories 23:49, 2 May 2007 (UTC)

Danny Roberts
You might want to check this out. Danny Roberts was in Mudcrutch: http://www.mudcrutch.com/forum/showthread.php?t=1180 -Mudcrutch (talk)

Lester Bangs
I'm extremely impressed with this - I've been puzzling how to link Leicester and Birmingham Pub Bombings for days! Thryduulf (talk) 03:13, 2 March 2008 (UTC)

Letter Counting Challenge
Congrats! Fattyjwoods ( Push my button  ) 23:09, 19 April 2008 (UTC)
 * Why don't you visit WP:AWC if you're intrested in earning barnstars? Fattyjwoods  ( Push my button  ) 01:42, 20 April 2008 (UTC)

Unreferenced BLPs
Hello Phileas! Thank you for your contributions. I am a bot alerting you that 1 of the articles that you created  is tagged as an Unreferenced Biography of a Living Person. The biographies of living persons policy requires that all personal or potentially controversial information be sourced. In addition, to ensure verifiability, all biographies should be based on reliable sources. if you were to bring this article up to standards, it would greatly help us with the current Category:All_unreferenced_BLPs article backlog. Once the article is adequately referenced, please remove the unreferencedBLP tag. Here is the article:

Thanks!--DASHBot (talk) 00:14, 9 January 2010 (UTC)
 * 1) Ayaka Hirahara -

ArbCom elections are now open!
MediaWiki message delivery (talk) 12:56, 23 November 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Phileas


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/OkayBlowhards

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. Mindspillage (spill yours?) 04:16, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)

OkayBlowhards
Internet Fantasy Football league, started in 2003. 3 google hits (69 with similar hits included), so probably not yet notable enough. Thue | talk 20:41, 26 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as notability is not established. Mr Bound 20:50, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep as notability is firmly established. Wikipedia should encourage the growth of positive-minded internet communities, even as subsets of larger communities. cereffusion May, 26, 2005
 * Wikipedia is not a soapbox, and as such, should not "encourage the growth" of anything but itself. To do so would be POV. A и D я 01D  TALK  EMAIL  22:00, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * Soapbox? Nobody is preaching anything, buster.  In fact, articles about a fantasy football league are usually devoid of any sort of righteousness. cereffusion
 * Uh, you, not the article, are advocating a position by saying: "Wikipedia should encourage the growth of positive-minded internet communities". Why should it? Why is this a reason to keep the article? A и D я 01D  TALK  EMAIL  22:15, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * It's a suggestion. And I meant that Wikipedia's uniqueness allows for articles relating to cyber-communities, i.e. the type of people that understand the importance and beauty of such endeavors. cereffusion
 * It seems like a compromise is being worked out at Okayplayer. cereffusion
 * Delete. Even if this is one of the four million greatest fantasy sports leagues around, which it might be, is anyone ever going to go to an encyclopaedia to look it up?  Not notable, not encyclopaedic.  Frjwoolley 21:57, 26 May 2005 (UTC)
 * The thousands of members of Okayplayer.com might argue otherwise. cereffusion
 * How can twelve teams have thousands of members? RickK 23:05, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * Hey. You love "encyclopedic" so much.  Learn to use it.  okayplayer
 * So if this league is so important to the thousands of members of okayplayer, why isn't there a link to it from the okayplaer front page? RickK 23:52, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not notable. A и D я 01D  TALK  EMAIL  22:00, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. An article about fantasy football in general is encylopedic.  An article about a particular league is not.  RickK 23:04, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * Unless it's the very first one, or all its members are ex-Presidents of the U.S., or something like that. Frjwoolley 23:48, 26 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Not encyclopedic. --Carnildo 23:37, 26 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete - just a fantasy football league with a boring name. -- Cyrius|✎ 02:29, 27 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete - This is not Wikifantasyfootballpedia. --FCYTravis 05:16, 27 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, not notable, not encyclopaedic. Megan1967 05:37, 27 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as nn. Karol 05:40, May 27, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Falls below the bar of notability. jni 10:46, 27 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete non notable. JamesBurns 11:59, 27 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete for lack of notability. However, if online fantasy football leagues becomes worthy of a list, then list OkayBlowhards on there. Nestea 17:29, 27 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Merge with Okayplayer, no redirect. --FuriousFreddy 19:26, 7 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
Qeh

Qeh is a village in Kuh Dasht Rural District, Neyasar District, Kashan County, Isfahan Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 145, in 58 families.

title: Qeh


text:
Joseph C. O'Mahoney

Joseph Christopher O'Mahoney (November 5, 1884 – December 1, 1962) was an American journalist, lawyer, and politician. A Democrat, he served four complete terms as a U.S. senator from Wyoming on two occasions, first from 1934 to 1953 and then again from 1954 to 1961.

Early life and career
One of eleven children, Joseph O'Mahoney was born in Chelsea, Massachusetts, to Dennis and Elizabeth (née Sheehan) O'Mahoney. His parents were both Irish immigrants; his father, who came to the United States in 1861, worked as a furrier. He received his early education at the Cambridge Latin School. He attended Columbia University in New York City from 1905 until 1907, when he began a career in journalism. He was a reporter on the Cambridge Democrat before moving west to Boulder, Colorado, where he worked for the Herald (1908–1916). He married Agnes Veronica O'Leary in 1913.

In 1916, he moved to Cheyenne, Wyoming, to become city editor of the State Leader, whose owner was Governor John B. Kendrick. Although he supported Theodore Roosevelt in the 1912 presidential election, O'Mahoney switched to the Democratic Party the same year he joined the State Leader. Governor Kendrick became a U.S. senator in March 1917, and O'Mahoney accompanied him to Washington, D.C. as his executive secretary, a position he held for three years. While working in Washington, he studied at Georgetown University Law School and received his Bachelor of Laws degree in 1920.

O'Mahoney was admitted to the bar in 1920, and subsequently returned to Cheyenne to set up his law practice. He was particularly active in legal matters stemming from the Mineral Leasing Act and, through his work, learned of impending leases on the Teapot Naval Oil Reserve; he encouraged Senator Kendrick to seek an investigation into these leases, which subsequently unearthed the Teapot Dome scandal. O'Mahoney became active in Democratic politics, serving as vice-chairman of the Wyoming Democratic Party from 1922 to 1930. He was also a delegate to the Democratic state conventions from 1924 through 1932. Representing Wyoming, he was a member of the Conference on Uniform State Laws from 1925 to 1926. He later served as city attorney of Cheyenne from 1929 to 1931.

In 1929, O'Mahoney was elected a Democratic national committeeman, serving until 1934. He was a delegate to the 1932 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Illinois, where he was a member of the subcommittee which prepared the party's platform. After the convention, he became vice-chairman of the campaign committee. Following the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt, DNC chairman James Farley was selected as U.S. Postmaster General. As a reward for his work at the 1932 convention, O'Mahoney was appointed by Farley to be the First Assistant Postmaster General, serving from March to December 1933.

U.S. Senate
On December 18, 1933, O'Mahoney was appointed to the U.S. Senate by Governor Leslie A. Miller to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Senator Kendrick. He was elected to a full six-year term in 1934, defeating Republican congressman Vincent Carter by a margin of 57%-43%. He was re-elected to a second term over Milward L. Simpson in 1940, and defeated Harry B. Henderson for a third term in 1946.

During his early tenure in the Senate, O'Mahoney supported most of the New Deal programs, with the notable exception of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "court-packing plan". He earned a reputation as a strong opponent of big business and monopolies, and was heavily involved with anti-trust legislation. One of his first actions as a senator was to introduce legislation requiring federal licensing for corporations engaged in interstate commerce. He was a leading supporter of the creation of the Temporary National Economic Committee, which he chaired from 1938 to 1941. He also supported wool, cattle, oil, and conservation legislation, and sponsored the Casper-Alcova reclamation project. He served as chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs (1943–1947), Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs (1949–1953), and co-chairman of the Joint Committee on the Economic Report (1949–1953).

O'Mahoney was among twelve nominated at the 1944 Democratic National Convention to serve as Roosevelt's running mate in the presidential election that year. In 1952, as Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower won the presidential election in a landslide, O'Mahoney was narrowly defeated for re-election by Governor Frank A. Barrett by a margin of 52%-48%. He subsequently returned to the private practice of law in Wyoming. Following the suicide of Senator Lester C. Hunt in June 1954, O'Mahoney was elected the following November both to serve out Hunt's term and to a full term. He defeated Congressman William H. Harrison, the great-great-grandson of William Henry Harrison (9th President of the United States) and grandson of Benjamin Harrison (23rd President of the United States), by a margin of 51%-48%.

Upon his return to the Senate, O'Mahoney became a strong opponent of the Dixon-Yates contract, which provided for a private company to build a plant to provide power to the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) to replace the power that the TVA sold to the Atomic Energy Commission. He sponsored legislation to require "concentrated industries" to give public notification and justification of price increases, to prohibit automobile manufacturers from operating finance firms, to grant Alaska and Hawaii statehood, and to require nominees for federal judgeships take an oath prior to confirmation that they would not render decisions contrary to the U.S. Constitution. His advocacy of jury trials in civil rights cases helped obtain enough votes to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1957, and he opposed the confirmation of Lewis Strauss as U.S. Secretary of Commerce. One of the last bills he introduced was to abolish the insurance rate-making body of the District of Columbia, which he believed was guaranteeing high rates to insurance companies rather than looking out for the public welfare.

Later life and death
After suffering a stroke in June 1959, O'Mahoney decided not to seek re-election in 1960. He made his last speech on the Senate floor on August 29, 1960; he was brought to the floor in a wheelchair by Senator Wayne Morse, who predicted O'Mahoney would be remembered as the "most effective and able" senator to try to protect free enterprise. He resumed his law practice in Washington and Cheyenne.

O'Mahoney died at the Naval Hospital in Bethesda, Maryland, at age 78. He is buried at Mount Olivet Cemetery in Cheyenne.

title: Joseph C. O'Mahoney


text:
Matthew 3:4

Matthew 3:4 is the fourth verse of the third chapter of the Gospel of Matthew in the New Testament. The verse occurs in the section introducing John the Baptist with this verse describing his clothing and diet.

Content
In the King James Version of the Bible the text reads:
 * And the same John had his raiment
 * of camel's hair, and a leathern
 * girdle about his loins; and his
 * meat was locusts and wild honey.

The World English Bible translates the passage as:
 * Now John himself wore clothing
 * made of camel's hair, with a
 * leather belt around his waist.
 * His food was locusts and wild honey.

The 1881 Westcott-Hort text is:
 * αυτος δε ο ιωαννης ειχεν το ενδυμα αυτου απο τριχων καμηλου
 * και ζωνην δερματινην περι την οσφυν αυτου
 * η δε τροφη ην αυτου ακριδες και μελι αγριον

For a collection of other versions see BibleHub Matthew 3:4

Analysis
Biblical scholar John Nolland notes that the decision by the author of Matthew to provide a description of John's clothing and diet shows that both are unusual and worth commenting on. That nowhere in the Gospel does the author give a description of Jesus' or his disciples' clothing thus indicates that they did not adopt any form of atypical dress.

This verse played an important role in the development of Christian monasticism, with John the Baptist viewed as a model ascetic. The sparse food and uncomfortable clothing, including the wearing of hairshirts became seen as the ideal of Christian asceticism. John Calvin wholly rejected this interpretation. He did not see this verse presenting John the Baptist as an ideal, but rather presenting an accurate portrait of one forced to live in the wilderness. To Calvin, John's holiness and popularity arose not because of his asceticism but in spite of it.

The description of John the Baptist's clothing is believed by most scholars to be a deliberate echo that of the prophet Elijah, who in is said to wear "a garment of hair and with a leather belt around his waist." Jerome also appears to hold this position saying, "His girdle of skin, which Elijah also wore, is the mark of mortification." Nolland notes that nowhere outside the Gospels is camel hair mentioned as being the clothing of an ascetic. The only reference to camel hair clothing he knows of is in the Apollonius paradoxographus, which speaks of a luxurious garment made of smooth camel hair. More common for the very poor would have been clothing made of goat hair. However, in the Old Testament, in Zachariah 13:4 it is written: “On that day every prophet will be ashamed of their prophetic vision. They will not put on a prophet’s garment of hair in order to deceive", so one can safely assume a garment of hair was the clothing of a prophet in Judaic tradition. In modern times, the Cashmere and Camel Hair Manufacturers' Institute states that "camel hair garments are worn by native desert travelers to protect them from the heat".

John the Baptist's diet has been the centre of much discussion. For many years, the (akrides) was interpreted as referring not to locusts, the insect, but rather to the seed pods of the carob tree. But the Greek word is not used this way, and this notion is generally rejected today. Locusts are mentioned 22 other times in the Bible and all other mentions quite clearly refer to the insect. Locusts are still commonly eaten in Arabia. Eaten either raw or roasted they are quite nutritious and a source of many vitamins. While most insects were considered unclean under Mosaic law, specifically states that locusts are permitted. Portraying John the Baptist as eating seed pods rather than insects is possibly due to squeamishness about having such a revered figure eating insects and also a belief that a true ascetic should be completely vegetarian. What is meant by honey is also disputed. While bee honey was a common food in the area at the time, Jones believes that it refers to the tree gum from the tamarisk tree, a tasteless but nutritious liquid, rather than the honey made by bees.

Commentary from the Church Fathers
Pseudo-Chrysostom: Having said that he is the voice of one crying in the desert, the Evangelist well adds, John had his clothing of camel's hair; thus showing what his life was; for he indeed testified of Christ, but his life testified of himself. No one is fit to be another's witness till he has first been his own.

Hilary of Poitiers: For the preaching of John no place more suitable, no clothing more useful, no food more fitted.

Jerome: His raiment of camel's hair, not of wool—the one the mark of austerity in dress, the other of a delicate luxury.

Pseudo-Chrysostom: It becomes the servants of God to use a dress not for elegant appearance, or for cherishing of the body, but for a covering of the nakedness. Thus John wears a garment not soft and delicate, but hairy, heavy, rough, rather wounding the skin than cherishing it, that even the very clothing of his body told of the virtue of his mind. It was the custom of the Jews to wear girdles of wool; so he desiring something less indulgent wore one of skin.

Jerome: Food moreover suited to a dweller in the desert, no choice viands, but such as satisfied the necessities of the body.

Rabanus Maurus: Content with poor fare; to wit, small insects and honey gathered from the trunks of trees. In the sayings of Arnulphusa, Bishop of Gaul, we find that there was a very small kind of locust in the deserts of Judæa, with bodies about the thickness of a finger and short; they are easily taken among the grass, and when cooked in oil form a poor kind of food. He also relates, that in the same desert there is a kind of tree, with a large round leaf, of the colour of milk and taste of honey, so friable as to rub to powder in the hand, and this is what is intended by wild honey.

Saint Remigius: In this clothing and this poor food, he shows that he sorrows for the sins of the whole human race.

Rabanus Maurus: His dress and diet express the quality of his inward conversation. His garment was of an austere quality, because he rebuked the sinner's life.

Jerome: His girdle of skin, which Elias also bare, is the mark of mortification.

Rabanus Maurus: He ate locusts and honey, because his preaching was sweet to the multitude, but was of short continuance; and honey has sweetness, locusts a swift flight but soon fall to the ground.

Saint Remigius: In John (which name is interpreted ‘the grace of God,’) is figured Christ who brought grace into the world; in his clothing, the Gentile Church.

Hilary of Poitiers: The preacher of Christ is clad in the skins of unclean beasts, to which the Gentiles are compared, and so by the Prophets’ dress is sanctified whatever in them was useless or unclean. The girdle is a thing of much efficacy to every good work, that we may be girt for every ministry of Christ. For his food are chosen locusts, which fly the face of man, and escape from every approach, signifying ourselves who were borne away from every word or speech of good by a spontaneous motion of the body, weak in will, barren in works, fretful in speech, foreign in abode, are now become the food of the Saints, chosen to fill the Prophets’ desire, furnishing our most sweet food not from the hives of the law, but from the trunks of wild trees.

title: Matthew 3:4


text:
User talk:Sunjung

Welcome to Wikipedia! Wikipedia is not a place to schedule meetings or other events. Try Tutorial to learn more about editing, and best wishes. Yours, Meelar (talk) 20:45, May 26, 2005 (UTC)

Proposed deletion of Vashon-Maury Island Community Council

The article Vashon-Maury Island Community Council has been proposed for deletion because of the following concern: "Non notable local citizen assembly."

While all constructive contributions to Wikipedia are appreciated, pages may be deleted for any of several reasons.

You may prevent the proposed deletion by removing the notice, but please explain why in your edit summary or on the article's talk page.

Please consider improving the page to address the issues raised. Removing will stop the proposed deletion process, but other deletion processes exist. In particular, the speedy deletion process can result in deletion without discussion, and articles for deletion allows discussion to reach consensus for deletion. Mccapra (talk) 08:48, 27 January 2020 (UTC)

title: User talk:Sunjung


text:
John B. Kendrick

John Benjamin Kendrick (September 6, 1857 – November 3, 1933) was an American politician and cattleman who served as a United States senator from Wyoming and as the ninth Governor of Wyoming as a member of the Democratic Party.

Early life

John Benjamin Kendrick was born near Rusk, Texas to John Harvey Kendrick and Anna Maye on September 6, 1857. He grew up on his family's ranch and attended a public school in Florence, Texas until the seventh grade.

In March 1879 he was employed by Charles W. Wulfjen to move cattle from Texas to Wyoming. He arrived in the Wyoming Territory in August 1879 and settled on a ranch near Sheridan, where he raised cattle as a cowboy, ranch foreman, and later cattle company owner. In 1883 he returned to Texas and bought a cattle herd to establish his ranch in Wyoming. He married Eula Wulfjen on January 20, 1891. In 1895 he purchased the property in Nielsen Heights for his future home, and in 1908 began construction on the home, which came to be called Trails End. In 1970, Trails End was added to the National Register of Historic Places; in 1982 it was donated to the state of Wyoming for operation as a museum.

Kendrick worked as foreman for his father-in-law's cattle company from 1879 until 1883. He was employed by and invested into the Lance Creek Cattle Company and the Converse Cattle Company which he later became owner of in 1897. Kendrick became president of the First National Bank of Sheridan in 1900 and served until 1902.

Politics
In 1909 he moved to Sheridan and was elected President of the Wyoming Stock Growers Association. He was a member of the Wyoming State Senate from 1910 to 1914. In 1911 he was given the Democratic Senate nomination by acclamation by other Democratic members of the legislature, but was defeated by incumbent Senator Clarence D. Clark. He was given the nomination again in 1912, but was also defeated by Senator Francis E. Warren. He was a delegate to the Democratic National Convention from Wyoming in 1916 and 1924.

He then served as Governor of Wyoming from 1915 until he resigned in 1917, having been elected as a Democratic candidate to the United States Senate in 1916. Kendrick was reelected to the Senate in 1922 and 1928 and served from March 4, 1917, until his death at Sheridan, Wyoming, in 1933. In 1932 he received an honorary law degree from the University of Wyoming.

He was credited with beginning the investigations into the Teapot Dome scandal, a bribery incident that took place from 1922 until 1923, and was considered as a candidate in the 1924 and 1928 presidential elections. During the 1924 presidential election, Wyoming's six Democratic delegates were instructed to vote for Kendrick at the 1924 Democratic National Convention and did so for the first three ballots. During the 1928 presidential election, he was considered as a possible vice presidential nominee, but the nomination was later given to Senator Minority Leader Joseph Taylor Robinson at the convention.

He served as chairman of the Committee on Canadian Relations (Sixty-fifth Congress) and member of the Committee on Public Lands and Surveys (Seventy-third Congress). He introduced legislation that helped create the Grand Teton National Park in northwestern Wyoming.

Personal life

His daughter Rosa Maye married army officer Hubert Reilly Harmon.

On November 2, 1933 Kendrick fell into a coma and was initially diagnosed with a cerebral hemorrhage, but they later determined that he suffered a uremia and died the next day. Governor Edwin C. Johnson praised him for his service as senator and Kendrick was interred in Mount Hope Cemetery in Sheridan, Wyoming. First Assistant Postmaster General Joseph C. O'Mahoney was appointed by Governor Leslie A. Miller to fill the vacancy created by Kendrick's death and won the Senate special election to fill out the rest of Kendrick's term in 1934.

Kendrick was inducted into the Hall of Great Westerners in the National Cowboy Hall of Fame in 1958.

title: John B. Kendrick


text:
User talk:Musico1

Hi Musico, it's an AOL IP address, so you must have got caught up in the block. I'll unblock it. Give me 10 minutes as I'm right in the middle of something else. Be with you shortly. SlimVirgin (talk) 20:47, May 26, 2005 (UTC)

 * Okay, you're unblocked. Happy editing. SlimVirgin (talk) 20:59, May 26, 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Musico1


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Deeez Nuuuts

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. Mindspillage (spill yours?) 04:12, 9 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Deeez Nuuuts
Hoo boy, this is bizarre. One, the title is extremely narrow and would almost never be found on a search. Two, it appears to be a slang dictdef. Three, a Google search shows mostly lyric results, and we are not a lyrics database for copyright and encyclopaedic reasons. Recommend deletion. Mr Bound 20:47, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * With the article content as it stands I agree delete, it seems to mainly be a track found on the album The Chronic. I didn't think it qualified for a speedy though. Stoive 21:03, 26 May 2005 (UTC)
 * My apologies, I actually just mentioned this on the article talk page. Mr Bound 21:05, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * I think this should remain in wiki in some form, without the last paragraph, perhaps. I think adding it as a slang dicdef. would be the most appropriate.keep
 * Wikipedia is not a dictionary. However, I think that perhaps Wiktionary would be appropriate- can someone clarify? I don't know Wiktionary policy as well. Mr Bound 21:31, May 26, 2005 (UTC)
 * Note that, despite the title, the article actually discusses "deez nuuutz", even though the song title appears to be "Deeez Nuuuts". Without doing the research, I'm fairly sure that deez can be attested as a word that (whatever one may think of it) people use, and less sure, albeit still reasonably so, of nutz.  However, "deeez" is arguable, and both "nuuuts" and "nuuutz" very probably cannot be attested.  As such:
 * "deez nuts" would just be a non-idiomatic combination of deez and nuts (the slang meaning for which was, predictably, the very first addition to that article, by the way).
 * "deez nutz" would similarly just be a non-idiomatic combination of deez and nutz.
 * As "deez nuuutz", what this article says it is discussing, pretty much doesn't occur at all, there's no question about its exclusion from Wiktionary.
 * "Deez Nuuuts", the title of this article (albeit not what is discussed in the body), appears to occur only as the title of an album track, as a reference to that title, or as a reference to the lyrics. As such, I believe that it falls foul of the Wiktionary requirement for occurrences in independent contexts.  (Moreover: The assertion that it has an actual slang meaning is therefore, quite simply, false.)
 * "Deeez Nuuutz" occurs so infrequently that it probably wouldn't make it on that ground alone. It occurs as a mis-spelling of "Deeez Nuuuts", but that causes it to fall foul of the independence requirement, too.
 * Summary: You are welcome to come and add deez and nutz to Wiktionary. Please, if possible, provide proper quotations, as per Wiktionary:quotations, to stave off any disputes.  The non-idiomatic combinations, or the album track title components that occur in no other independent contexts, would probably get nominated for deletion, though.
 * As for this article in Wikipedia: The assertion that "Deez Nuuuts" is a slang phrase is simply false. It's the name of a track on an album, nothing more.  Unless the track was released as a hit single, Merge to the album seems the best idea. (See Wikipedia talk:WikiProject Music/Notability and Music Guidelines.) Uncle G 03:35, 2005 May 27 (UTC)
 * Delete. Wikipedia is not a dictionary. --Carnildo 23:38, 26 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, non notable track, slang dictionary definition to boot. Megan1967 05:38, 27 May 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Karol 05:42, May 27, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete non notable. JamesBurns 12:00, 27 May 2005 (UTC)

 * Im agree that merge would be appropriate, and don't see how that could be questioned, shouldn't the song titles be redirects to the article which contains the list of tracks and information about the album where the song is found.  This seems to be the appropriate action for many, many article deletions, if they aren't offensive having redirects from deleted pages helps people to find the most relevant article to the topic they are searching for.
 * Contributed by 216.143.191.131
 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages. Please do not edit this page.


text:
User talk:Supapean

Image:The-first-Slovak-public-ele.jpg listed for deletion
An image or media file that you uploaded or altered, Image:The-first-Slovak-public-ele.jpg, has been listed at. Please look there to see why this is (you may have to search for the title of the image to find its entry), if you are interested in its not being deleted. Thank you. —MetsBot 19:16, 9 December 2006 (UTC)

title: User talk:Supapean