text:
Christian Democratic Party of Serbia

The Christian Democratic Party of Serbia (Демохришћанска Странка Србије; abbr. ДХСС, DHSS) was a political party in Serbia.

History
The party was founded in 1997 by Vladan Batić after leaving the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), following disagreements with its leader Vojislav Koštunica.

Following the reestablishment of diplomatic dialogue between the Serbian and Montenegrin governments, mediated by Javier Solana, the DHSS started a campaign called Serbia Also Has a Say (I Srbija se pita) in late 2001 calling for a referendum in Serbia on Serbia's secession from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The party was part of the DOS government from 2001 until 20 November 2002 when it froze its participation following a vote by the DOS against starting a parliamentary debate concerning Serbia's independence from Serbia and Montenegro. It advocated a referendum on the issue following the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević. A petition asking for the referendum collected 400,000 signatures.

The DHSS was opposed to the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro citing the differences between the two republics' monetary, financial and banking systems, and advocated the dissolution of the federation. It strongly advocated voting in the 2001 Kosovan election, in which it supported the "Return" coalition.

In the 2003 election, the DHSS was part of the Independent Serbia coalition which won no seats.

In the 2007 election, DHSS president Vladan Batić was listed on the Liberal Democratic Party electoral list and won one seat.

In the 2008 election, the DHSS went in coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party and the Social Democratic Union, and won one seat, awarded to Vladan Batić. However, on 10 November 2008 Batić left the LDP parliamentary group and from then on voted as an independent MP. The split occurred because the LDP had recently joined the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe and couldn't go on in coalition with a conservative party. At that time, the DHSS was also interested in joining the European People's Party.

After the death of Vladan Batić on 29 December 2010 the leadership of the party was transferred to his daughter Olgica Batić according to his wish. She was officially elected leader on 3 September 2011.

In the 2012 parliamentary election, the DHSS was part of the Choice for a Better Life coalition centered around the Democratic Party and won one seat in the National Assembly of Serbia. The sole MP was Olgica Batić.

In the 2014 parliamentary election, the DHSS went in coalition with the Serbian Renewal Movement, which was in turn part of the Future We Believe In coalition centered around the Serbian Progressive Party. The DHSS won one seat and its sole MP was Olgica Batić. On 12 October 2017, the DHSS merged into the Movement for the Restoration of the Kingdom of Serbia (POKS). Party president Olgica Batić stated full support for the Movement's primary goals - traditional values, preserving the family, the fight for Serbian farmers and the full membership of Serbia in the European Union.

Even though the party has been long gone, it has remained in the party register of Serbia since then.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Christian Democratic Party of Serbia


text:
Democratic Fatherland Party

The Democratic Fatherland Party  (Демократска странка отаџбина/ Demokratska stranka otadžbina) was a political party in Serbia.

The party was led by Radoslav Avlijaš from 19 August 2002. In the 2003 parliamentary election it was part of the Independent Serbia coalition and won no seats.

In the invalidated 2003 presidential election Avlijaš came in last with 0.83% of the vote. His key goals were achieving inner and international stability, reducing poverty, expanding the middle class, investing in scientific research and the accession of Serbia to the EU.

The party officially ceased to exist on 14 April 2010.

title: Democratic Fatherland Party


text: User talk:195.204.225.219

title: User talk:195.204.225.219


text:
Al Denson

Albert Wray Denson (born May 13, 1960, in Starkville, Mississippi), more commonly known as Al Denson, is a contemporary Christian music artist and a Christian radio and television show host.

Biography
Denson first became well known for his involvement with contemporary Christian music. As of 2005, he has written 19 songs that reached the top 10 on Christian radio charts nationwide. He has seven songs that reached the No. 1 position on the Christian radio charts: "Peace Be Still", "Shine Out the Light", "To Forgive", "Be the One", "Take Me to the Cross", "Be", and "Come and Fill This Place". In addition, he has been nominated for five Dove Awards, and he won Song of the Year. He has been a featured performer for Billy Graham's and Franklin Graham's crusades and Dawson McAllister Ministries, and was a frequent guest on Fire By Nite.

Denson also hosts a weekly television show called The Al Denson Show, which is aired on TBN, Daystar, and INSP, as well as among the 36 channels on the Sky Angel nationwide direct-to-home satellite TV service. He has since also started a program called The Parent Factor, a radio show geared towards parents.

In addition, Denson developed a line of curriculum for school children in the United States, which teaches character education and emphasizes instilling good character qualities in children.

As of 2019, Denson served as Liberty University's commercial music industry liaison.

Denson resides just outside Dallas, Texas.

Discography

 * 1985: Stand Up
 * 1988: The Battle is On
 * 1989: Al Denson
 * 1990: Be the One
 * 1992: The Extra Mile
 * 1993: Reasons
 * 1995: Do You Know This Man?
 * 1997: Take Me to the Cross
 * 1998: Reunion Praise
 * 1998: Tabula Rasa
 * 2000: From This Day On
 * 2000: Awakening the Heart of Worship
 * 2003: With One Voice
 * 2005: Amazing Love

Videography

 * 1990: Be The One
 * 1992: The Extra Mile
 * 1992: To Forgive
 * 1994: Alcatraz
 * 1994: The Door
 * 1994: I Know A Love
 * 1994: Reasons
 * 1994: INSP Live Television Special (INSP exclusive)
 * 1997: "Take Me to the Cross"
 * 2000: An Evening of Praise with Al Denson

title: Al Denson


text: Talk:Herbert Philbrick

title: Talk:Herbert Philbrick


text:
Talk:Grover Norquist

Note
Note the additional info about foreign Islamic influence including attempts to name associate with bin laden.

lots of issues | leave me a message 21:12, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

If it is true, why is the neutrality of the page being disputed? Truth is inherently neutral.

Tax fraud. It's ugly too. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 74.96.95.141 (talk) 19:32, 24 November 2012 (UTC)

NPOV Asserted
But as usual for the astroturf sock, no justification in talk. --Gorgonzilla 21:49, 16 October 2005 (UTC)

"Truth is inherently neutral."

That is totally false! Printing true statements, while omitting other true statements is NOT inherently neutral at all!

I am a very novice editor. It seems to me the reference to him in the book "Screwing America" should not be in the biography. Grover Norquist is mentioned in dozens (if not hundreds) of books, with both negative and positive connotations. (Search for his name in Google Books to get an overview) By calling out this single reference, and within it's own heading, it overly emphasizes the negative. I did not delete the reference because I was not sure if it was better to discuss it here first. --subbob 10:11, 10 June 2007 (CST)

 * Good reasoning. I went ahead and deleted it. Steve Dufour 04:44, 10 July 2007 (UTC)

New section under controversies
I added the section on Norquist comparing the estate tax to the Holocaust. I added a sentence summarizing Norquist's explanation of the quote from the primary source (that he wasn't comparing the events, just the morality behind the acts), so that the section wouldn't be taken out of context. It's still a pretty bad quote, though. Oh well, I hate the guy, and I think that I was lenient giving him the extra qualifying sentence.

Ihavenoheroes 16:45, 28 March 2006 (UTC)

Ihavenoheroes, your comment "Oh well, I hate the guy" tells us that you are unlikely to have a NPOV about the subject, although we can get to this conclusion via other means.

The title "Comparison of the estate tax to the Holocaust" is misleading and illicit. In fact, as the text below it reads, "Norquist compared the morality" employed to rationalize the different deeds. He alleges that the excuse offered in defense if each is the same. This is not at all equivalent to comparing the deeds theirselves as you insinuate.

The quote attributed to Norquist substantiates the judgement that the section title is flawed. As written, the title is a crude smear; it should be revised if the section itself is not entirely deleted.

A suitable replacement would NOT be "Comparision of the morality of estate tax to the morality of the Holocaust" for the quote provided does not at all support the idea that he was commenting on the whole set of rationalizations from morality used in each case. A better one would be simply "Comment about the estate tax and the Holocaust."

The quote, by the way, is not "pretty bad" but right on the money and portrays the object of your spite in a favorable light, notwithstanding your best efforts to the contrary. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 216.36.91.187 (talk) 21:22, 18 August 2009 (UTC)

 * Your comments are off topic and violate several WP policies. FYI, editors are not expected or required to "have a NPOV about the subject" -- none of us do, certainly not you. -- Jibal (talk) 23:05, 21 April 2020 (UTC)

The quote to Terry Gross on NPR's Fresh Air that the rationalization for the estate tax was the same rationalization used by the Nazi's during the Holocaust should appear under the controversies section. Leaving it out indicates a bias in this article. He specifically said that the rationalization used by those who want to impose the estate tax is the same rationalization used by the Nazis during the Holocaust. The quote is not taken out of context; it's exactly what he said. Unless someone objects, I am going to put the exact quote, Terry's Gross's attempt to clarify what he was saying and his reiteration of what he said under controversies with appropriate documentation.

Norquist's legal team??
Lawyer2b removed this text, a decision I agree with, but I want to note it here (I've removed some leading spaces that made it look particularly poorly formated when the text was in the article):

 * As a prominent figure in republican politics Grover Norquist has frequently been the victim of attack (from those on the political left)using of guilt by association tactics.

 * was not created to be used as a tool to asassinate the charactor of those whose political beliefs differ from your own through the use of libel slander guilt by association

 * Allegations that are often supported by highly biased and partisan sources.
 * Wikepedia must have rules to prevent libelous and slanderous entries.

 * Legal team on behalf of Mr Norquist request the cease using such a prominent open source publication to attack his reputation and charactor.

This was posted by 24.17.65.82, who has no other posting history. Anyone think that this really was posted by the "legal team"? There is a process, I assume, for notifying the folks that run the website of real legal threat. I do find it hard to believe that a lawyer would write so badly (maybe a paralegal?), and misuse a legal term like slander (slander is SPOKEN, not WRITTEN). John Broughton 17:33, 19 May 2006 (UTC)
 * I doubt any lawyer, let alone legal team, wrote that. "Charactor" "asassinat[ion]"? Lawyer2b 16:28, 20 May 2006 (UTC)

It is illegal to present yourself as a lawyer if you're not a lawyer. It is illegal to imply you're a lawyer if you're not a lawyer. I would suggest to anyone attempting to give the impression that they are a lawyer when they're not and attempting to obtain ANYTHING at all through such a ruse that such actions can be and are prosecuted and more, you're NOT anonymous on the internet.

IANAL, however it appears to me that the words "legal team on behalf of Mr. Norquist" is an attempt to represent yourself as a lawyer. I suggest this be referred internally to Wikipedia and externally to interested authorities. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 24.12.136.199 (talk) 19:30, 9 February 2010 (UTC)

Swedish heritage?
The name Norquist looks Swedish, does anyone know if he has Swedish heritage? /Slarre 02:46, 8 June 2006 (UTC)

Wife's Heritage
The article says his wife was "born muslim". Can you really be born muslim, of just of muslim parents? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 208.54.37.221 (talk) 06:01, 25 July 2011 (UTC)

The phrasing "...Palestinian Muslim[44] named Samah Alrayyes,[69][70] a Kuwaiti PR specialist..." [emphasis added] is also odd.

Is one or the other accurate? Should it be hyphenated? X-born, Y-raised? The current wording is confusing, at any rate. 180.0.99.206 (talk) 05:22, 15 May 2015 (UTC)

Abromoff in the head?
Really? That's why Norquist is notable? I'm not important enough to change it, but it seems like there ought to be a better place for "His close business and political ties to recently indicted lobbyist Jack Abramoff are the subject of a current federal investigation." —Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.104.232.72 (talk • contribs)

 * If this article was at all fair/neutral to its subject, the "scandal" portion would be far down the article, much like in the Michael Moore article, in which his directing "work" is front and center as it should be, and only FAR down the article are the controversies (mitigated, however, with someone's clever use of the "Warning: weasel words" template to mute anything negative said about him.) - Nhprman List  05:42, 7 July 2006 (UTC)

 * I think you raise some good points. I was bold, and re-ordered the sections.  -- Sholom 12:59, 7 July 2006 (UTC)
 * Good move. We'll see if it lasts. - Nhprman List  15:58, 7 July 2006 (UTC)

Talking to Republicans it sounds to me as if they currently consider Norquist to be radioactive as a direct result of the Abramoff scandal. Norquist is no longer the Washington player he once was. His weekly lunches are no longer 'must attend' events for GOP lobbyists. The K-street project is no longer operating except in name. The scandals that Norquist has been involved in are directly related to the operation of K-street and his relationship to DeLay, Abramoff, Reed and other 'culture of corruption' figures. Even if Norquist had not been personally involved with Abramoff the Abramoff scandal is the principal reason for the demise of DeLay (it is generally agreed that it is the expected Abramoff related indictment rather than the current Texas indictment that led to Delay's resignation). And without ties to the DeLay machine Norquist is simply not a player.

The comparison to Michael Moore is not relevant. His films are unabashed polemics. There are plenty of people on the left who consider him a complete jack-ass. The fact that his work is controvertial is stated clearly in the header He is widely known for his outspoken, critical views on.... Unlike Norquist, Moore is not a target in the biggest Washington corruption scandal since Teapot Dome. none of Moore's close associates have been accused of corruption by a Senate Committee (Reed), indicted (DeLay), or pled guilty to corruption (Abramoff, Safavian, &ct). --Gorgonzilla 16:52, 7 July 2006 (UTC)

Seems to be a lot more connection to Abramoff than mentioned on the page. See BillMoyers report on Abramoff. http://billmoyers.com/content/moyers-on-america-capitol-crimes/101.51.239.48 (talk) 01:33, 11 December 2012 (UTC)

Religious Allies
1. They are not "religious allies," they are Islamic terrorists.

2. This section is much more important than the Abramoff scandal, regardless of its scope.

A political operative with ties for foreign goverments that were on the State Department's list of state sponsors of terror, i.e. Libya, and two of the most destructive, powerful Islamic terror organizations on the planet, i.e. Hezbollah, and Hamas, is a lot more important than the corruption of Congress or the White House, which has existed-to some degree or another-since the Jackson administration. 72.68.172.229 13:40, 9 July 2006 (UTC)

On 20 Aug 2007, an unregistered editor deleted all the material linking Grover Norquist to convicted conspirator Sami Al-Arian. In the process, this deletion scrambled some following text and references. I have repaired the formatting damage, but I don't know enough about the issues surrounding the link between Norquist and al-Arian to know whether it is important or not. I elected to leave the material out, but it follows my signature here in case someone wants to reintroduce it. —Aetheling 16:30, 25 August 2007 (UTC)

Norquist has been linked to Florida professor and Muslim activist Sami Al-Arian. On March 2, 2006, Al-Arian pled guilty to one count of conspiracy "to make or receive contributions of funds, goods or services to or for the benefit of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad." He was sentenced to 57 months in prison, of which he had already served 38, and to then be deported.
 * In July, 2001, Norquist received an award from the National Coalition to Protect Political Freedom (NCPPF), a civil liberties group headed by Al-Arian. This award was for Norquist’s work to abolish the use of secret intelligence evidence in terrorism cases, a position Bush had adopted in the 2000 campaign. After the September 11th, 2001 attacks, the NCPPF urged Muslims not to cooperate with the U.S. government.

 * Conservative activist Frank Gaffney, whose offices were on the same floor of the building where Norquist works, said that Al-Arian visited with Norquist in July 2002.

 * Norquist's name was mentioned by al-Arian's lawyers during his 2005 trial.

Ties to Al-Qaida?
The bottom-line here is, Norquist has no association to Al-Qaida, as some have asserted, period. because the assertion that any of his associates do so is patently false. 19:44, 26 September 2006 —Preceding unsigned comment added by Billmunny (talk • contribs)

 * Okay, the link you provided seems fairly authoritative, and the paragraph in the wikipedia article was pretty speculative, so I've removed it. But I put the rest of the text that you deleted back in.

 * When you delete two entire sections, which (I haven't followed the links) seem reasonably well-sourced, you need to justify more than the inaccuracy of one paragraph within one of those sections. Again, posting an explanation here is appreciated (bottom of the page, though, and probably with a new section heading. Thanks.  John Broughton  |  Talk 21:44, 26 September 2006 (UTC)

I reformatted the source for the Bathtub Comment which I had incorrectly changed a long time ago. Simply tried to meet proper standards. Mcas 01:51, 8 February 2007 (UTC)

I think that the three sentences under the heading "Alleged links to radical Islamists and terrorism" could be moved into the section above ("Religious allies"). The loaded heading "Alleged links to radical Islamists and terrorism" could then be removed. What does everyone else think? Rlorenc 20:41, 31 October 2007 (UTC)

2008
Who is Grover supporting? -Amit

Now, it seems like he is supporting Mr. Opportunist (i.e. Mitt Romney). Has it not come to his knowledge that business fees went up signficantly in Massachusetts to balance the budget? This was on MSNBC's "Tucker." -Amit, 03/02/07

rumors
Also, Norquist is not a member of the CFR. See here - http://www.cfr.org/publication/13430/price_of_liberty.html -- "And I'm sure if Grover Norquist were a member of the council, he would say people like you that are going to cause us problems, Bush's tax cuts were the way to go..." -- ie he ain't. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.21.207.195 (talk) 21:20, 2 September 2008 (UTC)

I deleted the previous version of this section, applying WP:BLP, since all the sourcing there is (so far) might charitably be called "speculative rumor". Unsourced or poorly sourced contentious material — whether negative, positive, or just highly questionable — about living persons should be removed immediately and without discussion from Wikipedia articles,[2] talk pages, user pages, and project space. So far, there really are only a couple of blog posts carrying this (albeit on very very high traffic blogs), there isn't even a 1/4th credible source repeating it as rumor yet, not even Wonkette. I know, y'all were trying to cautious, but I think even the speculative association is somewhat toxic.

While the rumor may be very plausible to many, that's not enough to overcome WP:BLP. We'll know soon enough anyway... Studerby 05:39, 4 May 2007 (UTC)

Current WP:BLP problems with this article
Much of Grover_Norquist is not written from a neutral point of view, but as a partisan attack page. See, for example, my attempt to bring header of the "Anti-government approach" section into conformity with WP:NPOV by renaming it to "Limited-government approach", which, along with the rest of my edits, was summarily reverted. John254 12:43, 10 July 2007 (UTC)
 * I think we, and the encyclopedia, will be best off if we work together instead of threatening each other. I would appreciate that a lot. I'm sorry if my revert of your major rewrite upset you. Reading Norquist's own words it seems that he is an advocate of something stronger than just limited government. Perhaps his comments about drowning the government in a bathtub are entirely facetious, but all of his public statements and policy work seems to be extremely anti-federal government. Commitment to the Neutral Point of View also means avoiding weasel words. To take a cue from the ATR website, I believe the best way to describe his policy is "Minimal government approach". --User At Work 19:29, 10 July 2007 (UTC)

Re-structured the 'minimizing Government Power' to remove the unnecessary speculation that the 'bathtub' comment was facetious. Placed the ATR mission as first, then provided quotes and supporting information below to exemplify his intent to minimize government power. --Mcas (talk) 22:19, 27 January 2008 (UTC)

John Kerry with a tan?
I have removed the section referring to a comment made regarding Barack Obama. I think the fact that someone made this edit to the original version makes it fairly clear that there is no way this text can conform to WP:BLP and WP:NPOV, at least not without some high quality sources. siℓℓy rabbit (  talk  ) 05:01, 28 June 2008 (UTC)

It's NOT a mosque!!!
Someone put in the blurb about Norquist's view of the islamic center that more importantly, a mosque is the idea. This is implied by the title: "New york mosque-controversy"

It is NOT a mosque. Look it up! I understand all the hoopla but look at what the proposal for the building is. Then look up what a mosque is...

This is why %99 of what I read on wikipedia is purely apolitical, It amazes me to read articles on such an important figure when they contain glaring inaccuracies.

Conndog (talk) 04:14, 28 November 2010 (UTC)

Removed the word illegal from Iran-Contra reference
Hi, I removed the word "illegal" regarding Norquist's involvement with Oliver North's efforts. The efforts were never anything more than deemed illegal. The Boland Amendment to the defense appropriations act was anything but clear cut, and no one was ever prosecuted for behavior involved in the actual arming of the Contras in Nicaragua. The prosecutions had to do with lying to Congress, which is a separate issue in my mind. Just a little change, but I think it helps the neutrality of the article on this small front. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 75.184.19.174 (talk) 23:22, 22 July 2011 (UTC)

strongly bias quote in info paragraph? the quote isn't even accurate to the source
I just removed it he other day, since the man's stance on tax reform is clearly stated further down in the article, the reference is used elsewhere in the article and the quote isn't even accurately taken from the source. Since the inaccurate quote has been added back, I'll ask if somebody feels this can be reworded to remove such a strong bias at the beginning of the man's page? At the very least the quote should be accurate to the source material. But, I would contend it doesn't belong in the intro at all. Bilrand (talk) 18:11, 24 July 2011 (UTC)

 * OK the inaccuracy has been corrected by removing "under any circumstance." Of course there is still the more substantive question of whether what remains is biased.  Your interest in raising this on the Talk page instead of just reverting again is appreciated.
 * Aside from noting that Norquist's anti-tax pledge itself uses the phrase "“oppose any and all", please note that the source is an Associated Press wire story. This means that you'll find this quote in a wide variety of respected media outlets which themselves have editorial views which range across the political spectrum.  The source also describes him as an "anti-tax diehard" and says the "rigidity [of Norquist's pledge] tends to squelch even modest flexibility. Die-hard conservatives such as tea party activists see that as an asset. Others, however, say the inflexibility hampers GOP efforts to negotiate tough agreements with Democrats."  This seems to suggest that if you are a "die-hard conservative", rigidly opposing any tax increase is something to be proud of as opposed to something to apologize for.  It's only when one assumes that it is something to apologize for that a negative bias is created, and assuming a particular political perspective in this way is exactly when the neutral POV policy is meant to avoid.
 * I don't see the reference being used elsewhere as especially relevant but even if it is, it is used as a secondary support to a Bloomberg wire reference. Indeed, when it comes to general theme, the two wire stories reinforce each other to a large degree.
 * Characterizing Mr Norquist's stance as "rigid" is not just consistent with this AP source but with the bulk of the available sources. It would also be consistent with the sources to imply that this is what makes Mr Norquist's stance distinctive.  I don't see how the text at issue is unfair to the subject or unrepresentative.  Wikipedia is not a PR outfit or advertising venue such that a subject's views are presented in accordance with how the subject or his organization wants them presented.  If, for example, Mr Norquist says his advocacy for small government is as important as his anti-tax advocacy, this claim may be noted incidentally, but for him to be described as such in the introduction his fingerprints (ie evidence of his influence) ought to be in evidence on terminated or cut back government programs to an extent approaching the extent to which his fingerprints on tax policy can be found.
 * I would add that no description in the introduction would constitute bias, because such non-information would arise out of of deletion or suppression of the extent of his influence, who he has influenced, and just what the nature of his influence has been. As it stands now, the quote used explains in a nutshell why the subject is notable.  I suggest we be ambitious and strive for the most definitive statement that can be supported instead of watering it down to the lowest common denominator.
 * --Brian Dell (talk) 11:17, 25 July 2011 (UTC)

 * Making the quote accurate deals with the major issue. But, it does seem that taking a single aspect of someones career and placing it center stage like this does show an overall bias. I don't see it as negative bias, just an overly narrow view. The man appears to have done many things, one of which is shill over tax reform.
 * I'm not sure how not saying this particular bit in the introduction can be considered bias. The article goes into plenty of detail about the topic further down. Bilrand (talk) 15:51, 25 July 2011 (UTC)

If no one else has anything to say, I'll remove the line again in another day or two. Bilrand (talk) 02:53, 29 July 2011 (UTC)

 * That is objected to, and I do not believe that you have responded to the objections. If you are "not sure" how to construct an argument supporting your allegation of bias, I suggest you don't have support for your preferred reading.  OF COURSE he has "done many things," this is trivially true of every bio in Wikipedia, and that fact does not render it impossible to make any sort of summary statement about what the subject is famous (or infamous) for.  THIS SUBJECT is primarily known for his influence on tax policy and on GOP legislators in particular.  His position is relatively uncompromising, and this fact might well be what distinguishes him from Washington's many other lobbyists.  This is well established by the sources and you have not cited contradicting sources.  An example of evidence that this is inaccurate would be finding a contemporary biographical style article about the subject where the introduction talks about him as being known for something else with the implication that his position on taxes is incidental.  Can you refer us to such articles?  Are these found as commonly as the sort of article that is currently footnoted by the introduction?  If you truly concerned just with NPOV, then why do you do not reword instead of delete?  Simple deletion suggests a lack of imagination about how to keep the article informative.  I trust that you share the project's goal of informing readers.--Brian Dell (talk) 11:29, 29 July 2011 (UTC)

 * Almost nothing you've said I said has been said. I did not suggest anything was wrong. I did not suggest removal of information. I am simple suggesting removing a bias quote from a bias source from the intro paragraph for this article. With all aspects of the quote being well covered elsewhere in the article (that is, no reader "informing" would be harmed). Plenty of wikipedia bibliographical articles have short into paragraphs. There would be nothing unusual about that. I will also note that the current reading does not have support and only exists because it was changed back to this instead of opening a dialog over the issue in the talk page as per standard practice. Bilrand (talk) 18:18, 19 August 2011 (UTC)

 * If nothing is wrong then what is the problem with the current reading? I'm making your argument for you by drawing out the logically necessary implications of what you must mean because unless I do so you don't have an argument that can be responded to.  Not removing information?  Then where is your proposed alternative reading that is less biased but just as informative?  How is the quote biased?  You claim bias without presenting an alternative presentation and then explaining why that presentation would be more accurate and less biased.  Since when is the Associated Press biased?  Can you point to a WP:RS discussion where the consensus was that this particular source is biased?  I do not like to edit war, but I can assure you that I will do what I can to prevent the gutting of Wikipedia that a purging of AP references would entail, and I am quite confident that the consensus of editors supports my view on this.  If I am misrepresenting your view somehow then do you retract your specific charge that the quote is "from a bias source"?  "Covered elsewhere in the article" is an argument to having no introduction at all, which would not be informative.  You seem to be implying that a two sentence introduction would be too long, since you don't seem to be willing to extend your argument for having a "short" introduction to supporting the two sentence introduction that currently exists.  "Does not have support" from who?  From you?  How about the sources?  Where are the sources that do not support the current reading?  I am violating "standard practice" in terms of my willingness to "dialog"?  Can you be more specific (accepted "practices" are generally written on Wikipedia's WP pages, if not there, the claimed "standard practice" is in fact only a standard practice in the eyes of the person claiming it to be so)?--Brian Dell (talk) 08:24, 29 August 2011 (UTC)

There would now appear to be three editors that don't consider the sentence in question appropriate. One went so far as to call it "bias editorializing" which it certainly is. It would be nice if the other two edits came from logged in users and not just IP addresses. I'm no comfortable drawing consensus from IP only accounts. But we certainly are moving in the direction of consensus. Bilrand (talk) 16:03, 31 August 2011 (UTC)
 * Norquist and those two IP addresses all originate from Massachusetts, and in any case there still has to be engagement on the Talk page. This last response of yours did not respond to any of my points.  You continue to allege bias without saying what the bias is.  Surely if something exists you can describe it.  I am more than willing to work with you here if you are willing to work with me and come up with some wording that identifies what the subject is most well known for while doing so in a fair way.  He is NOT most well known for being the head of ATR.  That's incidental to being known for having an influence on GOP politicians and for encouraging them to take a stand on tax issues in particular that may be described as "firm", "uncompromising", or whatever (I am not insisting on any particular language, although I do suggest that if the Associated Press language is good enough for the vast majority of American newspapers across the political spectrum, it is a good starting point for a NPOV Wikipedia article).  There should be SOMETHING here in the article to this effect if you are not trying to hide something about the subject.  The language used here has already been considerably diluted and sanded down from what's typical.--Brian Dell (talk) 15:22, 1 September 2011 (UTC)

I should add that I object to the inline attribution to Charles Babington. If he's subject to AP's editorial control the attribution should be to AP. And if the "opinion" is not unique to AP but widely held it should not be attributed to AP either. Why? Because it creates the misleading impression that the "opinion" expressed is idiosyncratic or otherwise not widely held. The number of sources claiming something similar is enormous, if one disputes that, one should come here and say that it is disputed, at which point I could start listing the evidence. For the moment, I've added another source (60 Minutes) to partially correct the false impression that "Charles Babington" is some sort of lone voice, but the more encyclopedic reading would be a single, unattributed remark that makes the point and makes it fairly.--Brian Dell (talk) 19:06, 21 November 2011 (UTC)

arrest record
he was referred to as a "petty criminal" on cable news today, is there any truth to that or is it just metaphor? 66.220.113.98 (talk) 20:37, 26 July 2011 (UTC)

adopted children
Are the Norquist children adopted? They are very close in age and the yonger one appears to be a natural blond, highly unlikely if her mother is an Arab. Also, this would seem to confirm other rhumors as well. Dutchman Schultz (talk) 20:27, 31 August 2011 (UTC)
 * What's a rhumor? Moncrief (talk) 20:43, 8 May 2012 (UTC)
 * 1. talk or opinion widely disseminated with no discernible source. 2. a statement or report current without known authority for its truth. Dutchman Schultz (talk) 00:44, 9 May 2012 (UTC)
 * That's a rumor. Moncrief (talk) 01:33, 9 May 2012 (UTC)
 * Okay, be an ass hole! If you really cared about Wikipedia, instead of being a snot about it, you would simply have corrected my typing error and let it drop. But no, you have to be sarcastic, uncharitable, petty, nit-picking, and just a total shit about it. Go troll somewhere else; Wikipedia needs coöperation, not sabotage! Dutchman Schultz (talk) 02:46, 9 May 2012 (UTC)
 * I already know Moncrief is an asshole, but you, Dutchman Schultz, you need to polish your "A" game. You had the trolls head right on your plate and you blew it.12.39.179.62 (talk) 21:04, 10 December 2013 (UTC)
 * And how should I have handled it? R.M. Schultz (talk) 02:02, 11 December 2013 (UTC)

Better source for statement "ATR started at request of Ronald Reagan"
I think this line: "Norquist is best known for founding Americans for Tax Reform in 1985, which he did at the request of President Ronald Reagan." needs to be either removed or have a different source. Right now the source is the Americans for Tax Reform website. Can their own "about" section really be a proper source for this statement?

I came over to this article in Wikipedia specifically to find a source for that statement & was a little bummed when it directed me right back to ATR.

I tried a quick search on google but couldn't really find anything better.

66.158.61.130 (talk) 17:57, 22 September 2011 (UTC)jess
 * Agreed. I have slightly revised the wording to better match the claim and the source from which it is derived. Grandpallama (talk) 14:46, 17 November 2011 (UTC)

Views on government - unsourced material removed
I have removed this material because it is not sourced. If anyone has a RS for these statements, please feel free to re-add them to the article. -KeptSouth (talk) 22:55, 30 November 2011 (UTC)

 * The Tax Pledge has been used as rationale by ATR for not closing tax loopholes which disproportionately favor specific industries. Norquist has been criticized for foregoing traditional Republican ideals of fiscal responsibility so as to maintain the position regarding tax policy.

New source: A Lesson in Conservative Optimism, The Weekend Interview by Stephen Moore, Wall Street Journal, November 23, 2012

Currency
Should there be a mention on Norquist trying to get Reagan on the 10 dollar bill in place of Alexander Hamilton. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 174.55.32.72 (talk) 19:31, 3 April 2012 (UTC)

Teenage years?
How was Norquist a volunteer for Nixon's 1968 campaign during his "teenage years" when he wasn't even a teenager until 1969 (born October 1956)? 174.19.137.71 (talk) 17:59, 13 July 2012 (UTC)
 * Yes check.svg Done  Davemck (talk) 18:14, 13 July 2012 (UTC)

Governor of what state?
Is there some reason the article doesn't indicate what state he's governor of? And shouldn't this be sentence number 1, as it is for others? Betaneptune (talk) 03:14, 18 December 2012 (UTC)

 * Dear Betaneptune: You don't say who you mean when you say "he," but I assume you're referring to George W. Bush. Bush was governor of Texas, and I've clarified that in the article. I don't see any reference to Grover Norquist being "governor" of anything, but I'll take another look. Famspear (talk) 04:01, 18 December 2012 (UTC)

Occupation
"Conservative Libertarian" is not an occupation. Suggest "Political activist". 72.66.76.211 (talk) 03:53, 20 December 2012 (UTC)
 * Agreed. Done.--S. Rich (talk) 04:31, 20 December 2012 (UTC)

GN as a Republican
ATR About Grover says he was staff on past Republican Campaign Committees and the Executive Direct of College Republicans. That is enough to say he's a Republican & categorize him as same. --S. Rich (talk) 15:13, 15 January 2013 (UTC)

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pics
Norquist was at an event I attended this past weekend. Took a few pictures. Putting them here in case editors of this page find them useful (the outdoor context may be too "unprofessional" or may add variety -- I don't know). — Rhododendrites  talk \\ 04:25, 24 July 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Grover Norquist


text:
People's Peasant Party

The People's Peasant Party (Народна сељачка странка, abbr. NSS) is an agrarian political party in Serbia.

History
It was founded in 1990, its first president being Dragan Veselinov. At this point, its policies were Vojvodina autonomist and social democratic.

In the 1990 election it won one seat. In the 1992 election it entered into a coalition with the League of Social Democrats of Vojvodina (LSV), as well as Serbian successors to Union of Reform Forces of Yugoslavia and Association for the Yugoslav Democratic Initiative, respectively renamed the Reform Party and the Republican Club. The coalition was called the Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS) and won no seats. The LSV and NSS left the GSS coalition before the 1993 election. In the 1997 election it was part of the regionalist Vojvodina Coalition and won one seat.

Since 2002, the party has been led by Marijan Rističević. In 2003 it was expelled from the Vojvodina Coalition.

In the 2003 election, it was part of the far-right For National Unity coalition which won no seats. In the 2007 election the party ran on Serbian Renewal Movement's list, which won no seats. In the 2012 election it was part of a centre-right coalition around the Serbian Progressive Party and won one seat. In the 2014 election it was not formally in coalition with the Serbian Progressive Party, however it won one seat as Marijan Rističević was listed on the Progressives' electoral list.

title: People's Peasant Party


text:
Aché

The Aché are an indigenous people of Paraguay. They are hunter-gatherers living in eastern Paraguay.

From the earliest Jesuit accounts of the Aché in the 17th century until their peaceful outside contacts in the 20th century, the Aché were described as nomadic hunter-gatherers living in small bands and depending entirely on wild forest resources for subsistence. In the 20th century, four different ethnolinguistic populations of Aché were contacted and pacified. They are the Northern Aché, the Yvytyruzu Aché, the Ypety Aché, and the Ñacunday Aché. Each of these populations was an endogamous dialectal group, consisting of multiple residential bands, with no peaceful interaction between the groups.

The Aché suffered repeated abuses by rural Paraguayan colonists, ranchers, and big landowners from the conquest period until the latter half of the 20th century. In the 20th century, largely under military dictator Alfredo Stroessner, the Northern Aché, who had been the only inhabitants of nearly 20,000 square kilometers of rural Paraguay, ended up confined on just two reservations totaling little more than 50 square kilometers of titled land. In the process, they were massacred, enslaved, and gathered onto reservations where no adequate medical treatment was provided. This process was specifically carried out to pacify them, and to remove them from their ancestral homeland, so that absentee investors (mainly Brazilian) could move in and develop the lands that once belonged only to the Aché. Large multinational business groups—e.g. La Industrial Paraguaya. S.A. (LIPSA)—obtained title rights to already occupied lands and then sold them sight unseen to investors, who purchased lands where Aché bands had roamed for thousands of years, and were still present. The fact that Aché inhabitants were present and living in the forests of Canindeyu and Alto Paraná on the very lands being titled in Hernandarias seems to have been dismissed by cities such as Coronel Oviedo.

The Kuetuvy Aché were forcibly removed from the Mbaracayu region in the 1970s, but managed to return to their ancestral homeland in 2000.

Name
The Aché are also known as the Axe people. In the past they have been called the Guaiaqui, Guayakí, Guayaki-Ache, and Guoyagui by Guaraní-speaking neighbors and by early anthropologists, however, these terms are now considered derogatory.

The earliest published reports (Lozano 1873-74 summary of Jesuit accounts in the 17th century) about the Aché refer to them as "Guajagui", a term based on the Guaraní root "Guaja" (= enemy tribe, or brother-in-law) and "gui" a common Aché suffix (meaning "essence of" or "having the property of").

Language and genetics
The Aché language provides clues to their origin. Current analysis suggests that it is a Tupí-Guaraní lexicon, overlaid on a unique grammar structure not found in sister Guaraní languages.

Genetic analyses suggest that the Aché are a group of mixed biological origin containing about 60 to 65% Tupí-Guaraní genes, and 35 to 40% of genes with affinities to the Macro-Ge (also known as Jé) language family.

The Aché are also culturally and phenotypically distinct from the neighboring Guarani. Early descriptions of the Aché emphasized their white skin, light eye and hair color, beards, and Asiatic features as identifying characteristics. Their subsistence practices and technology were considered extremely simple, and nomadism made them secretive and evasive.

History
The first archeological evidence of native peoples in Paraguay is represented by the "Altoparanense industry" of stone flaked tools found along the Paraná River, and Celt-type stone axes similar to those still used by the Aché of the same region (and dated to about 9,000 Before Present). About 500 CE Guarani horticulturists migrated into the area and began to persecute the Aché hunting peoples, perhaps causing them to move into forested hills, away from open country and navigable rivers, and adopt a more nomadic lifestyle.

Written history relevant to the Aché begins with the founding of Asunción in 1524. A few years later, in 1554, a small village (Guaira) was founded by the Spanish on the Parana river near the site of modern-day Guaira, Brazil. Fr. Luis de Bolaños arrived in Paraguay 1575, mastered the Guarani language and founded 18 Guarani villages in the province of Guaira between 1580 and 1593. Evidence of groups in Eastern Paraguay, that might have been Aché, comes from the earliest Jesuit archives around 1620. Non-Guarani groups that lived from hunting and gathering were often referred to as Caaygua or Caigua (Kaingang groups from the Southern Je language family). Descriptions of some Caaigua match fairly well with 20th-century descriptions of the Aché. For example, Techo (1897) describes them as hunter-gatherers who ate only palm pith and fruits, venison and roots, and fastened little stones to their lips, which made them look ferocious, and he states that they worshipped only thunder. This is congruous with the Aché, whose economy is indeed based on palm pith and meat, and whose spiritual beliefs place "Berendy" (associated with booming meteors) in a central position. Lozano (1873) provides a seven-page early description of the Aché (whom he called "Guayagui"), using a summary of Jesuit archives from the 17th century. This description includes accurate information about the Aché economy, social organization, culture and belief system. Lozano and Techo also described how some Aché bands were captured near the mouth of the Acaray river in the 1630s, and forcibly brought to a Guarani Mission. That group of Aché captives all perished from disease within a few months.

After the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768, there is no further information about the Aché until the end of the 19th century and early 20th century, when several writers related the knowledge of local Paraguayan populations concerning the Aché, but none observed them directly. These included reports by several foreign scientists as well as the renowned Paraguayan naturalist Moises Bertoni (whose information about the Aché was published posthumously). Finally, a German immigrant, Federico Maynthusen contacted a group of Aché in 1908, in the modern department of Itapua, and published information on both their language and culture.

Contact
In 1959, after decades of persecution, the Ypety Aché were contacted in modern-day Caazapa and pacified by Manuel de Jesus Pereira. Pereira then used Ypety Aché guides to track down, contact and pacify the Yvytyruzu Aché in the Guairá Department in 1963. Both groups together numbered only about 100 individuals when contacted. Between 1963 and 1968 more than half of the Aché that had been recently pacified perished from disease while under Pereira's supervision. During this time, the Ypety and Yvytyruzu Aché were studied and described by anthropologists Branislava Sušnik, Leon Cadogan, and Pierre Clastres.

By the 1960s the Northern Aché were the last large uncontacted ethnic group in Paraguay, but they were constantly persecuted by colonists, loggers, and ranchers. Paraguay, like other Latin American countries, had a long colonial history of Indian enslavement that continued well after the official prohibition of slavery in 1869. Aché bands were systematically raided with the intention of killing the men, and capturing the women and children. Aché children were sold openly in the region as late as the 1970s. The "pacification" of the Northern Aché has been labeled as genocide by some writers (e.g., Munzel 1973, 1974, 1976). On 8 April 2014, the Aché presented a complaint of genocide against their people during the military government of Alfredo Stroessner in an Argentinian court.

Because of increasing hostile encounters with Northern Aché during the construction of the new Saltos de Guaira road in the mid-1960s, Manuel Pereira moved with the Ypety and Yvytyruzu Aché to a site called "Cerro Moroti", in modern Caaguazú District, in order to track down and pacify the Northern Aché. At that time the Northern Aché still ranged free over a huge region from San Joaquin mountains to the Paraná River, and from the Acaray River north to the Mbaracayu Mountains, and there were approximately 560 individuals in the population. Pereira was encouraged to pacify this group and remove them from the area.

In October 1970, several Aché from the Cerro Moroti reservation were attacked while hunting. They routed their attackers using newly acquired shotguns, and captured a Northern Aché woman who was taken back to Cerro Moroti. Within a month the captured Northern Aché woman led Pereira's reservation Aché to her forest band, and the group was persuaded to move to the Cerro Moroti reservation in order to receive protection from "Papa Pereira". This "surrender" was accomplished peacefully because many of the Yvytyruzu Aché living at Cerro Moroti had known and were related to members of this Northern Aché band (the two groups had only been separated in the late 1930s when the road to Ciudad del Este was constructed).

Between 1971 and 1978, at least ten different contact and extraction events of forest-dwelling Northern Aché took place. A high percentage of those taken to the Cerro Moroti government sponsored reservation (named officially the "Colonia Nacional Guayaki") died from respiratory epidemics within two years after first peaceful contact. In addition, several large bands fled from contact and suffered almost total mortality in the forest. Detailed demographic data on the Northern Aché population (based on extensive interviews with survivors) shows that 38% of the population died from contact related respiratory disease during this time period. This included 68 individuals who ran away from contact and died in the forest, 131 individuals who died at reservation/mission settlements between 1971 and 1978, and 49 individuals that were kidnapped by Paraguayans during the contact process and never seen again.

Aftermath
The post-contact history of the Northern Aché begins with chaos at Cerro Moroti following the arrest of Manuel Pereira, and the newly appointed administration of the New Tribes missionaries in September 1972. Small groups left the reservation almost every day and dispersed along the new road from Santa Rosa Cue to the Carapa river. Many joined Pereira after his release for a short time at Ybyrycua, and then left again. Some re-entered the forest, and many were persuaded or coerced to stay on as laborers in small Paraguayan settlements and isolated rural houses.

The situation changed dramatically in 1974–75, when Father Nicolas de Cunha began to systematically bring the surviving Aché refugees to the Catholic Mission San Agustín. This settlement began on the Carapa River, but then moved to borrowed land on Arroyo Manduvi near Laurel, Alto Paraná. The Manduvi group was under the direction of Padre Alejandro Pytel, and in 1978, after Padre de Cunha died suddenly, Pytel convinced the Verbo Divino order to purchase new land for a permanent mission. The entire Manduvi group moved to a new mission, located at Chupa Pou in August 1978.

For the next 20 years, the Chupa Pou mission grew into the largest Aché settlement in Paraguay, while the Colonia Nacional in Cerro Moroti decreased in size, lost most of its original land holdings, and increasingly intermixed and intermarried with the neighboring Paraguayans.

Following the original dispersal from Cerro Moroti, several more Aché communities were formed over the next 25 years. First, in 1976, the missionary family of Rolf Fostervold contacted and protected the Ynaro/Ñacunday Aché that were on the verge of extermination. This settlement, called Puerto Barra, was located at the confluence of the Ynaro and Nacunday rivers at an old sawmill. Then, soon afterwards, a group of Southern Aché and their affines and associates left Cerro Moroti to found a new colony near the traditional home range of the Ypety Aché. This settlement, located in the state of Caazapa, is referred to as Ypetymi (also Tupa Renda).

Next, in the early 1980s a dozen families from the Chupa Pou reservation left to join the Aché band that had been contacted in the Refugio Mbaracayú (Mbaracayu Biological Sanctuary) in April 1978, and was living at a German Mission for Guarani Indians. The Aché separated from the Guarani, and formed the community now called Arroyo Bandera, at the edge of the Mbaracayu Forest Reserve.

Finally, twenty years after its formation, the Chupa Pou community fissioned, resulting in the colony now called "Kue Tuvy".

Currently there are six legally recognized Aché communities: Cerro Moroti; Ypetimi, Puerto Barra; Chupa Pou; Kuetuvy; and Arroyo Bandera. The Chupa Pou reservation is the largest of these and also the main center of the Northern Aché sub-group. The Chupa Pou Aché consist of approximately 80 families residing south of Villa Ygatimi along the Jejui Guasu river. Arroyo Bandera is located directly west of the main entry to the Mbaracayu Reserve (15 km north of Ygatimi), and had 148 inhabitants (about 30 families) in January 2006. The most recent Northern Aché community is that of Kuetuvy, which had 205 residents (about 55 families) in January 2006, and is located directly south of the Mbaracayu Reserve, on the property designated as "Finca 470".

The Kuetuvy Aché
In 1991 the legal decree creating the Mbaracayu Forest Reserve (MFR) recognized the MFR as the Northern Aché traditional territory and gave the Aché permanent hunting and collecting rights inside the reserve. The Kuetuvy Aché are descendants of bands that were extracted from the MFR, and surrounding regions in 1972–74. This group separated from the Chupa Pou Aché on March 8, 2000 because of disagreements about resource use on the Chupa Pou reservation. In that dispute Kuetuvy leaders chastised the Chupa Pou leaders for selling timber in an uncontrolled fashion and cutting more forest than was necessary for subsistence. The Kuetuvy Aché announced their intention to move back to their traditional homeland (Finca #470) and began the process of soliciting expropriation of the property. They resided just south of the Finca #470 property with the Guarani Indian community of Takua Poty and waited for permission to occupy Finca #470. On December 11, 2000 (resolution 521/00) they received official recognition as a community by the Paraguayan Indigenous Institute (INDI). Then on June 25, 2001 the Kuetuvy community received status as a legally recognized entity in Paraguay ("personería juridica" decreto no. 13527)

Initially the Fundacion Moises Bertoni (FMB) intended to purchase Finca #470 from its Taiwanese owner with funds raised in the US, Taiwan, and other foreign countries and then transfer the title of the property to the Kuetuvy Aché as an "Indigenous Forest Reserve". In June 2000, Alberto Yanosky, then acting director of the FMB, made a verbal agreement with Kuetuvy leaders as to the conditions under which the FMB would purchase and transfer the property to the Aché. The agreement between Kuetuvy and the FMB included the development of a sustainable management plan and a promise not to cut more than 5% of the forest on the property for residential areas and agriculture. The Aché proposed these conditions and pledged to sign a binding agreement to that effect. The FMB carried out an evaluation of the property and made a purchase offer in late 2000. The Taiwanese property owner accepted the FMB offer to purchase the property on January 15, 2001.

But, in the months following the initial agreement between the FMB and the Kuetuvy Aché, the Paraguayan Ministry of Public Works (Ministerio de Obras Públicas) and the Secretary of the Environment (Secretaría del Ambiente) began negotiating independently with the property owner to purchase Finca #470 as part of a conservation land quota required by the Interamerican Development Bank (Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo – BID) in order to meet conditions for a BID loan for the route 10 project in Canindeyu. During that negotiation the owner of Finca #470 notified the FMB that he was no longer interested in selling the property to any NGO. When the Kuetuvy leaders discovered that the Paraguayan government intended to purchase the property as part of a conservation easement plan, they immediately presented a formal "request" for expropriation to the Paraguayan National Indian Institute (INDI) and the Secretary of Environment (SEAM).

In January 2001 clandestine loggers working for Brazilian sawmills began a massive invasion of Finca #470 aided by "landless peasants" who promised to protect them if they cleared roads and allowed for subsequent settlement on the property. The loggers were evicted in December 2001 and the landless peasants were permanently removed in July 2002 after armed Aché warriors patrolled the southern boundary of the territory.

Between July 2001 and late 2003 Aché leaders attended dozens of meetings with representatives of Paraguayan government agencies (INDI, SEAM, Oficina de la Procuradoría de la Nación) and NGO's (Fundacion Moises Bertoni, World Wildlife Fund, Avina, PROSAM) interested in supporting their claim to Finca #470. All representatives of both government agencies and NGOs assured the Aché that the land would be titled to them once expropriated by the Paraguayan government. In early January 2002 the Aché received a letter of permission to occupy Finca #470 from the Secretary of the Environment, and the Kuetuvy Aché permanently settled the property on January 8, 2002.

In June 2002, the Aché began systematic conservation work on the Finca #470. An Aché resource management team trained by Kim Hill performed partial forest inventory and animal density counts on Finca #470 using random transect methodology. During that month the Aché management team also did two aerial overflights of the property with GPS receivers and detailed maps.

During June–July 2002 there was a second attempted invasion of the property by so-called "landless peasants". Aché leaders called the national press, several government officials, and organized a show of armed resistance which was attended by representatives of all six Aché reservations. Over 200 armed (with bow and arrow) warriors stood along the border of the property near the campsite of the would-be peasant invaders.

Finca # 470 as the Kuetuvy Indigenous Reserve
On July 24, 2003 the political leaders of Kuetuvy gathered their community and all adult members signed a document requesting INDI to obtain legal title to the Finca 470 property from SEAM and transfer the title to the Aché community. On Feb 10, 2004 religious and political leaders from Kuetuvy met directly with President Nicanor Duarte Frutos at "Mburuvicha Roga" and were assured by the Paraguayan President that they would receive title to Finca #470.

The Aché indicated that they would manage the property as an "Indigenous Reserve" and requested technical assistance in order to develop a sustainable management plan. They proposed to conserve a large area of forest where activities would include sustainable hunting, collection of edible fruits and insects, collection of medicinal plants, enrichment of the forest with commercially valuable native tree species such as Yerba Mate, and minimal impact forestry based on long cycle rotation and low-impact harvest and transport. The forestry-based products would be primarily destined for internal consumption in the form of houses, school buildings, clinics, etc. The Secretary of Environment (SEAM) responded with support for the Aché proposal and signed an Agreement of Inter-institutional Cooperation for five years with the Paraguayan Indian Institute (INDI) and the Aché leaders on September 2, 2004.

The first clause of the agreement states that "... the purpose of this agreement is to cede temporary use rights of the SEAM property called Finca 470, in the District of Ygatimi, Department of Canindeyú, to INDI with the ultimate intention that the Aché Indigenous Community of Kuetuvy can continue their customary subsistence activities, in agreement with principles of nature conservation. This is done, taking into account that the Finca 470, object of this agreement, is a forestry reserve of biological and botanical resources, considered part of the 'lungs' of the Atlantic Interior Forest, and located inside the buffer zone of the Mbaracayu Forest Reserve. In this way we hope to establish mechanisms to guarantee the joint process of transferring land rights of the Finca 470 to the native peoples located in that place, and in observance with the National Constitution and laws 352/94, 904/94, and 234/93".

In March 2005 the Aché presented a management plan for Finca 470 to SEAM and on May 3, 2005 the Secretary of the Environment responded to the leader of the Aché community, Margarita Mbywangi in note 291/05.

That document from SEAM expressed agreement with the terms of the Aché management plan of March 29, 2005 (stamped as received by the SEAM document #33084). SEAM agreed to: first, accept the regional management plan presented by the Aché community; and second, initiate the process of transfer of title from the SEAM to the Aché Community Kuetuvy, which had been solicited by request to SEAM on April 28, 2005 in note #34128. In this fashion, SEAM indicated that the necessary steps were being planned taking into account that the process must comply with certain regulations in order to legally cede title to the community. Soon afterwards, on August 19, 2005 the Secretary of the Environment sent a document (note #563/05) directed to the President of the Republic in reference to the Finca 470, situated in the District of Ygatimi, Department of Canindeyú. This letter stated that the aforementioned property "..was acquired by the Secretary of the Environment for conservation purposes in the area of influence of National Highway 10 "Las Residentas" through the loan number 933/OC-PR from the International Development Bank within the framework of the "Natural Corridors" program of the Public Works and Communications Ministry, as stated in the transfer of title document registered by the Escribanía Mayor de Gobierno in 2003, under the registry n° 30 archive 195 and those that follow."

The document sent to the President of the Republic goes on to repeat SEAM's commitment to the terms of the 2004 Interinstitutional Cooperation Agreement with the ultimate goal of maintaining a forest reserve and transferring title to the indigenous inhabitants of the property in observance with the National Constitution and aforementioned laws N° 352/94, N° 904/94, N° 234/93. Continuing, the document states that ".. taking into account that the aforementioned property functions as permanent location of the native Aché community Kuetuvy, and according to the principles of national law 234/93, which endorses article 14 of ILO Convention 169 (this refers to the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 formulated by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, United Nations) stating that "The rights of ownership and possession of the peoples concerned over the lands which they traditionally occupy shall be recognised.", in my position as Secretary of the Environment I am submitting the background concerning this case to the Presidencia de la República, in order that the corresponding necessary steps be taken by the appropriate entities, in order that we comply with the first clause in the framework of the mentioned International Convention."

The request for executive action on the Kue Tuvy land title was submitted again to the President on March 6, 2006 (SEAM note 177/06) by the Secretary of the Environment, Alfredo Molinas. In summary, the Secretary of the Environment twice directly solicited the office of the President to carry out the administrative processes necessary in order that the Escribanía Mayor de Gobierno, the Paraguayan Indian Institute, and the Indigenous Aché Community all work together to guarantee success in the process of transferring the title of Finca 470 to the Aché Community of Kuetuvy. Despite this request in August 2005, and again in March 2006, no significant steps have been taken to further the land titling process since that time. Instead the Aché have fought and endless battles against illegal loggers, speculators, and so-called "landless peasants". Margarita Mbywangi, the chief of the Kuetuvy community was arrested and imprisoned in Curuguaty in December 2005 along with members of the forestry patrol team who had tried to stop illegal loggers from extracting valuable hardwood trees from the property.

On August 18, 2008, Paraguayan president Fernando Lugo appointed Margarita Mbywangi, an Aché woman, to be the Paraguayan Minister of Indigenous Affairs, the first indigenous person to hold such a position in Paraguay.

Ancestral lands and range
Although early reports locate Aché-like groups throughout eastern Paraguay and the adjacent areas of Brazil, by the 20th century the Aché lived in four dialectally distinct groups that inhabited the Paraná River watershed in the modern day Paraguayan states of Caazapa, Guairá, Alto Paraná, Caaguazu, and Canindeyu. The Northern Aché, who are the best documented, ranged from the forests near Coronel Oviedo, to the Paraná River near Saltos de Guaira, a home range of approximately 20,000 square kilometers.

Eastern Paraguay is characterized by gently rolling hills covered with subtropical, semideciduous forest, and low flat valleys filled with tall grasses. Rainfall totals about 2000 mm per year on average, and is characterized by high unpredictability in monthly patterns from year-to-year, but with a statistical dry season from May to August. Seasonal temperature fluctuations are more consistent, with temperature extremes ranging between 39 and 0 degrees Celsius. Eastern Paraguay contains regions of mature terra firme tropical forest, cerrado, grassland, palm-dominated swamps, bamboo forests, riparian flood forests, and a low drier forest type referred to as "kaati" by Guarani speakers. Although the region is an important endemic bird habitat, with over 400 species of birds recorded in the past few years, mammals are far more important in the Aché culture and economy. A provisional list of the mammalian fauna in the MFR includes 99 species of mammals identified by various methods.

Food acquisition
The Aché economy was traditionally centered on hunting vertebrate game with bow and arrow, extracting wild honey, and exploiting palm starch and insect larvae. Numerous fruits were also exploited seasonally, but they constitute only a small fraction of the energy in the yearly diet. In the last half century before pacification, Aché groups occasionally raided their settled neighbors for manioc root (a starchy staple), domestic animals, and metal tools.

Systematic recording of dietary intake while living in the forest entirely off wild foods suggests that about 80% of the energy in the diet comes from meat, 10% from palm starch and hearts, 10% from insect larvae and honey, and 1% from fruits. Total energy intake is approximately 2700 kcal per person daily, and males acquire about 84% of all calories consumed. Children do not produce significant amounts of food until they are fully adult. Despite the presence of over 500 species of edible vertebrate prey, only nine species of mammals provide more than 1% of the prey biomass actually harvested by Aché hunters. Most important (in descending order) are nine-banded armadillo, paca, South American tapir, capuchin monkey, white-lipped peccary, South American coati, red brocket, and tegu lizards.

Hunting
Aché men hunt with bow and arrow, and by hand. They leave camp each morning as a group, walking in single file line, and after about a half-hour, they begin to spread out and search for game. Men stay within earshot of each other throughout the day, to call for assistance if cooperatively pursued prey are encountered. While searching, a hunter walks at a rate of about 1.5 km/h and encounters the most common prey, armadillo, about once every 5 km on average. Monkeys and deer are encountered about 1/3 as frequently as armadillos, and other prey types are considerably more rare in the environment. Armadillos, collared peccaries, deer, tegu lizards, tapir, and most other rare but solitary animals are stalked and pursued alone by bow hunters when encountered. Other species such as paca, monkeys, coatimundi, white-lipped peccaries, and social mammals are usually cooperatively pursued by groups, and encounters with these species usually induce men to call to others for help.

Large and swift mammals are stalked and shot with bow and arrow. Smaller and burrowing mammals are usually captured by hand. Because Aché hunting has been extensively studied using focal follow and other systematic methods, the encounter rates with prey, the time required for a successful pursuit, and the expected energy gains from prey types, are all well known. This has allowed for numerous tests of specific decision models from Optimal Foraging Theory to be tested using Aché data. Results generally support the notion that Aché hunters pursue only those prey types that would increase their energy return rates, and pass by some species (many small birds, rodents, reptiles, etc.) that would probably lower overall foraging returns if pursued.

The question of why men hunt, rather than spend all day extracting palm resources, cannot be explained by energy maximization, since men obtain about 750 calories per hour hunting, and around 1,000 calories per hour extracting palm starch and hearts. Hill has suggested that the macronutrient content of meat, relative to plants, means that meat is worth more nutritionally than equivalent caloric amounts of palm starch. Hawkes on the other hand, has suggested that Aché men hunt because hunting is a form of costly signaling, rather than exclusively a manner to provision hungry family members.

Gathering
Collected resources include mainly palm hearts and starch, insect larvae extracted from palm trees felled to encourage infestation, wild honey, and various fruits that ripen mainly in summer months, between October and February. Two non-native species are now dispersed throughout the forests of Eastern Paraguay and contribute significantly to the diet: These are honeybees of European origin (Apis mellifera), and volunteer oranges which were introduced by the Jesuits, and subsequently dispersed through the forest by birds and monkeys.

Despite the plant diversity and dietary variety introduced by the various collected species, only palm hearts, starch, and bee honey contribute significant energy to the Aché diet. Palm starch is the most important carbohydrate staple in the Aché diet. Palm trees are cut, then a small "window" is cut in the trunk to test out the inner pith, which when edible is soft and juicy with a high concentration of starch. The growing shoot (heart) is extracted from each cut palm, but this resource has a high water content and provides only a small caloric contribution to the diet.

When a trunk with good starch is discovered, one or more women will open up most of the trunk from base to top of the tree and systematically pound the fiber with the back of an axe to loosen it up and soften it. Large amounts (15–50 kg) are then transported back to the camp in baskets for further processing. At camp the palm fiber is dipped handful by handful into a pot full of water and wrung out by hand to extract all the starch. The pot of water containing the starch is then used to boil meat or insect larvae. This mixture will be eaten hot (as a thick gravy broth) or allowed to cool overnight, which hardens it into a pudding.

Although random transects show a high density of palms in the Mbaracayú region of Paraguay, most of these do not contain starch. Recent work shows that it takes about 15 minutes to find a candidate palm to cut down and then only one out of 8 trees cut has any starch. Thus, by spending a few hours searching for, and exploiting palms, Aché foragers can acquire carbohydrate energy at a rate of just over 1,000 calories per hour.

Cooperation during foraging
During food acquisition, Aché foragers are frequently observed engaging in activities that require some time or effort and appear mainly designed to raise the foraging return rate of another adult or unrelated child: cooperative foraging. The data suggest that foraging cooperation is widespread and intense, accounting for a good fraction of total foraging time, and including a high number of potentially costly acts that are performed daily. Cooperation also includes some actions that are not very costly to the donor, but which are highly beneficial to the recipient. Most importantly, the cooperative patterns observed during food acquisition are almost certainly related to the well studied Aché food sharing patterns. Reciprocation of foraging cooperation takes place in the form of food redistribution. Finally, cooperation during food acquisition represents only a fraction of total cooperative activity in Aché society. Indeed, cooperative food acquisition, food sharing, and cooperation in other realms (such as child rearing, mobility, camp construction, defense, etc.) are all part of an integrated system of reciprocal altruism and cooperative promotion of group welfare among the Aché.

Cooperative activities during foraging time included the following: cutting trails for others to follow; making bridges for others to cross a river; carrying another's child; climbing a tree to flush a monkey for another hunter; allowing another to shoot at prey when one has the first (or best) shot; allowing another to dig armadillo, or to extract honey or larvae when one has encountered it; yelling the whereabouts of prey escaping; calling the location of a resource for another individual to exploit while one continues searching; calling another to come to a pursuit of peccary, paca, monkey, or coati; waiting for others to join a pursuit, thus lowering one's own return rate; tracking peccaries with no arrows (for other men with arrows to kill); carrying game shot by another hunter; climbing fruit trees to knock down fruit for others to collect; cutting down palms (for others to take heart or fiber); opening a window to test for kraku (for others to come take); carrying the palm fiber others have taken; cutting down fruit trees for others to collect; bringing a bow, arrow, ax or other tool to another in a pursuit; spending time instructing another on how to take a resource; lending a bow or ax when it could be used; helping to look for another's arrows; preparing or repairing another man's bow and arrows in the middle of a pursuit; going back on the trail to warn others of a wasp nest; walking toward other hunters to warn of fresh jaguar tracks or poisonous snakes; removing dangerous obstacles from the trail before others arrive.

The estimate of cooperative time presented below is a minimum estimate, since data were not originally collected with a focus on recording all cooperative activity. Short cooperative activities were especially unlikely to be recorded in field notes. For example, examination of videotapes from hunting episodes during the sample period reveals that very short cooperative activities are frequently embedded into longer hunting segments that we have not coded as cooperative time. While pursuing monkeys, hunters often call to others to "stay put", "don't make noise", "don't shoot", "shake a branch", "pound a vine" etc. Other multi-hunter pursuits contain numerous similar requests. The recipient of such a command almost always complies immediately, at a cost to his own chances of making the kill. These events were extremely common, but of very short duration (usually only 10 seconds or so) and are not included in the analyses. Aché men spent an average of 41 (s.e. 7) minutes per day in food acquisition activities scored as cooperative, and women spent 33 (s.e. 14) minutes per day cooperating in foraging. This represents about 10% of total foraging time in the men's sample, and 11% of total foraging time in the women's sample. Both sexes show some sample days with more than 50% of total foraging time being spent helping other individuals to acquire resources.

Food sharing
Aché foragers living in the forest share food extensively, and animal prey are divided up communally among band members. Social norms proscribe men from eating anything from their own prey, and emphasize the importance of band-wide distributions. In essence, wild game is cooked and redistributed in equal portions to resident families, taking into account the size of each family that receives a portion. This means that successful hunters and their families obtain no more meat from their own captured prey than would be expected by a random distribution to resident families. Palm starch produced in large batches is shared in a manner similar to meat (but with no overt taboo against women consuming some of the starch they have extracted). Honey is somewhat less widely shared, but large portions are saved for members absent at the time of extraction. Collected fruits and insect larvae are even less widely shared but are still redistributed to those not present at a collection site. A hunter's nuclear family usually consumes about 10% of the game brought in by the male head of the household. For most other resources the nuclear family of the acquirer keeps less than 50% for their own consumption, but only 10-20% of small collected fruits are shared outside the family. More recent analyses show that high acquisition variance resources are shared more widely, that the amount of most foods shared is contingent on amount received across dyads of potential sharing partners, and that needy families consistently receive more than they give. Reservation food sharing patterns show that people who are more generous are more likely to receive help and support when they become sick or injured.

Social organization
Aché foragers in the pre-contact period lived in small bands ranging from 3-4 families to a couple dozen families (median band size is approximately 50 individuals). But these residential units often subdivided for a few days, and occasionally coalesced into large gatherings, thus the composition of reported bands in systematic interviews ranges from 3 to 160 individuals. During club-fighting rituals, three or four bands might unite, resulting in temporary camps of 200 or more individuals that might camp together for 5–15 days before dispersal. More frequently bands of many families would break up into temporary task groups that would leave children and older band members in a permanent camp, while younger adults traveled to distant areas for a few days in search of specific resources that were depleted nearby. On such forays, successful task groups would return to the main camp laden with smoked meat and other goodies.

Band membership was highly flexible over time, and was based as much on affinal ties and friendships as on consanguineal relations. Some small groups of kin (a couple brothers, or brother-sister groups) usually formed the core membership of each band, but composition appears to be highly flexible when assessed over a period of years. Bands did not have territories, but did have favored home ranges from which they strayed only occasionally. Bands were not named, but often referred to by the name of the most influential male member (e.g., Tayjangi-the-killer's band). Aché societies were not organized into any specific kin or ritual groups, and leadership was informal and often context specific. There were no recognized chiefs, nor any other political-religious office. The Aché had no specialist shamans, but older individuals and pregnant women were often involved in healing activities. Decisions were reached through informal consensus, and strong dissent was expressed by abandoning a residential band. Women were involved in most discussions, but some men were clearly politically dominant, and men who had killed (called "jaychagi") were especially feared and "respected". These killers often sharpened their bowstave at one end to look like a spear point, and threatened others by their demeanor. Children were especially terrified of the killers who made a grand display of noise or growling, bluff and bluster (shaking tree branches and swaggering) when entering a residential camp after a day of hunting.

Social norms, ethnic signals, rituals and beliefs
Aché cultural conventions emphasize food sharing, regulated cooperation, group participation in raising and nourishing children, restrained violence, and marriage proscriptions for members of the ethnic group. Behaviors towards outgroup individuals is unregulated.

Life events
The birth of a child introduces a series of lifelong obligations between the child, its parents, and those who take on ritual roles during the birth. The child's mother is helped during labor and later is ritually washed by some of the helpers. The child will be held immediately after birth by a "godmother" that is responsible for washing and caring for the infant during the first few days after birth while mother rests. The child and godmother adopt ritual terms for each other, and the child can expect food, help and support from its godmother throughout its life. A man cuts the umbilical cord of the child and becomes the "godfather" with similar lifelong obligations. Men who have provided the mother with game during her pregnancy also take on a ritual obligation to the child, and so do all the band members who hold the child and wash it soon after birth. The obligations through the life course are reciprocal such that the child is cared for by ritual "godparents" when young and later cares for them in turn when they become elderly. Both biological parents and all the ritual godparents retain lifetime obligations of mutual aid.

When a girl reaches menarche, she is held in the lap by adults in a ritual similar to that at birth. She is then partially secluded for some time, being covered with woven palm-leaf mats. After seclusion, she is cut with broken glass, and charcoal is rubbed into the wound to create a set of linear parallel tattoo marks. Men who have had sexual relations with her prior to menarche also undergo ritual purification at this time. Women keep their hair cut short and wear seed and tooth necklaces as tribal ethnic identifiers.

When boys begin to show facial hair growth, they too undergo a puberty ritual, which is usually timed to coincide with a birth or female puberty ceremony. Their lower lip is pierced with a sharpened bone, and then a wooden labret is introduced. This adornment is worn only by younger men, but all men retain the perforation in their lip for life. After the lip-piercing ceremony, young men are cut and tattooed in the same fashion described for young women. The man who perforates their lip becomes a ritual godfather. Newly initiated young men usually accompany the ritual godfather for some time, often leaving their own nuclear families behind.

When they became too old or too disabled to be productive members of the tribe, Aché women were violently murdered by another man in their tribe. Unproductive elderly Aché men were exiled from the group.

One of the four groups of Aché is reported to have practiced cannibalism occasionally, possibly as late as the 1960s, and the northern group sometimes euthanized and cremated elderly people thought to harbor dangerous vengeful spirits (possibly advanced dementia, or Alzheimer's disease).

Rituals and beliefs
The most important northern Aché ritual was the club-fight. These events were organized by "big men" and took place once every year or two. Several bands would converge on a single camping area. Those who invited the others would prepare a cleared area in which to do ritual combat. Men prepared long hardwood clubs with sharpened edges (paddle-shaped), and decorated themselves with charcoal (mixed with honey and saliva) and vulture down. Although club fights consisted of hosting and invited teams of men, after the fighting began all men were free to choose opponents from either group. Men faced off and took turns swinging at each other's heads. Some men were hit directly on the top of the head and sustained fractured skulls, that later healed, but with tell-tale signs of combat. Other men dodged the clubs, but might be hit on the arms or shoulders. Some men died in almost every large clubfighting event. Sometimes clubfighting would also emerge spontaneously within a small residential band, when one man was caught having sexual relations with another man's wife. These types of duels were never lethal. In all clubfights, some bystanders (including women) would rush in and try to hamper or disarm men who were in combat with their father, sons or brothers.

Aché mythology is centered around Berendy, a flaming thunderous being that at times takes the form of a meteor, and at times has a body of flesh and blood. Berendy's son is the subject of several myths, which also include themes of the origin of jaguars, the sun and the moon, the origins of fire, and some moral tales about stingy old men and old women. Northern Aché emphasized the spiritual powers of a being that manifest itself as both shadow and wind. Southern Aché groups appear to have included a malevolent spirit that originates from the souls of angry deceased Aché.

All Aché believe in some types of hunting magic, and in the curative powers of pregnant women.

Demography
Aché demography has been extensively studied and analyzed in the framework of evolutionary life history theory. Major causes of death in the forest period were in-group homicides (especially of infants and children), external warfare, respiratory disease, tropical fevers, and accidents. Over 40% of all adult deaths, and more than 60% of all child deaths, were due to violence by other Aché or by outsiders. In the forest period, about 65% of all children born survived to adulthood (age 15), and life expectancy for those young adults was an additional 40 years on average. 14% of males and 23% of females under the age of 10 were killed, with the victims predominantly being orphans; infants orphaned within the first year of life were always killed.

Fertility was high, with completed family sizes of post reproductive women being just over 8 live births. Analyses indicate that high return hunters, and large bodied women, had higher lifetime reproductive success than their peers. More detailed information relevant to theories about body size variation, age at menarche, menopause, life history tradeoffs, etc. are presented in Hill and Hurtado's 1996 Aché Life History.

title: Aché


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People's Party (Serbia, 1990)

The People's Party (Народна странка / Narodna stranka) was a political party in Serbia. Its president was Milan Paroški.

History
In the 1990 election it ran in coalition with the Serbian Renewal Movement and won one seat in one of the districts of Novi Sad. The elected MP was Milan Paroški.

On 18 December 1995 it was announced that the People's Party was merging with the Democratic Party, taking a right-wing turn under Zoran Đinđić. This proved highly controversial, and Đinđić defended the decision saying that Paroški was remembered not for his monarchism but for his strong opposition credentials.

On 18 August 1997 the party split with the political council of the Democratic Party, insisting against the electoral boycott of the 1997 election.

In 2010 the party merged into the Serbian Monarchist Party "Serbian Unity".

Policies
The party advocated adding religious education to schools and universities, as "the exclusion of religious education has contributed to the spiritual impoverishment of the entirety of Serbdom and the severing of ties with tradition and history".

It advocated the "reconstitution of the FRY and the legally unstable position and status of Vojvodina", the relocation of the ministries of agriculture, foreign trade and international relations to Novi Sad, and the regionalization of Serbia so that the "Serbian Voivodeship, or Vojvodina, could be emancipated inside the current polity".

In 2001 Paroški stated that the Serbian government should urgently submit an application to join the Partnership for Peace and subsequently NATO so that the crisis in the Preševo Valley could be resolved in Serbia's favor, citing Serbia's affiliation in the Balkan Wars as well as the First and Second World War.

He has also stated in 2001 that it is in Serbia's best interest for the Montenegrins to "leave as soon as possible". He has declared support for the peaceful dissolution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia providing that Serbia is able to sell the submarines currently operating in the Adriatic, saying "Me, my grandfather and my father bought them, not the Montenegrins, or their fathers and grandfathers. Why should it be Milo Đukanović selling them so that they could spend the next ten or twenty years playing their gusle and benefiting from the money?".

title: People's Party (Serbia, 1990)


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/FortuneFun

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was DELETE. Golbez 06:36, Jun 18, 2005 (UTC)

FortuneFun
Seems to be an ad. <200 Googles seem to argue against notability. --Xcali 21:14, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Still a young industry. Expect to hear a lot about casino skill sites, like FortuneFun, SkillPalace and 888 Skill in the next 2-3 months. --FeldBum 19:08, 12 June 2005 (EST)

 * Rename to "Skill sites". We don't want ads, but the material discussed in the article sounds like an interesting legal issue. --Arcadian 04:00, 13 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete website advertising. JamesBurns 04:59, 13 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages.  Please do not edit this page .


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Banu Tamim

Banū Tamīm (بَنُو تَمِيم) is an Arab tribe that originated in Najd in the Arabian Peninsula. It is mainly present in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, a strong presence in Algeria, and Morocco, Palestine, Tunisia, and Libya. It is also present in many other parts of the Arab world such as Egypt and Khuzestan in Iran. The word Tamim in Arabic means strong and solid. It can also mean those who strive for perfection.

History and origin
The traditional family tree of Banu Tamim is as follows: Tamim ibn Murr ibn 'Udd ibn Amr ibn Ilyas ibn Mudar bin Nizar bin Ma'ad bin Adnan - a direct descendant of Isma'il bin Ibrahim (Ishmael, son of Abraham).

Banu Tamim is one of the largest tribes of Arabia. The tribe occupied numerous Wadis and villages in central and eastern Arabia in the 6th century before playing an important role with the revelation of Islam. They came into contact with Muhammad in the 8th year of Hijrah, but they did not immediately convert to Islam. There are hadiths which praise virtually all of the major Arab tribal groups, and to indicate the extent of this praise, a few examples are listed here:

"I have continued to love Banu Tamim after I heard three things concerning them from Allah's Messenger: 'They will be the sternest of my Ummah against the Dajjal,' one of them was a captive owned by Aisha, and he said: 'Free her, for she is a descendant of Ismail,' and when their zakat came, he said: 'This is the zakat of our people,' or 'of my people.''"

Lineage and branches
Banu Tamim is an Adnanite tribe, descended from Adnan. In the genealogical tradition of the tribe, it is argued that there is a direct line that can be drawn from Abraham to Tamim: The tribe is mainly divided into four main branches, namely: The tribe was mainly concentrated in the central and northern parts of Najd before the spread of Islam, but had spread across the Arabian Peninsula after the Islamic conquest of the region, then had spread to areas ruled by subsequent caliphates. The tribe extends west to Morocco and east to Khuzestan. After the Islamic conquests, the tribe migrated to modern-day Tunisia, Iraq, Morocco, the Khuzestan and Khorasan regions of Iran, and other parts of the Arab world. Banu Tamim held significant power for centuries in these areas, in the form of the Aghlabids and other minor dynasties.
 * Abraham
 * Ishmael
 * Adnan
 * Ma'ad
 * Nizar
 * Mudar
 * Ilyas
 * Amr (Tabikhah)
 * 'Ud
 * Murr
 * Tamim
 * Amr
 * Banu Hanzala
 * Banu Sa'd
 * Al-Rabbab

Dynasties

 * Aghlabids – ruling dynasty of Ifriqiya (modern-day Tunisia, Algeria, and Libya) from 800 to 909 which also controlled parts of southern Italy and Sicily.
 * Al Thani – ruling dynasty of Qatar since 1847.
 * Al ash-Sheikh – family of the Grand Muftis of the Emirate of Diriyah, then the Emirate of Najd and now modern-day Saudi Arabia for religious matters.
 * Al Khater – family of the Middle East based primarily in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain.
 * Al Majali – family based in Al-Karak in modern-day Jordan since the 1770s.
 * Al Mu'ammar – ruling dynasty of Najd based in Al-'Uyaynah from the seventeenth to the eighteenth century, their lineage goes back to the Anaqir of Banu Tamim.

Notable people
Medieval and Pre-Islamic:
 * Khabbab ibn al-Aratt – a companion of Muhammad
 * Ahnaf ibn Qais – companion of Umar ibn al-Khattab
 * Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin Sa'id al-Tamimi – physician in Palestine during the 10th century CE
 * Abu Al Fazal Abdul Wahid Yemeni Tamimi – Muslim saint Of the Junaidia order
 * Abd-Allah ibn Ibadh al-Tamimi – Founder of the Ibadi sect
 * Alqama al-Fahl - Pre-Islamic poet, renown for being one of the famous contributors to the Mu'allaqat, rival to Imru' al-Qais
 * Jarīr – Classical Arab poet and rival of Al-Farazdaq
 * Al-Farazdaq – Umayyad Classical poet, rival of Jarir
 * Al-Hurr ibn Yazid al Tamimi – A general of the Umayyads who defected to Husayn ibn Ali
 * Al-Qa'qa'a ibn Amr at-Tamimi – A general who commanded an army from his tribe and helped conquer Persia under Caliph Umar
 * Abu Mansur al-Baghdadi – Shafi'i scholar and mathematician from Baghdad
 * Musa ibn Ka'b al-Tamimi – provincial Abbasid Governor in mid 8th century
 * Muhammed ibn Umail al-Tamimi – tenth century alchemist from Al-Andalus
 * Ibn Ishaq al-Tamimi al-Tunisi – 13th century Tunisian astronomer and the author of an important zij
 * Yahya ibn Aktham – Chief judge of the Abbasid Caliphate
 * Aktham ibn Sayfi – pre-Islamic figure known as "Judge of the Arabs"
 * Khazim ibn Khuzayma al-Tamimi – Khurasani Arab military leader, Abbasid Revolutionary
 * Ibrahim I ibn al-Aghlab – founder of the Aghlabids' vassal, the emirs of Ifriqiya and Sicily from 800 to 909
 * Jassim bin Mohammed Al Thani – founder of the State of Qatar
 * Munzir ibn Sawa Al Tamimi – ruler of eastern parts of archaic Arabian peninsula who converted to Islam
 * Sheikh Edebali – Sufi Master who served in the foundation of the Ottoman Empire and father-in-law of its founder Osman I
 * Qatari ibn al-Fuja'a – Kharjite leader and poet who led an uprising against the Umayyads from Persia
 * Rebi’i bin Aamer Al-Tamimi – Companion of the Prophet of Islam Muhammad.
 * Munzir ibn Sawa Al-Tamimi – Governor of historical Bahrain, the eastern coast of the Arabian peninsula
 * Ishaq ibn Rahwayh – jurist and imam of Khorasan – One of the Lisan Al-Arab
 * Ubayd Allah al-Anbari – Arab jurist, poet, lexicographer, genealogist and governor of Basra under the Abbassids

Modern Era:
 * Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab – founder of Nejdi Salafi movement and author of Kitāb at-Tawḥīd
 * Muhammad Ibn al 'Uthaymīn (d. 2001 C.E.) – Saudi Salafi preacher
 * Abdul-Rahman al-Sa'di – Saudi Islamic Scholar
 * Abdulaziz Al Sheikh – current Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia
 * Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani – Emir of Qatar
 * Ali Abdullah Al-Daffa – Saudi mathematician, scientist, author, professor

title: Banu Tamim