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Critical race theory

Critical race theory (CRT) is an interdisciplinary academic field focused on the relationships between social conceptions of race and ethnicity, social and political laws, and media. CRT also considers racism to be systemic in various laws and rules, and not based only on individuals' prejudices. The word critical in the name is an academic reference to critical theory rather than criticizing or blaming individuals.

CRT is also used in sociology to explain social, political, and legal structures and power distribution as through a "lens" focusing on the concept of race, and experiences of racism. For example, the CRT conceptual framework examines racial bias in laws and legal institutions, such as highly disparate rates of incarceration among racial groups in the United States. A key CRT concept is intersectionalitythe way in which different forms of inequality and identity are affected by interconnections of race, class, gender, and disability. Scholars of CRT view race as a social construct with no biological basis. One tenet of CRT is that racism and disparate racial outcomes violating substantive equality are the result of complex, changing, and often subtle social and institutional dynamics, rather than explicit and intentional prejudices of individuals. CRT scholars argue that the social and legal construction of race advances the interests of white people at the expense of people of color, and that the liberal notion of U.S. law as "neutral" plays a significant role in maintaining a racially unjust social order, where formally color-blind laws continue to have racially discriminatory outcomes.

CRT began in the United States in the post–civil rights era, as 1960s landmark civil rights laws were being eroded and schools were being re-segregated. With racial inequalities persisting even after civil rights legislation and color-blind laws were enacted, CRT scholars in the 1970s and 1980s began reworking and expanding critical legal studies (CLS) theories on class, economic structure, and the law to examine the role of US law in perpetuating racism. CRT, a framework of analysis grounded in critical theory, originated in the mid-1970s in the writings of several American legal scholars, including Derrick Bell, Alan Freeman, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Richard Delgado, Cheryl Harris, Charles R. Lawrence III, Mari Matsuda, and Patricia J. Williams. CRT draws from the work of thinkers such as Antonio Gramsci, Sojourner Truth, Frederick Douglass, and W. E. B. Du Bois, as well as the Black Power, Chicano, and radical feminist movements from the 1960s and 1970s.

Academic critics of CRT argue it is based on storytelling instead of evidence and reason, rejects truth and merit, and undervalues liberalism. Since 2020, conservative US lawmakers have sought to ban or restrict the instruction of CRT education in primary and secondary schools, as well as relevant training inside federal agencies. Advocates of such bans argue that CRT is false, anti-American, villainizes white people, promotes radical leftism, and indoctrinates children. Advocates of bans on CRT have been accused of misrepresenting its tenets, and of having the goal to broadly silence discussions of racism, equality, social justice, and the history of race.

Definitions
In his introduction to the comprehensive 1995 publication of critical race theory's key writings, Cornel West described CRT as "an intellectual movement that is both particular to our postmodern (and conservative) times and part of a long tradition of human resistance and liberation." Law professor Roy L. Brooks defined critical race theory in 1994 as "a collection of critical stances against the existing legal order from a race-based point of view".

Gloria Ladson-Billings, whoalong with co-author William Tatehad introduced CRT to the field of education in 1995, described it in 2015 as an "interdisciplinary approach that seeks to understand and combat race inequity in society." Ladson-Billings wrote in 1998 that CRT "first emerged as a counterlegal scholarship to the positivist and liberal legal discourse of civil rights."

In 2017, University of Alabama School of Law professor Richard Delgado, a co-founder of critical race theory, and legal writer Jean Stefancic define CRT as "a collection of activists and scholars interested in studying and transforming the relationship among race, racism, and power". In 2021, Khiara Bridges, a law professor and author of the textbook Critical Race Theory: A Primer, defined critical race theory as an "intellectual movement", a "body of scholarship", and an "analytical toolset for interrogating the relationship between law and racial inequality."

The 2021 Encyclopaedia Britannica described CRT as an "intellectual and social movement and loosely organized framework of legal analysis based on the premise that race is not a natural, biologically grounded feature of physically distinct subgroups of human beings but a socially constructed (culturally invented) category that is used to oppress and exploit people of colour."

Tenets
Scholars of CRT say that race is not "biologically grounded and natural"; rather, it is a socially constructed category used to oppress and exploit people of color; and that racism is not an aberration, but a normalized feature of American society. According to CRT, negative stereotypes assigned to members of minority groups benefit white people and increase racial oppression. Individuals can belong to a number of different identity groups. The concept of intersectionalityone of CRT's main conceptswas introduced by legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw.

Derrick Albert Bell Jr. (1930 – 2011), an American lawyer, professor, and civil rights activist, wrote that racial equality is "impossible and illusory" and that racism in the US is permanent. According to Bell, civil-rights legislation will not on its own bring about progress in race relations; alleged improvements or advantages to people of color "tend to serve the interests of dominant white groups", in what Bell called "interest convergence". These changes do not typically affectand at times even reinforceracial hierarchies. This is representative of the shift in the 1970s, in Bell's re-assessment of his earlier desegregation work as a civil rights lawyer. He was responding to the Supreme Court's decisions that had resulted in the re-segregation of schools.

The concept of standpoint theory became particularly relevant to CRT when it was expanded to include a black feminist standpoint by Patricia Hill Collins. First introduced by feminist sociologists in the 1980s, standpoint theory holds that people in marginalized groups, who share similar experiences, can bring a collective wisdom and a unique voice to discussions on decreasing oppression. In this view, insights into racism can be uncovered by examining the nature of the US legal system through the perspective of the everyday lived experiences of people of color.

According to Encyclopedia Britannica, tenets of CRT have spread beyond academia, and are used to deepen understanding of socio-economic issues such as "poverty, police brutality, and voting rights violations", that are affected by the ways in which race and racism are "understood and misunderstood" in the United States.

Common themes
Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic published an annotated bibliography of CRT references in 1993, listing works of legal scholarship that addressed one or more of the following themes: "critique of liberalism"; "storytelling/counterstorytelling and 'naming one's own reality'"; "revisionist interpretations of American civil rights law and progress"; "a greater understanding of the underpinnings of race and racism"; "structural determinism"; "race, sex, class, and their intersections"; "essentialism and anti-essentialism"; "cultural nationalism/separatism"; "legal institutions, critical pedagogy, and minorities in the bar"; and "criticism and self-criticism". When Gloria Ladson-Billings introduced CRT into education in 1995, she cautioned that its application required a "thorough analysis of the legal literature upon which it is based".

Critique of liberalism
First and foremost to CRT legal scholars in 1993 was their "discontent" with the way in which liberalism addressed race issues in the US. They critiqued "liberal jurisprudence", including affirmative action, color-blindness, role modeling, and the merit principle. Specifically, they claimed that the liberal concept of value-neutral law contributed to maintenance of the US's racially unjust social order.An example questioning foundational liberal conceptions of Enlightenment values, such as rationalism and progress, is Rennard Strickland's 1986 Kansas Law Review article, "Genocide-at-Law: An Historic and Contemporary View of the Native American Experience". In it, he "introduced Native American traditions and world-views" into law school curriculum, challenging the entrenchment at that time of the "contemporary ideas of progress and enlightenment". He wrote that US laws that "permeate" the everyday lives of Native Americans were in "most cases carried out with scrupulous legality" but still resulted in what he called "cultural genocide".In 1993, David Theo Goldberg described how countries that adopt classical liberalism's concepts of "individualism, equality, and freedom"such as the United States and European countriesconceal structural racism in their cultures and languages, citing terms such as "Third World" and "primitive". In 1988, Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw traced the origins of the New Right's use of the concept of color-blindness from 1970s neoconservative think tanks to the Ronald Reagan administration in the 1980s. She described how prominent figures such as neoconservative scholars Thomas Sowell and William Bradford Reynolds, who served as Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division from 1981 to 1988, called for "strictly color-blind policies". Sowell and Reynolds, like many conservatives at that time, believed that the goal of equality of the races had already been achieved, and therefore the race-specific civil rights movement was a "threat to democracy". The color-blindness logic used in "reverse discrimination" arguments in the post-civil rights period is informed by a particular viewpoint on "equality of opportunity", as adopted by Sowell, in which the state's role is limited to providing a "level playing field", not to promoting equal distribution of resources.Crenshaw claimed that "equality of opportunity" in antidiscrimination law can have both an expansive and a restrictive aspect. Crenshaw wrote that formally color-blind laws continue to have racially discriminatory outcomes. According to her, this use of formal color-blindness rhetoric in claims of reverse discrimination, as in the 1978 Supreme Court ruling on Bakke, was a response to the way in which the courts had aggressively imposed affirmative action and busing during the Civil Rights era, even on those who were hostile to those issues. In 1990, legal scholar Duncan Kennedy described the dominant approach to affirmative action in legal academia as "colorblind meritocratic fundamentalism". He called for a postmodern "race consciousness" approach that included "political and cultural relations" while avoiding "racialism" and "essentialism".Sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva describes this newer, subtle form of racism as "color-blind racism", which uses frameworks of abstract liberalism to decontextualize race, naturalize outcomes such as segregation in neighborhoods, attribute certain cultural practices to race, and cause "minimization of racism".In his influential 1984 article, Delgado challenged the liberal concept of meritocracy in civil rights scholarship. He questioned how the top articles in most well-established journals were all written by white men.

Storytelling/counterstorytelling and "naming one's own reality"
This refers to the use of narrative (storytelling) to illuminate and explore lived experiences of racial oppression.One of the prime tenets of liberal jurisprudence is that people can create appealing narratives to think and talk about greater levels of justice. Delgado and Stefancic call this the empathic fallacythe belief that it is possible to "control our consciousness" by using language alone to overcome bigotry and narrow-mindedness. They examine how people of color, considered outsiders in mainstream US culture, are portrayed in media and law through stereotypes and stock characters that have been adapted over time to shield the dominant culture from discomfort and guilt. For example, slaves in the 18th-century Southern States were depicted as childlike and docile; Harriet Beecher Stowe adapted this stereotype through her character Uncle Tom, depicting him as a "gentle, long-suffering", pious Christian.

Following the American Civil War, the African-American woman was depicted as a wise, care-giving "Mammy" figure. During the Reconstruction period, African-American men were stereotyped as "brutish and bestial", a danger to white women and children. This was exemplified in Thomas Dixon Jr.'s novels, used as the basis for the epic film The Birth of a Nation, which celebrated the Ku Klux Klan and lynching. During the Harlem Renaissance, African-Americans were depicted as "musically talented" and "entertaining". Following World War II, when many Black veterans joined the nascent civil rights movement, African Americans were portrayed as "cocky [and] street-smart", the "unreasonable, opportunistic" militant, the "safe, comforting, cardigan-wearing" TV sitcom character, and the "super-stud" of blaxploitation films.

The empathic fallacy informs the "time-warp aspect of racism", where the dominant culture can see racism only through the hindsight of a past era or distant land, such as South Africa. Through centuries of stereotypes, racism has become normalized; it is a "part of the dominant narrative we use to interpret experience". Delgado and Stefancic argue that speech alone is an ineffective tool to counter racism, since the system of free expression tends to favor the interests of powerful elites and to assign responsibility for racist stereotypes to the "marketplace of ideas". In the decades following the passage of civil rights laws, acts of racism had become less overt and more covertinvisible to, and underestimated by, most of the dominant culture.

Since racism makes people feel uncomfortable, the empathic fallacy helps the dominant culture to mistakenly believe that it no longer exists, and that dominant images, portrayals, stock characters, and stereotypeswhich usually portray minorities in a negative lightprovide them with a true image of race in America. Based on these narratives, the dominant group has no need to feel guilty or to make an effort to overcome racism, as it feels "right, customary, and inoffensive to those engaged in it", while self-described liberals who uphold freedom of expression can feel virtuous while maintaining their own superior position.

Standpoint epistemology
This is the view that members of racial minority groups have a unique authority and ability to speak about racism. This is seen as undermining dominant narratives relating to racial inequality, such as legal neutrality and personal responsibility or bootstrapping, through valuable first-hand accounts of the experience of racism.

Revisionist interpretations of American civil rights law and progress
Interest convergence is a concept introduced by Derrick Bell in his 1980 Harvard Law Review article, "Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma". In this article, Bell described how he re-assessed the impact of the hundreds of NAACP LDF de-segregation cases he won from 1960 to 1966, and how he began to believe that in spite of his sincerity at the time, anti-discrimination law had not resulted in improving Black children's access to quality education. He listed and described how Supreme Court cases had gutted civil rights legislation, which had resulted in African-American students continuing to attend all-black schools that lacked adequate funding and resources. In examining these Supreme Court cases, Bell concluded that the only civil-rights legislation that was passed coincided with the self-interest of white people, which Bell termed interest convergence.

One of the best-known examples of interest convergence is the way in which American geopolitics during the Cold War in the aftermath of World War II was a critical factor in the passage of civil rights legislation by both Republicans and Democrats. Bell described this in numerous articles, including the aforementioned, and it was supported by the research and publications of legal scholar Mary L. Dudziak. In her journal articles and her 2000 book Cold War Civil Rightsbased on newly released documentsDudziak provided detailed evidence that it was in the interest of the United States to quell the negative international press about treatment of African-Americans when the majority of the populations of newly decolonized countries which the US was trying to attract to Western-style democracy, were not white. The US sought to promote liberal values throughout Africa, Asia, and Latin America to prevent the Soviet Union from spreading communism. Dudziak described how the international press widely circulated stories of segregation and violence against African-Americans.

The Moore's Ford lynchings, where a World War II veteran was lynched, were particularly widespread in the news. American allies followed stories of American racism through the international press, and the Soviets used stories of racism against Black Americans as a vital part of their propaganda. Dudziak performed extensive archival research in the US Department of State and Department of Justice and concluded that US government support for civil-rights legislation "was motivated in part by the concern that racial discrimination harmed the United States' foreign relations". When the National Guard was called in to prevent nine African-American students from integrating the Little Rock Central High School, the international press covered the story extensively. The then-Secretary of State told President Dwight Eisenhower that the Little Rock situation was "ruining" American foreign policy, particularly in Asia and Africa. The US's ambassador to the United Nations told President Eisenhower that as two-thirds of the world's population was not white, he was witnessing their negative reactions to American racial discrimination. He suspected that the US "lost several votes on the Chinese communist item because of Little Rock."

Intersectional theory
This refers to the examination of race, sex, class, national origin, and sexual orientation, and how their intersections play out in various settings, such as how the needs of a Latina are different from those of a Black male, and whose needs are promoted. These intersections provide a more holistic picture for evaluating different groups of people. Intersectionality is a response to identity politics insofar as identity politics does not take into account the different intersections of people's identities.

Essentialism vs. anti-essentialism
Delgado and Stefancic write, "Scholars who write about these issues are concerned with the appropriate unit for analysis: Is the black community one, or many, communities? Do middle- and working-class African-Americans have different interests and needs? Do all oppressed peoples have something in common?" This is a look at the ways that oppressed groups may share in their oppression but also have different needs and values that need to be analyzed differently. It is a question of how groups can be essentialized or are unable to be essentialized.

From an essentialist perspective, one's identity consists of an internal "essence" that is static and unchanging from birth, whereas a non-essentialist position holds that "the subject has no fixed or permanent identity." Racial essentialism diverges into biological and cultural essentialism, where subordinated groups may endorse one over the other. "Cultural and biological forms of racial essentialism share the idea that differences between racial groups are determined by a fixed and uniform essence that resides within and defines all members of each racial group. However, they differ in their understanding of the nature of this essence." Subordinated communities may be more likely to endorse cultural essentialism as it provides a basis of positive distinction for establishing a cumulative resistance as a means to assert their identities and advocacy of rights, whereas biological essentialism may be unlikely to resonate with marginalized groups as historically, dominant groups have used genetics and biology in justifying racism and oppression.

Essentialism is the idea of a singular, shared experience between a specific group of people. Anti-essentialism, on the other hand, believes that there are other various factors that can affect a person's being and their overall life experience. The race of an individual is viewed more as a social construct that does not necessarily dictate the outcome of their life circumstances. Race is viewed as "a social and historical construction, rather than an inherent, fixed, essential biological characteristic." Anti-essentialism "forces a destabilization in the very concept of race itself…" The results of this destabilization vary on the analytic focus falling into two general categories, "... consequences for the analytic concepts of racial identity or racial subjectivity."

Structural determinism, and race, sex, class, and their intersections
This refers to the exploration of how "the structure of legal thought or culture influences its content" in a way that determines social outcomes. Delgado and Stefancic cited "empathic fallacy" as one example of structural determinism—the "idea that our system, by reason of its structure and vocabulary, cannot redress certain types of wrong." They interrogate the absence of terms such as intersectionality, anti-essentialism, and jury nullification in standard legal reference research tools in law libraries.

Cultural nationalism/separatism
This refers to the exploration of more radical views that argue for separation and reparations as a form of foreign aid (including black nationalism).

Legal institutions, critical pedagogy, and minorities in the bar
Camara Phyllis Jones defines institutionalized racism as "differential access to the goods, services, and opportunities of society by race. Institutionalized racism is normative, sometimes legalized and often manifests as inherited disadvantage. It is structural, having been absorbed into our institutions of custom, practice, and law, so there need not be an identifiable offender. Indeed, institutionalized racism is often evident as inaction in the face of need, manifesting itself both in material conditions and in access to power. With regard to the former, examples include differential access to quality education, sound housing, gainful employment, appropriate medical facilities, and a clean environment."

Black–white binary
The black–white binary is a paradigm identified by legal scholars through which racial issues and histories are typically articulated within a racial binary between black and white Americans. The binary largely governs how race has been portrayed and addressed throughout US history. Critical race theorists Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic argue that anti-discrimination law has blindspots for non-black minorities due to its language being confined within the black–white binary.

Applications and adaptations
Scholars of critical race theory have focused, with some particularity, on the issues of hate crime and hate speech. In response to the opinion of the US Supreme Court in the hate speech case of R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul (1992), in which the Court struck down an anti-bias ordinance as applied to a teenager who had burned a cross, Mari Matsuda and Charles Lawrence argued that the Court had paid insufficient attention to the history of racist speech and the actual injury produced by such speech.

Critical race theorists have also argued in favor of affirmative action. They propose that so-called merit standards for hiring and educational admissions are not race-neutral and that such standards are part of the rhetoric of neutrality through which whites justify their disproportionate share of resources and social benefits.

In his 2009 article "Will the Real CRT Please Stand Up: The Dangers of Philosophical Contributions to CRT", Curry distinguished between the original CRT key writings and what is being done in the name of CRT by a "growing number of white feminists". The new CRT movement "favors narratives that inculcate the ideals of a post-racial humanity and racial amelioration between compassionate (Black and White) philosophical thinkers dedicated to solving America's race problem." They are interested in discourse (i.e., how individuals speak about race) and the theories of white Continental philosophers, over and against the structural and institutional accounts of white supremacy which were at the heart of the realist analysis of racism introduced in Derrick Bell's early works, and articulated through such African-American thinkers as W. E. B. Du Bois, Paul Robeson, and Judge Robert L. Carter.

Early years
Although the terminology critical race theory began in its application to laws, the subject emerges from the broader frame of critical theory in how it analyzes power structures in society despite whatever laws may be in effect. In the 1998 article, "Critical Race Theory: Past, Present, and Future", Delgado and Stefancic trace the origins of CRT to the early writings of Derrick Albert Bell Jr. including his 1976 Yale Law Journal article, "Serving Two Masters" and his 1980 Harvard Law Review article entitled "Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma".

In the 1970s, as a professor at Harvard Law School Bell began to critique, question and re-assess the civil rights cases he had litigated in the 1960s to desegregate schools following the passage of Brown v. Board of Education. This re-assessment became the "cornerstone of critical race theory". Delgado and Stefancic, who together wrote Critical Race Theory: a Introduction in 2001, described Bell's "interest convergence" as a "means of understanding Western racial history". The focus on desegregation after the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Browndeclaring school segregation unconstitutionalleft "civil-rights lawyers compromised between their clients' interests and the law". The concern of many Black parentsfor their children's access to better educationwas being eclipsed by the interests of litigators who wanted a "breakthrough" in their "pursuit of racial balance in schools". In 1995, Cornel West said that Bell was "virtually the lone dissenter" writing in leading law reviews who challenged basic assumptions about how the law treated people of color.

In his Harvard Law Review articles, Bell cites the 1964 Hudson v. Leake County School Board case which the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (NAACP LDF) won, mandating that the all-white school board comply with desegregation. At that time it was seen as a success. By the 1970s, White parents were removing their children from the desegregated schools and enrolling them in segregation academies. Bell came to believe that he had been mistaken in 1964 when, as a young lawyer working for the LDF, he had convinced Winson Hudson, who was the head of the newly formed local NAACP chapter in Harmony, Mississippi, to fight the all-White Leake County School Board to desegregate schools. She and the other Black parents had initially sought LDF assistance to fight the board's closure of their schoolone of the historic Rosenwald Schools for Black children. Bell explained to Hudson, thatfollowing Brownthe LDF could not fight to keep a segregated Black school open; they would have to fight for desegregation. In 1964, Bell and the NAACP had believed that resources for desegregated schools would be increased and Black children would access higher quality education, since White parents would insist on better quality schools; by the 1970s, Black children were again attending segregated schools and the quality of education had deteriorated.

Bell began to work for the NAACP LDF shortly after the Montgomery bus boycott and the ensuing 1956 Supreme Court ruling following Browder v. Gayle that the Alabama and Montgomery bus segregation laws were unconstitutional. From 1960 to 1966 Bell successfully litigated 300 civil rights cases in Mississippi. Bell was inspired by Thurgood Marshall, who had been one of the two leaders of a decades-long legal campaign starting in the 1930s, in which they filed hundreds of lawsuits to reverse the "separate but equal" doctrine announced by the Supreme Court's decision in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). The Court ruled that racial segregation laws enacted by the states were not in violation of the United States Constitution as long as the facilities for each race were equal in quality. The Plessy decision provided the legal mandate at the federal level to enforce Jim Crow laws that had been introduced by white Southern Democrats starting in the 1870s for racial segregation in all public facilities, including public schools. The Court's 1954 Brown decisionwhich held that the "separate but equal" doctrine is unconstitutional in the context of public schools and educational facilitiesseverely weakened Plessy. The Supreme Court concept of constitutional colorblindness in regards to case evaluation began with Plessy. Before Plessy, the Court considered color as a determining factor in many landmark cases, which reinforced Jim Crow laws. Bell's 1960s civil rights work built on Justice Marshall's groundwork begun in the 1930s. It was a time when the legal branch of the civil rights movement was launching thousands of civil rights cases. It was a period of idealism for the civil rights movement.

At Harvard, Bell developed new courses that studied American law through a racial lens. He compiled his own course materials which were published in 1970 under the title Race, Racism, and American Law. He became Harvard Law School's first Black tenured professor in 1971.

During the 1970s, the courts were using legislation to enforce affirmative action programs and busingwhere the courts mandated busing to achieve racial integration in school districts that rejected desegregation. In response, in the 1970s, neoconservative think tankshostile to these two issues in particulardeveloped a color-blind rhetoric to oppose them, claiming they represented reverse discrimination. In 1978, Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, when Bakke won this landmark Supreme Court case by using the argument of reverse racism, Bell's skepticism that racism would end increased. Justice Lewis F. Powell Jr. held that the "guarantee of equal protection cannot mean one thing when applied to one individual and something else when applied to a person of another color." In a 1979 article, Bell asked if there were any groups of the White population that would be willing to suffer any disadvantage that might result from the implementation of a policy to rectify harms to Black people resulting from slavery, segregation, or discrimination.

Bell resigned in 1980 because of what he viewed as the university's discriminatory practices, became the dean at University of Oregon School of Law and later returned to Harvard as a visiting professor.

While he was absent from Harvard, his supporters organized protests against Harvard's lack of racial diversity in the curriculum, in the student body and in the faculty. The university had rejected student requests, saying no sufficiently qualified black instructor existed. Legal scholar Randall Kennedy writes that some students had "felt affronted" by Harvard's choice to employ an "archetypal white liberal... in a way that precludes the development of black leadership".

One of these students was Kimberlé Crenshaw, who had chosen Harvard in order to study under Bell; she was introduced to his work at Cornell. Crenshaw organized the student-led initiative to offer an alternative course on race and law in 1981based on Bell's course and textbookwhere students brought in visiting professors, such as Charles Lawrence, Linda Greene, Neil Gotanda, and Richard Delgado, to teach chapter-by-chapter from Race, Racism, and American Law.

Critical race theory emerged as an intellectual movement with the organization of this boycott; CRT scholars included graduate law students and professors.

Alan Freeman was a founding member of the Critical Legal Studies (CLS) movement that hosted forums in the 1980s. CLS legal scholars challenged claims to the alleged value-neutral position of the law. They criticized the legal system's role in generating and legitimizing oppressive social structures which contributed to maintaining an unjust and oppressive class system. Delgado and Stefancic cite the work of Alan Freeman in the 1970s as formative to critical race theory. In his 1978 Minnesota Law Review article Freeman reinterpreted, through a critical legal studies perspective, how the Supreme Court oversaw civil rights legislation from 1953 to 1969 under the Warren Court. He criticized the narrow interpretation of the law which denied relief for victims of racial discrimination. In his article, Freeman describes two perspectives on the concept of racial discrimination: that of victim or perpetrator. Racial discrimination to the victim includes both objective conditions and the "consciousness associated with those objective conditions". To the perpetrator, racial discrimination consists only of actions without consideration of the objective conditions experienced by the victims, such as the "lack of jobs, lack of money, lack of housing". Only those individuals who could prove they were victims of discrimination were deserving of remedies. By the late 1980s, Freeman, Bell, and other CRT scholars left the CLS movement claiming it was too narrowly focused on class and economic structures while neglecting the role of race and race relations in American law.

Emergence as a movement
In 1989, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Neil Gotanda, and Stephanie Phillips organized a workshop at the University of Wisconsin-Madison entitled "New Developments in Critical Race Theory". The organizers coined the term "Critical Race Theory" to signify an "intersection of critical theory and race, racism and the law."

Afterward, legal scholars began publishing a higher volume of works employing critical race theory, including more than "300 leading law review articles" and books. In 1990, Duncan Kennedy published his article on affirmative action in legal academia in the Duke Law Journal, and Anthony E. Cook published his article "Beyond Critical Legal Studies" in the Harvard Law Review. In 1991, Patricia Williams published The Alchemy of Race and Rights, while Derrick Bell published Faces at the Bottom of the Well in 1992. Cheryl I. Harris published her 1993 Harvard Law Review article "Whiteness as Property" in which she described how passing led to benefits akin to owning property. In 1995, two dozen legal scholars contributed to a major compilation of key writings on CRT.

By the early 1990s, key concepts and features of CRT had emerged. Bell had introduced his concept of "interest convergence" in his 1973 article. He developed the concept of racial realism in a 1992 series of essays and book, Faces at the bottom of the well: the permanence of racism. He said that Black people needed to accept that the civil rights era legislation would not on its own bring about progress in race relations; anti-Black racism in the US was a "permanent fixture" of American society; and equality was "impossible and illusory" in the US. Crenshaw introduced the term intersectionality in the 1990s.

In 1995, pedagogical theorists Gloria Ladson-Billings and William F. Tate began applying the critical race theory framework in the field of education. In their 1995 article Ladson-Billings and Tate described the role of the social construction of white norms and interests in education. They sought to better understand inequities in schooling. Scholars have since expanded work to explore issues including school segregation in the US; relations between race, gender, and academic achievement; pedagogy; and research methodologies.

, over 20 American law schools and at least three non-American law schools offered critical race theory courses or classes. Critical race theory is also applied in the fields of education, political science, women's studies, ethnic studies, communication, sociology, and American studies. Other movements developed that apply critical race theory to specific groups. These include the Latino-critical (LatCrit), queer-critical, and Asian-critical movements. These continued to engage with the main body of critical theory research, over time developing independent priorities and research methods.

CRT has also been taught internationally, including in the United Kingdom (UK) and Australia. According to educational researcher Mike Cole, the main proponents of CRT in the UK include David Gillborn, John Preston, and Namita Chakrabarty.

Philosophical foundations
CRT scholars draw on the work of Antonio Gramsci, Sojourner Truth, Frederick Douglass, and W. E. B. DuBois. Bell shared Paul Robeson's belief that "Black self-reliance and African cultural continuity should form the epistemic basis of Blacks' worldview." Their writing is also informed by the 1960s and 1970s movements such as Black Power, Chicano, and radical feminism. Critical race theory shares many intellectual commitments with critical theory, critical legal studies, feminist jurisprudence, and postcolonial theory. University of Connecticut philosopher, Lewis Gordon, who has focused on postcolonial phenomenology, and race and racism, wrote that CRT is notable for its use of postmodern poststructural scholarship, including an emphasis on "subaltern" or "marginalized" communities and the "use of alternative methodology in the expression of theoretical work, most notably their use of "narratives" and other literary techniques".

Standpoint theory, which has been adopted by some CRT scholars, emerged from the first wave of the women's movement in the 1970s. The main focus of feminist standpoint theory is epistemologythe study of how knowledge is produced. The term was coined by Sandra Harding, an American feminist theorist, and developed by Dorothy Smith in her 1989 publication, The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology. Smith wrote that by studying how women socially construct their own everyday life experiences, sociologists could ask new questions. Patricia Hill Collins introduced black feminist standpointa collective wisdom of those who have similar perspectives in society which sought to heighten awareness to these marginalized groups and provide ways to improve their position in society.

Critical race theory draws on the priorities and perspectives of both critical legal studies (CLS) and conventional civil rights scholarship, while also sharply contesting both of these fields. UC Davis School of Law legal scholar Angela P. Harris, describes critical race theory as sharing "a commitment to a vision of liberation from racism through right reason" with the civil rights tradition. It deconstructs some premises and arguments of legal theory and simultaneously holds that legally constructed rights are incredibly important. CRT scholars disagreed with the CLS anti-legal rights stance, nor did they wish to "abandon the notions of law" completely; CRT legal scholars acknowledged that some legislation and reforms had helped people of color. As described by Derrick Bell, critical race theory in Harris' view is committed to "radical critique of the law (which is normatively deconstructionist) and... radical emancipation by the law (which is normatively reconstructionist)".

University of Edinburgh philosophy professor Tommy J. Curry says that by 2009, the CRT perspective on a race as a social construct was accepted by "many race scholars" as a "commonsense view" that race is not "biologically grounded and natural." Social construct is a term from social constructivism, whose roots can be traced to the early science wars, instigated in part by Thomas Kuhn's 1962 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Ian Hacking, a Canadian philosopher specializing in the philosophy of science, describes how social construction has spread through the social sciences. He cites the social construction of race as an example, asking how race could be "constructed" better.

Academic criticism
According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, aspects of CRT have been criticized by "legal scholars and jurists from across the political spectrum." Criticism of CRT has focused on its emphasis on storytelling, its critique of the merit principle and of objective truth, and its thesis of the voice of color. Critics say it contains a "postmodernist-inspired skepticism of objectivity and truth", and has a tendency to interpret "any racial inequity or imbalance [...] as proof of institutional racism and as grounds for directly imposing racially equitable outcomes in those realms", according to Britannica. Proponents of CRT have also been accused of treating even well-meaning criticism of CRT as evidence of latent racism.

In a 1997 book, law professors Daniel A. Farber and Suzanna Sherry criticized CRT for basing its claims on personal narrative and for its lack of testable hypotheses and measurable data. CRT scholars including Crenshaw, Delgado, and Stefancic responded that such critiques represent dominant modes within social science which tend to exclude people of color. Delgado and Stefancic wrote that "In these realms [social science and politics], truth is a social construct created to suit the purposes of the dominant group." Farber and Sherry have also argued that anti-meritocratic tenets in critical race theory, critical feminism, and critical legal studies may unintentionally lead to antisemitic and anti-Asian implications. They write that the success of Jews and Asians within what critical race theorists posit to be a structurally unfair system may lend itself to allegations of cheating and advantage-taking. In response, Delgado and Stefancic write that there is a difference between criticizing an unfair system and criticizing individuals who perform well inside that system.

Public controversies
Critical race theory has stirred controversy in the United States for promoting the use of narrative in legal studies, advocating "legal instrumentalism" as opposed to ideal-driven uses of the law, and encouraging legal scholars to promote racial equity.

Before 1993, the term "critical race theory" was not part of public discourse. In the spring of that year, conservatives launched a campaign led by Clint Bolick to portray Lani Guinierthen-President Bill Clinton's nominee for Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rightsas a radical because of her connection to CRT. Within months, Clinton had withdrawn the nomination, describing the effort to stop Guinier's appointment as "a campaign of right-wing distortion and vilification". This was part of a wider conservative strategy to shift the Supreme Court in their favor.

Amy E. Ansell writes that the logic of legal instrumentalism reached wide public reception in the O. J. Simpson murder case when attorney Johnnie Cochran "enacted a sort of applied CRT", selecting an African-American jury and urging them to acquit Simpson in spite of the evidence against hima form of jury nullification. Legal scholar Jeffrey Rosen calls this the "most striking example" of CRT's influence on the US legal system. Law professor Margaret M. Russell responded to Rosen's assertion in the Michigan Law Review, saying that Cochran's "dramatic" and "controversial" courtroom "style and strategic sense" in the Simpson case resulted from his decades of experience as an attorney; it was not significantly influenced by CRT writings.

In 2010, a Mexican-American studies program in Tucson, Arizona, was halted because of a state law forbidding public schools from offering race-conscious education in the form of "advocat[ing] ethnic solidarity instead of the treatment of pupils as individuals". Certain books, including a primer on CRT, were banned from the curriculum. Matt de la Peña's young-adult novel Mexican WhiteBoy was banned for "containing 'critical race theory according to state officials. The ban on ethnic-studies programs was later deemed unconstitutional on the grounds that the state showed discriminatory intent: "Both enactment and enforcement were motivated by racial animus", federal Judge A. Wallace Tashima ruled.

Subfields
Within critical race theory, various sub-groupings focus on issues and nuances unique to particular ethno-racial and/or marginalized communities. This includes the intersection of race with disability, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, class, or religion. For example, disability critical race studies (DisCrit), critical race feminism (CRF), Jewish Critical Race Theory (HebCrit, pronounced "Heeb"), Black Critical Race Theory (Black Crit), Latino critical race studies (LatCrit ), Asian American critical race studies (AsianCrit), South Asian American critical race studies (DesiCrit), Quantitative Critical Race Theory (QuantCrit ), Queer Critical Race Theory (QueerCrit ), and American Indian critical race studies or Tribal critical race theory (sometimes called TribalCrit). CRT methodologies have also been applied to the study of white immigrant groups. CRT has spurred some scholars to call for a second wave of whiteness studies, which is now a small offshoot known as Second Wave Whiteness (SWW). Critical race theory has also begun to spawn research that looks at understandings of race outside the United States.

Disability critical race theory
Another offshoot field is disability critical race studies (DisCrit), which combines disability studies and CRT to focus on the intersection of disability and race.

Latino critical race theory
Latino critical race theory (LatCRT or LatCrit) is a research framework that outlines the social construction of race as central to how people of color are constrained and oppressed in society. Race scholars developed LatCRT as a critical response to the "problem of the color line" first explained by W. E. B. Du Bois. While CRT focuses on the Black–White paradigm, LatCRT has moved to consider other racial groups, mainly Chicana/Chicanos, as well as Latinos/as, Asians, Native Americans/First Nations, and women of color.

In Critical Race Counterstories along the Chicana/Chicano Educational Pipeline, Tara J. Yosso discusses how the constraint of POC can be defined. Looking at the differences between Chicana/o students, the tenets that separate such individuals are: the intercentricity of race and racism, the challenge of dominant ideology, the commitment to social justice, the centrality of experience knowledge, and the interdisciplinary perspective.

LatCRTs main focus is to advocate social justice for those living in marginalized communities (specifically Chicana/os), who are guided by structural arrangements that disadvantage people of color. Arrangements where Social institutions function as dispossessions, disenfranchisement, and discrimination over minority groups. In an attempt to give voice to those who are victimized, LatCRT has created two common themes:

First, CRT proposes that white supremacy and racial power are maintained over time, a process that the law plays a central role in. Different racial groups lack the voice to speak in this civil society, and, as such, CRT has introduced a new critical form of expression, called the voice of color. The voice of color is narratives and storytelling monologues used as devices for conveying personal racial experiences. These are also used to counter metanarratives that continue to maintain racial inequality. Therefore, the experiences of the oppressed are important aspects for developing a LatCRT analytical approach, and it has not been since the rise of slavery that an institution has so fundamentally shaped the life opportunities of those who bear the label of criminal.

Secondly, LatCRT work has investigated the possibility of transforming the relationship between law enforcement and racial power, as well as pursuing a project of achieving racial emancipation and anti-subordination more broadly. Its body of research is distinct from general critical race theory in that it emphasizes immigration theory and policy, language rights, and accent- and national origin-based forms of discrimination. CRT finds the experiential knowledge of people of color and draws explicitly from these lived experiences as data, presenting research findings through storytelling, chronicles, scenarios, narratives, and parables.

Asian critical race theory
Asian critical race theory looks at the influence of race and racism on Asian Americans and their experiences in the US education system. Like Latino critical race theory, Asian critical race theory is distinct from the main body of CRT in its emphasis on immigration theory and policy.

Tribal critical race theory
Critical Race Theory evolved in the 1970s in response to Critical Legal Studies. Tribal Critical Theory (TribalCrit) focuses on stories and values oral data as a primary source of information. TribalCrit builds on the idea that White supremacy and imperialism underpin US policies toward Indigenous peoples. In contrast with CRT, it argues that colonization rather than racism is endemic to society. A key tenet of TribalCrit is that Indigenous people exist within a US society that both politicizes and racializes them, placing them in a "liminal space" where Indigenous self-representation is at odds with how others perceive them. TribalCrit argues that ideas of culture, information, and power take on new importance when inspected through a Native lens. TribalCrit rejects goals of assimilation in US educational institutions, and argues that understanding the lived realities of Indigenous peoples is dependent on comprehending tribal philosophies, beliefs, traditions, and visions for the future.

Critical philosophy of race
The Critical Philosophy of Race (CPR) is inspired by both Critical Legal Studies and Critical Race Theory's use of interdisciplinary scholarship. Both CLS and CRT explore the covert nature of mainstream use of "apparently neutral concepts, such as merit or freedom."

title: Critical race theory


text:
Votchina

Votchina (во́тчина) or otchina (о́тчина – from word Father) was an East Slavic land estate that could be inherited. The term "votchina" was also used to describe the lands of a knyaz.

The term originated in the law of Kievan Rus. An owner of votchina (votchinnik, вотчинник) not only had property rights to it, but also some administrative and legal power over people living on its territory. These people, however, were not serfs, as they had a right to freely move to different votchinas.

Later the administrative and legal powers of the votchina owners were severely limited, and then completely revoked. In the mid-15th century, the right of certain categories of peasants in some votchinas to leave their master was limited to a period of one week before and after the so-called Yuri's Day (November 26).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Votchina


text:
Solntsevo District

Solntsevo District (райо́н Со́лнцево) is a district of Western Administrative Okrug of the federal city of Moscow, Russia. The area of the district is 11.2879 km2. Population: 122,400 (2016),

History
It originated in 1938 as a dacha settlement and was named after the Russian word for Sun ("солнце, solntse). It used to be a separate town from 1971. Since May 1984 it has been included into Moscow. Former prime minister Mikhail Kasyanov and 2008 presidential election candidate Andrey Bogdanov are natives of Solntsevo.

The organized crime group Solntsevskaya Bratva based its name upon Solntsevo District.

title: Solntsevo District


text:
Talk:Linguolabial consonant

Untitled
Why is the diacritic placed on dentals in some cases, and on bilabials in others? I don't think it much matters, but the article implies this is sanctioned by the IPA, which I don't believe it is. kwami 20:47, 2005 Jun 6 (UTC)

 * The article is incorrect:p 193 of the Handbook of the IPA has a chart of ExtIPA symbols for disordered speech, and the linguolabial column has all dental/alveolar consonants (t, d, n, r, theta, eth, and l), with the "seagull below" diacritic. Nohat 21:07, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * They're used for non-pathological speech as well, in Melanesia. If I remember correctly, there's a dispute over whether linguo-labials are a subcategory of the labials or of the coronals, so that choosing either m or n as the base letter makes a theoretical claim: there's no phonetic difference. But I do think it's weird to mix them up. kwami 23:15, 2005 Jun 6 (UTC)

 * Ladefoged classifies the linguolabials as coronal, so I'm changing the template. The  needs to be fixed here too; might get to it some day. kwami 23:26, 2005 July 28 (UTC)

Varieties of linguolabial trill
Was hoping to get some clarification on the varieties here. I can do three types of linguolabial trill - Bronx cheer and two that sound like bilabial trills but use the tongue instead of one of the lips (this Youtube video has the linguolabial trill with the upper lip as its second/middle example as part of an attempt to each how to do an alveolar trill). What would the proper nomenclature be for each of these three varieties of trill? -- 213.176.153.100 (talk) 12:49, 17 January 2013 (UTC)

Possible presence in ancient Greek?
Is there any evidence for (or against) the possibility that the combinations πτ, βδ, φθ and μν might have originally represented linguolabial consonants and that they might have later been replaced by spelling pronunciations? Kostaki mou (talk) 04:26, 7 January 2014 (UTC)
 * It rather is unlikely, and an extraordinary hypothesis needs extraordinary evidence. And there seems to be no shred of evidence to even suggest the possibility. --JorisvS (talk) 10:32, 7 January 2014 (UTC)

 * Mere speculation is not a crime. I am not proclaiming it as fact.  I was only asking if there was any such extraordinary evidence.  You do not provide any evidence to the contrary (such as providing earlier forms, for example).  You are simply shouting me down.  Kostaki mou (talk) 19:53, 7 January 2014 (UTC)

 * Is there any evidence that the Greeks lived on the Moon before they moved to Greece? (Please do not tell me there is no evidence, and do not shout me down.)  — kwami (talk) 21:14, 7 January 2014 (UTC)

 * You're being ridiculous. My speculation is far from outlandish and is not unique to me.  Kostaki mou (talk) 23:09, 7 January 2014 (UTC)
 * Are any academics of the opinion? Have they been published? This isn't a forum for speculation. — Lfdder (talk) 23:54, 7 January 2014 (UTC)

 * Frankly, I don't know. Who are you kidding?  The talk pages are rife with exactly this kind of speculation.  Frankly, I find the response to my question quite childish and downright hysterical.  I think it's a darn good question (and that's all I am presenting it as).  Kostaki mou (talk) 00:07, 8 January 2014 (UTC)

 * The question was fine. But when you were told there was no evidence for it, you are the one who got hysterical, complaining that "speculation is not a crime" and "you are simply shouting me down".  — kwami (talk) 00:34, 8 January 2014 (UTC)

 * it seems to me that nobody here wishes to speculate. Maybe try asking on reddit or Unilang – though I don't see what the point would be. — Lfdder (talk) 00:56, 8 January 2014 (UTC)

 * There seemed to me to be the distinct implication that it was ridiculous for me even to ask the question. Perhaps I misunderstood the statement that "there seems to be no shred of evidence to even suggest the possibility" to mean that it was ridiculous of me even to suggest the possibility (which I don't think it was).  Kostaki mou (talk) 01:05, 8 January 2014 (UTC)

 * I read it as meaning there's not a shred of evidence, but then I tend to take people literally. — kwami (talk) 04:31, 8 January 2014 (UTC)

Coronal or Labial?
Which are they? I seems to me we must swap positions with Labiodentals. יהודה שמחה ולדמן (talk) 12:15, 3 December 2015 (UTC)
 * They're coronal. What do you mean by 'swap positions' with labiodentals? Labiodentals are clearly labial. 2606:6000:69C6:9600:8DB:81F4:7EF3:CE59 (talk) 00:40, 11 September 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
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Sources for expansion
The following source may be of use in the expansion of this article. Wugapodes [thɑk] [ˈkan.ˌʧɹɪbz] 06:14, 12 December 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Linguolabial consonant


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Aleasure eve magdalene

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. — Xezbeth 07:21, Jun 18, 2005 (UTC)

Aleasure eve magdalene
No evedence that such a series exists. One Google hit, and that's for the name of a reviewer at Amazon. I would have said Speedy, but I suspect the admins would have disagreed. --Xcali 20:15, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Frjwoolley 21:55, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete hoax/vanity. Did that reviewer put this here, I wonder. --Etacar11 22:28, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. Hoax/vanity. Jacob1207 01:50, 7 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages.  Please do not edit this page .


text:
User:Stewsutton

Bio of Stew Sutton...
Stew Sutton (Wikipedia user Stewsutton) is a resident of Southern California [] and makes a living at the intersection of a high-technology think tank (a Federally Funded Research and Development Center formed in 1960  )and the wide variety of organizations that share a passion for the stewardship of knowledge []. This role places Mr. Sutton at the edge of his organization's social network [] and enables a free exchange of ideas and concepts with others outside his organizations boundaries.

title: User:Stewsutton


text:
Charles Flato

Charles S. Flato (also Charles Floto) (May 27, 1908 – January 1, 1984) was an American writer, American Communist Party member and a Soviet agent.

Flato was employed by the United States government and spied for the Soviet intelligence during World War II. Flato suffered from polio as a child which left him with a hunchback and caused him to walk with a cane. He married Lucy Burman, also a Communist Party member.

From 1937 to 1941, Flato worked as an investigator and report writer for the Civil Liberties Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor chaired by Senator Robert M. La Follette, Jr., and the Foreign Economic Administration. He also served under Nelson Rockefeller in the Blockade and Supply Branch of the Latin American division of the Board of Economic Warfare during World War II.

He resigned from the government and moved to San Francisco about mid-July 1945. He is mentioned in Venona project transcript #588 of April 29, 1944. Flato's complicity in espionage was corroborated by information exhumed from the NKVD archives in the 1990s. He was also a member of the "Sound" and "Myrna" groups. His codename in the Gorsky memo is "Bob". In another Venona transcript, he is believed to be codename "Char".

Sometime in the 1950s, he and his wife divorced. By 1957, Flato had a cottage designed and built by the architect Serge Chermayeff. He lived alone in this cottage near a beach on Cape Cod and worked as a freelance writer throughout the 1960s and 1970s. In 1957, he was the editor of the Complete Home Improvement Handbook. He is known to have used at least one ghost writer in the form of a friend for an article printed in The Saturday Evening Post in the early 1960s. The Golden Book of the Civil War was a children's book written by Flato and published in 1961.

After the People's Republic of China resumed diplomatic relations with the United States, Flato wrote a six-part report on health care in China. The Chinese Medical Association invited him to travel through the country as their guest.

Flato was one of the co-founders of the Medical Pharmaceutical Information Bureau, and wrote and edited for the publication Hospital Practice. He was known to have also written scripts for medical documentaries.

Suze Rotolo kept close ties with Flato visiting him at his home on Cape Cod. He gave Suze his car before he died of kidney failure in Hyannis, Massachusetts, on January 1, 1984.

Only after the fall of the Soviet Union when the files of the KGB became open to researchers was it discovered that he was spying for the Soviets in the 1940s.

title: Charles Flato


text:
The High Chaparral

The High Chaparral is an American Western action-adventure drama television series that aired on NBC from 1967 to 1971, starring Leif Erickson and Cameron Mitchell. The series was made by Xanadu Productions in association with NBC Productions, and was created by David Dortort, who had previously created Bonanza for the network. The theme song was written and conducted by Bonanza scorer David Rose, who also scored the two-hour pilot.

Cast and characters
The show is set in the 1870s, and revolves around "Big John" Cannon (Erickson), a rancher living in the dry desert of the southern Arizona Territory, near the Mexican border, in Apache Indian country. John runs a ranch, called "The High Chaparral" (named for a local plant/brush), with his brother Buck (Mitchell) and his own son Billy Blue (known as "Blue Boy") (Mark Slade). Blue Boy's mother, Anna-Lee Cannon (Joan Caulfield), is killed in the first episode by an attacking Apache Indian arrow. John then marries a beautiful Mexican woman named Victoria (Linda Cristal), 30 years his junior, the daughter of powerful neighboring Mexican rancher Don Sebastián Montoya (Frank Silvera). In what is initially a marriage of convenience, she soon appreciates his strength and character, falls in love with him and becomes very supportive. John's marriage to Victoria also brings her brother Manolito (Henry Darrow) to live with the American "gringo" family on the extensive ranch.

Among the many frequent guest stars were Rico Alaniz, Richard Bradford, Scott Brady, Rory Calhoun. Anthony Caruso, Chief Dan George, Dennis Cross, Jim Davis, John Dehner, Bruce Dern, Charles Durning, Paul Fix, Steve Forrest, Ron Foster, Frank Gorshin, Ron Hagerthy, Ron Hayes, Myron Healey, Barbara Hershey, Don Keefer, Dan Kemp, Robert Loggia, Jack Lord, Tyler McVey, Ricardo Montalbán, Joanna Moore, Robert Pine, Nehemiah Persoff, Denver Pyle, Stuart Randall, Gilbert Roland, Ned Romero, Kurt Russell, Frank Silvera, Barry Sullivan, William Sylvester, William Tannen, Dub Taylor, Paul Winfield, and Morgan Woodward.

Series format
The two-hour opening episode establishes the background to the action, bringing "Big John" Cannon and his family and brother Buck to the frontier high desert scrubland in the southern Arizona Territory near the border with Mexico, where they buy a run-down hacienda and establish a cattle ranch on it. The Apaches, under the leadership of Cochise, are hostile; John's wife Anna-Lee is killed in an early attack, and to survive, the Cannons are compelled to enter into an alliance with a rich and powerful neighboring rancher, Don Sebastian Montoya, who owns a huge estate on the Mexican side of the border adjoining the "High Chaparral".

Part of the price for the alliance is the sealing of the pact by the marriage of John Cannon to Montoya's beautiful, dark-haired, sophisticated daughter, Victoria, 30 years younger. Montoya's reckless son, Manolito, whose relationship with his father is strained, accompanies his sister to get away from Don Sebastian. John's son, Blue, is vehemently opposed to the strange "mixed marriage", coming so soon after Anna-Lee's death.

Reinforced by Montoya's men, the Cannons are able to fight off the Indian attacks, and with the services of Manolito as interpreter, manage to negotiate a truce, albeit a fragile one, with the Apache leader. The main reason for its fragility is that the U.S. Cavalry refuses to recognize Cannon's right to negotiate a private peace with the Apaches, and continued Army interference constantly threatens the unofficial treaty. Problems also frequently occur between the Cannons and the arrogant, resentful Don Sebastian, usually concerning the terms of their alliance.

Big John's brother, Buck, notionally the ranch's head cowhand, was a hard-bitten former soldier, who fought in the American Civil War, 10 years previously, on the side of the Confederacy. From time to time, Buck's past comes back to haunt him, usually in the person of other Confederate soldiers drifting through the territory, forever unable to return to their homes in the defeated South. Occasionally, friction occurred because foreman Buck's brother Big John had also fought in the war, but on the other side, as a captain in the Union Army.

The series gradually evolved to make Manolito and Buck the most prominent characters, as they were the ones who tended to get into trouble; both were somewhat irresponsible, particularly under the influence of drink. For what was generally regarded as a serious Western television series, their scenes provided "comic relief" for the show. The other characters were gradually marginalized. Cattle ranching almost never featured in the storylines, which, whenever Mexican bandit or Indian troubles were not imminent, were much more likely to revolve around personal issues of drama with Manolito or Buck and some form of hell-raising – gambling, fighting, women, or whiskey (or a combination of them).

Mark Slade (Blue Boy) did not appear in the final season, and Frank Silvera (Don Sebastian Montoya) had died while the series was still in production (but he did appear in a few episodes). Blue Boy was replaced by Wind (played by Rudy Ramos), a passing, mysterious cowhand who was half-Pawnee and of a similar age to Blue, and who sometimes acted as a go-between for the ranchers and the Indians. Gilbert Roland guest starred as Don Sebastian's younger brother, Don Domingo, who inherits Rancho Montoya near the end of the series. This final season had new opening titles and a rearranged version of the popular theme music.

Name of the ranch
The name was explained by the following dialog in episode one:

 * Anna-lee Cannon: Isn't it beautiful, John? It should have a name.
 * Big John Cannon: You name it.
 * Anna-lee: What is that bush called — that green one?
 * Big John: Chaparral.
 * Anna-lee: That's it — Chaparral. I christen thee "The High Chaparral" — the greatest cattle ranch in the whole territory ... the whole world!

In the true sense of the word, "chaparral" is not a single species of shrub, but a bionomic community of desert flora located near a coast, especially that in coastal southern California. The name comes from the Spanish word for scrub oak, chaparro, which is seldom found further east in Arizona as native flora. Some colloquial use of the term in Arizona describes the low-growing sage, mesquite, and palo verde, which are native to the area, especially in the higher desert, but the high Sonoran Desert in southern Arizona plant community is more properly called a "xeric" shrublands biome.

Production
The High Chaparral was producer Dortort's new brainchild, and he left the day-to-day running of his earlier success Bonanza (1959–1973) in the spring of 1967 so he could focus all of his energies on The High Chaparral.

All the exterior filming was done at the Old Tucson Studios near Tucson, Arizona (site of frequent movie-making for several decades), and in the nearby Saguaro National Park, although in a few later episodes  some filming was done in California, and (in season three) in the Coronado National Forest south of Tucson. The interiors were generally filmed at the NBC television studios in Burbank.

Syndication
The series has appeared on CBN, Family Channel, Hallmark Channel, INSP, and as of August 28, 2017, on Heroes & Icons.

Home media
On May 20, 2010 the first worldwide release of season one on DVD occurred in Germany (Kinowelt, now Studiocanal), with the original soundtrack in English and an optional soundtrack dubbed into German. Season two was released on December 9, 2010. Season three was released June 9, 2011. The final season was released on February 16, 2012. On disc one, episode one starts with some scenes shown on German TV that were not in the original, thus dubbed German instead of English for a few minutes.

Art-S Home Entertainment (www.art-s.nl) in the Netherlands released the first box with season one (28 episodes) on May 2, 2012. Season two released on January 28, 2013. Season three released on September 3, 2013, and the final season released January 26, 2014.

The High Chaparral is also released in Sweden with each season in two boxes. In Australia, they have also released The High Chaparral in four boxes.

The first and second seasons has been released by Shout! Factory in the United States. The third season was released in April 2019.

title: The High Chaparral


text: Talk:Champcars

title: Talk:Champcars


text:
Montgomery County Sentinel

The Montgomery County Sentinel was the oldest continuously published newspaper in Montgomery County, Maryland. As one of the smallest local newspapers, in terms of circulation, it was based in Rockville from its first print in 1855 until its closure in 2020.

History
The Montgomery County Sentinel was first published as a weekly newspaper on August 11, 1855 by Matthew Fields in Rockville, Maryland.

The early focus of the paper was on advertising and politics, with relatively little space devoted to local news. News articles were usually brief and to the point without elaboration. On two occasions, once before and once during the Civil War, the paper suffered brief interruptions while Union military forces detained Matthew Fields, a Southern sympathizer.

Throughout the war, the Sentinel wrote on the issue of slavery and when Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, Fields published the document's text in full on September 26, 1862. The editors of the Sentinel took a firm stance against the Emancipation Act believing that it encouraged the occurrence of a racial war. In addition to discussing the various political issues, war reports also informed readers on the progress of the war.

After rioting killed Union soldiers in Baltimore, the institution of martial law in Maryland allowed the Union Army to imprison Confederate sympathizers for disloyalty. On October 6, 1862, Union soldiers arrested Matthew Fields on the suspicion of 'southern sympathies.' Court documents indicate Fields was to be released as soon as he was willing to take an oath not to publish material favoring the South. He was released on November 25, 1862, during Lincoln's Thanksgiving Amnesty.

Fields was later arrested by United States military authorities once again, in the spring of 1864. He would be released in the following June. The paper ceased publication during this time period.

Fields died in 1871 and his wife Rebecca took over publication, often handling production entirely on her own until 1910 when Matthew Fields' son Henry Clay Fields became the editor. Rebecca Fields maintained a limited role until her death in 1930 at age 100.

The Fields family maintained ownership of the Sentinel until 1932, when they sold the newspaper to Paul Griffith Stromberg. Stromberg expanded the newspaper, hired numerous reporters and a newsboy to handle deliveries. His ownership period focused a great deal on roads as roads were essential to moving products from the mills. Stromberg’s ownership also included the period through World War II and the need to rally support for the war, including coverage of the death of his son as well as the use of German prisoners of war to help on farms in Gaithersburg, Maryland.

In its centennial year, the Stromberg family sold the Sentinel to Louis Linebach and Cy Campbell. During their ownership, Linebach and Campbell had significant disagreements, with Campbell eventually selling his stake in the publication. One of the key events during their ownership period was the Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education.

In 1962, Leonard and Bernard Kapiloff purchased the newspaper from Linebach. During the 1960s, the Sentinel’s reporting on "The Giles Case," often referred to as the "'To Kill a Mockingbird' case of Montgomery County," led to freeing African Americans charged and wrongly convicted of rape.

After failing a two-week trial hiring at The Washington Post in 1970, Bob Woodward spent a year at the Sentinel as a reporter. The Post rehired Woodward and within 12 months he partnered with Carl Bernstein to investigate the Watergate break-in.

In June 2015, the Sentinel removed over 80 editorial cartoons it had plagiarized from a variety of other artists.

On January 30, 2020, the Sentinel ceased publication.

Contributors
Contributors to the publication include notable writers, political activists and editors such as:
 * Bob Woodward
 * Rob Redding
 * Danica Roem
 * Knight Kiplinger
 * Tom Shales
 * Robert Pear

title: Montgomery County Sentinel


text:
Caspar Wistar

Caspar Wistar may refer to:

 * Caspar Wistar (glassmaker) (1696–1752), Pennsylvania glassmaker and landowner
 * Caspar Wistar (physician) (1761–1818), physician and anatomist, grandson of the glassmaker

title: Caspar Wistar


text: Wikipedia:POTD/June 12, 2005

title: Wikipedia:POTD/June 12, 2005


text: Wikipedia:Picture of the day/June 12, 2005


text:
Talk:Solid-state nuclear magnetic resonance

Editing remarks

 * 1) Please use correct hyphenation when referring to solid-state NMR, i.e. write solid state when it's standing alone, and solid-state when it's describing another word. Example: "Some people don't like anisotropic interactions in the solid state.", but "We all like solid-state NMR spectroscopy".
 * 2) Note that, according to Wikipedia name conventions, an article's name must start with a capital letter, however, the first words of solid-state NMR are usually written in lower case. So, if you link to solid-state NMR (lower case), it will automatically link to the Wikipedia entry "Solid-state_NMR".
 * 3) The abbreviation for solid-state NMR is usually SSNMR or ssNMR, I sort of like both, but I would suggest to stick with the common way of capitalizing all letters of an acronym, i.e. writing SSNMR.
 * 4) Write solid-state NMR spectroscopy if you want to refer to the spectroscopic technique. I know everyone just says solid-state NMR, but that does not actually refer to the spectroscopic technique.
 * 5) Be short and precise :-)

Problems

 * 1) MAS is magic-angle spinning (that results in a Wikipedia Magic-angle_Spinning), but the article on MAS is Magic_Angle_Spinning. NB: Of course, it's still just the "magic angle", when referred to alone. What do we do with that? For reference on the spelling, see e.g. "Duer: Introduction to Solid-State NMR Spectroscopy".

Organization and References
Beneath other re-structuring and expanding, I re-organized the Reference section a bit, making the "Suggested readings for beginners" a subsection of it, and introducing a subsection "Advanced readings". I'm not sure if the latter is a good idea, I just wanted to somehow separate the textbooks, which are more or less "readable" as a whole, from the many other research articles or books which are referred to in the text. Hope to see some comments on that.

I wonder if the "normal" references (called them General) should only include those publications which are actually referenced in the text, or also other articles and books. I think it should only be the referenced ones (as the name says, a reference, i.e. do it like in a thesis or research article), which means that somewhere in the text, a reference to Ernst's book and the Schaefer article should be made, or the references should be removed (for now).

The idea of the "beginners" subsection is still, of course, to give newcomers a few hints where to start off with some reading that's easy, and/or gives a brief view of SSNMR. Levitt's book is really a great account of NMR basics, but unfortunately spares SSNMR spectroscopy. Duer's description of NMR basics can't (in my opinion) keep up with it, but it has some nice parts on SSNMR spectroscopy, written in a student textbook fashion. This is why I suggest these two as starting points for newbies, together with a few easy-to-read review articles (who knows another one or two?) for getting an overview of what's going on in the field.

Second, I shifted around the History section. I ended up with the idea that an encyclopedia reader first likes to read an introduction, and then needs to know what all these interactions in the solids is about. Having dealt with the NMR in solids, one can now talk about spectroscopy of it. I think the History section can serve as a nice connection between the phenomena and the spectroscopy. The details of the spectroscopy (for brevity limited to modern techniques) could then follow in the "Modern SSNMR spectroscopy" section.

Third, I think some applications would be of interest to someone who wants to look up what solid-state NMR is about. I don't know much about non-biological applications, though. I'm sure someone is more qualified than me to write about it.

Organization
A nice example on how to organize articles on a complex topic is Baseball. Topics like "Batting" or "Pitching" are summarized, still containing quite some detail, and a link to a main article is given. Maybe one could do that with general concepts like "dipolar coupling" etc. as well. An existing example is Magic angle spinning.

References missing
The part under "Methods and techniques" is obviously copied from somewhere, but the references for [Waugh et al.] and [Hartmann] are missing. --129.13.72.198 (talk) 09:57, 22 March 2011 (UTC)

Durg delivery
Hi. FYI I'd like to suggest the addition of a "drug delivery" subsection in the "applications" section. I can base this on a review I authored. As an alternative or supplementary source, I can put this one as a source but it's a little bit dated. That's why this review wasn't so bad as an main option. I have noo hurry, I just noticed that it's missing. Alexmar983 (talk) 13:46, 24 August 2023 (UTC)


text:
Capital News Service (Maryland)

The Capital News Service (CNS) is a news wire affiliated with the University of Maryland, College Park.

Facilitating student reporting
Operated by the Philip Merrill College of Journalism at the University of Maryland, Capital News Service provides students with real-life reporting experiences—covering a beat, developing sources, generating story ideas and writing on deadline—all in close consultation with an instructor/editor.

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title: Capital News Service (Maryland)


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Wikipedia:WikiProject UK geography/tasks

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text:
Sloosh

Sloosh was a form of cornbread that was popular during the American Civil War, especially among Confederate soldiers. Civil war historian Shelby Foote described it as a mixture of cornmeal and bacon grease to make a dough, snaked around a rifle ramrod, and cooked over a campfire.

title: Sloosh


text: User talk:24.72.1.46

title: User talk:24.72.1.46


text:
Talk:J. Peters

Name
I'm uncomfortable with naming an article for a pseudonym. If this is Joseph Peters, then let's call the entry "Joseph Peters". If Joseph Peters is the same person as "J. Peters" writer of the handbook on party organizing, that deserves a mention, but why make the abbreviation the name of the article?

As I mentioned back on 19:08, 25 May 2005 page 27 of the NCIE document refers to Sandor Goldberger being AKA Joseph Peters. Was Sandor Goldberger a birthname?

Office of the National Counterintelligence Executive. American Revolution into the New Millennium: A Counterintelligence Reader: Cold War Counterintelligence PDF file (http://www.nacic.gov/history/CIReaderPlain/Vol3Chap1.pdf). Volume 3, Chapter 1. U.S. Government on line publication. No date. Retrieved May 25, 2005. DJ Silverfish 20:21, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * It appears Joszef Peter (no "s") was his birth name; it was Anglicized to Josef Peters and later again to Joseph Peters (the later probably by posthumous writers). Most prominently he was known as J. Peters, the name he was published under and brings up the most hits. Alexander Goldfarb, Isador Boorstein and Alexander Stevens and Sandor Goldberg are all psydonyms that he was able to acquire through the fake passport business at World Tourist, Inc. (The same source that got Earl Browder convicted).Whittaker Chambers Testimony before HUAC 3 August 1948 even gives Goldenweis as his name.  The Chambers testimony also has an interesting digression while discussing Peters as to how all these fake birth certificates and passports were obtained.  As of now, I beleive Goldberg was another psydonym, but I'm not through researching the subject.  If "Peter" was not his birth name, we may never know what it really was.  Nobs01 20:44, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * I think "J. Peters" is the most obvious search form and the article is fine with that name. We don't list John Wayne as "Marion Morrison," do we? Carrite (talk) 23:54, 16 March 2011 (UTC)

 * Also, the above by Nobs01 is incorrect, "Sándor Goldberger" was the birth name according to his biographer (which is the title of Chapter 1, removing all doubt). Jószef Peter (no S) was the pseudonym used in the American Communist movement in the 1920s. This appears in print in reverse order, per the Hungarian custom, but the surname was "Peter" regardless of the order it appeared in print in Uj Élore. "J. Peters" is obviously a closely constructed pseudonym based upon this earlier name. There were other pseudonyms, of course... "Alexander Stevens" is the name the man used himself from the 1940s until his death, so far as I'm aware, and that would also be a legitimate name for this article, in my opinion. I've established a redirect, but favor the common search name, per above. Carrite (talk) 18:15, 18 March 2011 (UTC)

POV issues
There needs to be a general rewriting to this biography to eliminate POV issues. The newly published biography of Peters should be more broadly utilized. Carrite (talk) 23:56, 16 March 2011 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:J. Peters


text: User talk:81.155.114.208

title: User talk:81.155.114.208