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Null allele

A null allele is a nonfunctional allele (a variant of a gene) caused by a genetic mutation. Such mutations can cause a complete lack of production of the associated gene product or a product that does not function properly; in either case, the allele may be considered nonfunctional. A null allele cannot be distinguished from deletion of the entire locus solely from phenotypic observation.

A mutant allele that produces no RNA transcript is called an RNA null (shown by Northern blotting or by DNA sequencing of a deletion allele), and one that produces no protein is called a protein null (shown by Western blotting). A genetic null or amorphic allele has the same phenotype when homozygous as when heterozygous with a deficiency that disrupts the locus in question. A genetic null allele may be both a protein null and an RNA null, but may also express normal levels of a gene product that is nonfunctional due to mutation.

Null alleles can have lethal effects depending on the importance of the mutated gene. For example, mice homozygous for a null allele for insulin die 48 to 72 hours after birth. Null alleles can also have beneficial effects, such as the elevated harvest index of semi-dwarf rice of the green revolution caused by null alleles in GA20ox-2.

Polymerase chain reaction (PCR)
A microsatellite null allele is an allele at a microsatellite locus that does not amplify to detectable levels in a polymerase chain reaction test. Microsatellite regions are usually characterized by short, repeated sequences of nucleotides. Primers that are specific to a particular locus are used in PCR amplification to bind to these nucleotide sequence repeats and are used as genetic markers. The primers anneal to either end of the locus and are derived from source organisms in a genomic library. Divergence from the reference sequences (from genetic mutations) results in poor annealing of the primers so that the marker cannot be used, representative of a null allele.

Parentage analysis
Strong evidence of null alleles was first seen in analysis of bears in 1995. In this analysis, a known parent was determined to be homozygous at a certain locus, but produced offspring that expressed a different "homozygous" genotype. This result led to the inference that the parent and offspring were both heterozygous for the locus being studied.

Examples
Null alleles or genes have been studied in different organisms from the red pines of Minnesota to Drosophila melanogaster and mice. Null alleles are difficult to identify because a heterozygous individual for one null allele and one active allele is phenotypically indistinguishable from a homozygous individual with both active alleles. In other words, a null allele can only be identified from the phenotypic standpoint if the individual is homozygous for the null allele. Researchers have been able to work around this problem by using detailed Electrophoresis, gel assays, and chromosomal manipulation.
 * 1) Allendorf et al. studied the enzyme activity of the same species of red pine seeds collected from two different tree stands in Minnesota. The two groups of trees were treated as one population because no deviations from expected genotype frequencies were observed, as would be expected if the populations were diverging from one another. Many different loci were tested for enzyme activity using a specific gel electrophoresis technique. Alleles that produced an enzyme lacking catalytic activity were denoted as null alleles. A total of 27 loci were tested in red pines and null alleles were found at 3 of those loci.
 * 2) A population of Drosophila melanogaster from Raleigh, NC were genetically manipulated by Voelker et al. in 1980 to determine existence and frequency of null alleles. The experiment consisted of making the chromosome of a wild fly heterozygous by using the mobility variants at the locus being observed. If the manipulated allele (now heterozygous) did not present a heterozygous phenotype, the allele was suspected to be null. These potential null alleles were then confirmed when they failed to produce a heterozygous electrophoretic pattern. A total of 25 loci were tested with 5 loci being X-linked and the remaining 20 autosomal. No null alleles were detected at the X-linked loci, but 13 of the 20 autosomal loci contained null alleles.
 * 3) Multiple different experiments have used genetic manipulation to induce null allele mutants in mice populations in order to observe the consequences of different allele combinations at specific loci. Two such experiments investigated the role of insulin-like growth factor (Igf) in mouse embryonic development. The experiments only differed in the gene being investigated, Igf-1 and Igf-2. Both experiments used the process of mutageneis, whereby the genetic content of the organism is changed, to produce individuals with different combinations of null mutations.  By observing the consequences of different inactive allele combinations, the researchers were able to deduce the roles of insulin-like growth factors in the development of mice. The experiment involving Igf-1 revealed that, in addition to its role after birth, it is also fundamental in the development of the embryo and the differentiation of cells.
 * 4) One example of a null allele is the 'O' blood type allele in the human A, B and O blood type system. The alleles for the A-antigen and B-antigen are co-dominant, thus they are both phenotypically expressed if both are present. The allele for O blood type, however, is a mutated version of the allele for the A-antigen, with a single base pair change due to genetic mutation. The protein coded for by the O allele is enzymatically inactive and therefore the O allele is expressed phenotypically in homozygous OO individuals as the lack of any blood antigen. Thus we may consider the allele for the O blood type as a null allele.

title: Null allele


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Talk:Nynäshamn Municipality

Between May 4 and June 6, this was the contents of this page:

Nynäshamn is a Municipality in Stockholm County, in central Sweden. The municipality covers an area of 356.5 km². Of the total population of 23965, 12039 are male, and 11926 are female. The population density of the community is 67 inhabitants per km². Nynäshamn is also the place where the ferries to the Gotland island goes from. And thats probably the thing Nynäshamn is known for, the place where the Gotland ferrries goes from. A lot of cruiseingboats on tours in the Baltic Sea stays in the harbour, the only reason for that is because their to big to go in to Stockholm. Why shall i visit Nynäshamn then? Well theres allways close to the nature and the water. There's all so some relly nice islands that "belongs" to the archipelago of Stockholm. Another thing to do in the town is visit some Runor (English translation, please!) that is like letters written on stones from the time where the Vikings ruled in Scandinavia.

Well, Nynäshamn isn't the largest town in Sweden, but not the smallest eighter.

I hope it's readable, my English can relly be better, i know! // NisseOfSweden

Too bad I have to change it....

Ny-näs-hamn
I think it should be stated that Ny-näs-hamn is directly translated to New-nose-harbor.

 * Näs does not mean "nose". / Fred-J 23:00, 8 June 2007 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Nynäshamn Municipality


text: Talk:Faith-based community

title: Talk:Faith-based community


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Talk:Dialect continuum

'Serbo-Croat'
Would the languages of the former Yugoslavia (Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian, Montenegrin etc.) form a dialect continuum? I am aware that the other two Macedonian and Slovenian are slightly more divorced from the main four. Macedonian being closer to Bulgarian. - FrancisTyers 12:05, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * AFAIK, they might even be considered a single language. Allegedly, the differences between the languages are minimal, and they were classified as a single language before the war. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 81.232.72.148 (talk • contribs) 20:17, 1 September 2005 (UTC)

 * Not true. Most definitely Slovene, BCSM, and Macedonian and Bulgarian are at least four very different languages. There are huge syntactical differences between Slovene, Croatian/Serbian and Macedonian, and Bulgarian. But they do form a language continuum, true. Dialects exist dialects on both sides of linguistic borders (Slovene-Croatian, and Serbian-Macedonian, see Kajkavian, Torlakian), that are closer than the respective standardized languages. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 193.77.150.213 (talk • contribs) 16:40, 15 December 2005 (UTC)

 * Yes they most definately would. Not only just BCSM but dialectal continuum spreads from Slovenia down to Bulgaria. You have obvious transitional dialects from Slovenia through Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, Macedonia and all the way to Bulgaria. BCSM only present even tighter dialectal continuum within that group as are Bulgarian-Macedonian.--Factanista 10:04, 28 October 2006 (UTC)

There is definitely a dialect continuum from Slovenia to Bulgaria, with all the intermediate dialects alive and well. Zocky | picture popups 22:16, 14 July 2006 (UTC)

LOL, its wierd coming back to things you wrote before. For those who didn't know, that above was me before starting a degree in Linguistics, before I'd even applied in fact :) And now I can answer myself — yes, undoubtedly they do. BCSM are part of the Western South Slavic dialect continuum (along with Slovenian) and Macedonian and Bulgarian with attendant dialects form the Eastern South Slavic dialect continuum. - FrancisTyers · 22:27, 14 July 2006 (UTC)
 * ... and, there isn't much of a break between eastern and western groups either. Zocky | picture popups 00:39, 15 July 2006 (UTC)

Well, they're split into East and West for various reasons, but you're right, there are always dialects that are a bit of both :) viz. Torlakian - FrancisTyers · 00:58, 15 July 2006 (UTC)
 * So, how about adding the new-found linguistic knowledge to the article? :) Zocky | picture popups 01:32, 15 July 2006 (UTC)

Wrong example
I am going to remove the following:

"A more or less similar interaction takes place between a creole language which lacks prestige, and its more prestigious relative. The relationship between Gullah and African American Vernacular English on the one hand, and standard American English on the other, is a good example of this. Some speakers can glide throughout the continuum depending on the subject and the context. There are many other examples throughout the world."

This was added by anon. contributor from 80.224.97.8 (12:02, 29 January 2004) who apparently did not understand the notion of dialect continuum ("gliding throughout the continuum" ?! clearly the author intended to say something about switching between 2 languages and that has nothing to do with our topic). — Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.199.22.70 (talk • contribs) 18:09, 27 August 2006 (UTC)

 * Please get a consensus before deleting chunks of text. Thank you. David Cannon 22:40, 27 August 2006 (UTC)
 * You must be joking! This is pure editing, no consensus required if changes are explained. I have clearly stated my reasons and preserved the text on the talk page. You instead have reverted the text only because there was no discussion and no consensus... David, for your information, most edits in Wikipedia are done without lengthy discussions and voting. I am deleting the erroneous section again; I have stated my reasons; if you wish you can revert, but tell us why the text in question is right and I am wrong. 212.199.22.38 19:39, 28 August 2006 (UTC)

Istro-Romanian
I think someone made a mistake here. Istro-Romanian isn't the closest surviving language related to Dalmatian, that is Istriot. Istro-Romanian and Istriot are two different languages.--Factanista 10:04, 28 October 2006 (UTC)

Coordinate with Sprachraum Article
Cross-reference or merge with Sprachraum article. -- Preceding unsigned comment added by 75.6.254.191 (talk o  contribs) 12:32, 14 December 2006 (UTC)
 * The textbook Contemporary Liguistics: An Introduction, 4th Ed., by William O'Grady et al. (Bedford/St. Martin's: 2001), p. 348, mentions that "complications also arise when we try to divide a continuum of mutually intelligible dialects whose two end points are not inteligible." But it does not define a formal term for either that continuum, or one more generally, or the geographical area in which those dialects are spoken. Is the suggesestion to combine both Sprachraum and Dialect continuum into one article, or just to coordinate their ledes and otherwise freely cross-refence between them? DavidLeeLambert (talk) 15:02, 26 July 2022 (UTC)

 * I don't think that the term "Sprachraum" is very widely known among English-speaking linguists -- it's not in any of my linguistics dictionaries, while Sprachbund is. In any case, it's certainly not synonymous with "Dialect continuum" -- article Sprachraum is all about standardized national languages, while Dialect continuum is not. AnonMoos (talk) 02:31, 27 July 2022 (UTC)

are you cree?
if smoebody is cree talk back —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 66.128.81.68 (talk) 19:01, 15 March 2007 (UTC).

Low Saxon and High Alemannic
I have deleted the following sentence as an unsourced claim, even though the whole article consists of nothing more but unsourced claims: Although part of the same dialect continuum, the northernmost Low Saxon dialects are actually farther from High Alemannic/ Swiss German than from English. My personal and equally unsourced view is that a conversation between a (monolingual) speaker from, say Aurich and a (monolingual) speaker from Zurich will be utterly and completely impossible. I have personally witnessed occassions where dialect speakers from rural Hesse were unable to converse with dialect speakers from rural Suabia. But the English language has been separated from continental West Germanic for some 1600 (sixteen hundred) years. Moreover, both grammar and vocabulary of the English language have changed dramatically since 400 A.D., mainly through the influence of Norman French, which has not exerted any influence at all on any of the continental dialects. On the other hand, continental West Germanic dialects have continually been influencing each other without having much contact with the English language (up to the beginning of the 20th century). So, if you can source your claim, I will gladly accept it. But otherwise I cannot let it stand like that. Unoffensive text or character 11:48, 28 September 2007 (UTC)

 * How about "Although part of the same dialect continuum, the northernmost Low Saxon dialects are in many ways actually farther from High Alemannic/ Swiss German than from English."? Not only is this true "genetically" (see North Sea Germanic) but also in terms of grammatical innovations. Although as you point out English grammar has simplified, so has that of Low German in many ways not seen in High German. These include a trend toward analytic grammar, loss of inflectional endings, and word order. Concerning sound changes, there is the Anglo-Frisian nasal spirant law, and of course the absence of the High German consonant shift, whose effects become greater and greater the farther south one goes. It further acts to remove the Upper German varieties away from Low Saxon, which is untouched like English. There are also many cases where High German uses entirely different words from Low German/Frisian/English/Dutch, and yet others where the sounds are shifted in other ways in Upper German.
 * Added to that, there are varieties of Swiss German that are so isolated and surrounded by mountains that they are mutually unintelligible with even the other Swiss German dialects. Also see South Germanic.

 * Compare:

-User: Nightvid

 * Even though some may argue that "in many ways" is a weasel phrase, I agree.
 * Kind regards Unoffensive text or character 07:41, 1 October 2007 (UTC)

Turkic language dialect continuum
I added this section based on the information in

Language Policy in the Soviet Union By Lenore A. Grenoble

Language Policy in the Soviet Union Series: Language Policy, Vol. 3 Grenoble, L.A. 2003, 248 p., Hardcover ISBN: 978-1-4020-1298-3 AverageTurkishJoe (talk) 00:43, 24 November 2007 (UTC)

Could someone knowledgeable clarify the sentence: "There are four varieties of Turkic which are geographically outside this continuum: Chuvash, Yakut and Dolgan.", which makes sense only partially. I wonder whether there is indeed a fourth variety that was not mentioned, or whether only three (rather than four) varieties were intended to be mentioned. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Redav (talk • contribs) 01:38, 28 February 2013 (UTC)

Continental West Germanic
Surely Afrikaans cannot be considered part of the Continental West Germanic language continuum for the simple reason that it is geographically isolated from the related languages of Europe? Due to geographical isolation there are no surviving intermediates between Afrikaans and Dutch and therefore a "continuum" cannot exist in any meaningful sense of the term, though of course the two languages are still closely related. Booshank (talk) 17:27, 7 July 2008 (UTC)
 * I think Afrikaans can be considered part of the continuum, as for example Latin American Spanish is part of the Romance continuum, because it's mutually understandable with varieties of Spanish in the continuum in Europe. Anyway, it's true that the mention of Afrikaans can be a bit confusing, so removing it won't really make the page any bad. --Jotamar (talk) 02:55, 8 July 2008 (UTC)
 * Removed Afrikaans and Yiddish: both are languages in their own right and not part of a geographical continuum. Also removed "Nevertheless, Frisian does form a part of the continental West Germanic continuum (via Town Frisian and Dutch)", as Town Frisian is essentially a creole of Dutch and Frisian, and creoles don't count for continuums. Jalwikip (talk) 14:35, 25 February 2009 (UTC)
 * I count no fewer than three egregious linguistic misconceptions in the last comment. - David, Chicago —Preceding unsigned comment added by 128.135.24.165 (talk) 18:31, 2 February 2010 (UTC)

Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian
Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian are closely related and there is mutual intelligibility. But it is important to know that the level of intelligibility varies.

Swedish and the Norwegian that is spoken in the eastern part of Norway (compare with Bokmål) is very similar. There is for instance no problem for a person from Stockholm to talk with a person from Oslo. On the other hand it is a little more complicated for a Swede to understand a person from the western part of Norway (e.g. from Bergen). At the same time Norwegians sometimes have difficulties understanding people from Skåne in the southern part of Sweden.

It is not so easy for Swedes to understand Danish, because the pronunciation is so different. It is somewhat easier for Danes to understand Swedish though. Swedes and Danes are however able to talk to each other. It is not common, but it sometimes happens though that Swedes and Danes speak English with each other. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 81.237.203.154 (talk) 13:52, 21 July 2008 (UTC)

Chinese
This section needs some work, work that I'm not really qualified to do. Describing the written standard of Chinese prior to baihua as "Classical Chinese" is questionable, the descriptions of baihua, putonghua, and Mandarin are confusing (putonghua is based on baihua??), and it's only true to a limited degree that Chinese writing obscures the differences between different Chinese languages. Excalibre (talk) 20:33, 22 December 2009 (UTC)

This:
 * the development of the divergent Chinese languages was made much easier because the characters used for writing Chinese are not tied closely to pronunciation as alphabetic or syllabic scripts are

needs a citation at least. Chinese characters do give phonetic hints, but what they hint at varies between Mandarin and Cantonese for example. To me it's not obvious that using characters rather than an alphabet has freed the languages to drift to some unusual degree. 71.4.124.241 (talk) 17:39, 25 January 2010 (UTC)

 * Does Chinese really form a true continuum throughout? Are there no language boundaries separating the larger dialect groups anywhere? Are there really transitional dialects to be found within any two adjacent dialect groups (even with Min)? I find that hard to believe. Mandarin is certainly a continuum, so are probably the other primary subgroups of Chinese, but I suspect that the Chinese/Sinitic-speaking territory is criss-crossed by boundaries, and has been for quite some time. Sometimes there may be transitional (and thus ambiguous for the classification endeavour) dialects, but in many other cases, or at least some cases, there may well be not. Contrast Sami, which is of a similar age: its western portion (from South to North Sami) used to be a true continuum (at least in the 19th and perhaps early 20th century) as far as I know, but between North Sami and Skolt/Inari/Kemi Sami, there was a clear break (perhaps a result of a spread of North Sami eastwards from northernmost Sweden/Norway into Finland, which eradicated transitional dialects between Western and Eastern Sami formerly spoken in Finnish Lapland, without new transitional dialects arising). --Florian Blaschke (talk) 14:59, 30 October 2011 (UTC)

East and West Slavic
This article had grouped East and West Slavic together into a single dialect continuum, as if simply because Poland borders Belarus, a dialect continuum must necessarily exist. I thought that, without any evidence, this could not remain. On the one hand, most linguists consider Proto-West Slavic to have diverged from the other dialects prior to Proto-South Slavic (meaning that South Slavic is actually genetically closer to Russian than is Polish, even given the geographic division. Linguistically speaking, this is entirely possible.)  Belarussians, as I understand it, cannot understand Poles, and vice versa, with out training. On the other hand, it is true that East and West Slavic have shared features/words as a result of areal contact. This would be analogous to the the phenomenon of Danish showing shared features with Low German in Schleswig due to contact. This is NOT, however, evidence of dialect continua - a genetic phenomenon - but of dialect convergence, a sociolinguistic phenomenon. My question is: is it even accurate to say that Polish and Czech/Slovak exist in the same dialect continuum? More specifically, are the isoglosses of West Slavic isomorphic, such as between Finnish and Estonian (in which case I would argue a dialect continuum either doesn't exist, or our definition of "dialect continuum" is only trivially distinct from language family), or not isomorphic, such as among the South Slavic dialects (a true dialect continuum)? David —Preceding unsigned comment added by 128.135.24.165 (talk) 18:28, 2 February 2010 (UTC)

 * What does isomorphic mean here? —Tamfang (talk) 06:47, 12 February 2010 (UTC)

Continental West Germanic continuum
Frisian is generally included in the Dutch-Low Saxon-Middle/High German dialect continuum? That's news to me. Frisian and Danish linguistic areas are where the German continuum abruptly breaks off. Should Frisian be taken out? Leasnam —Preceding unsigned comment added by 98.121.178.215 (talk) 19:15, 6 March 2010 (UTC)
 * Indeed, that is nonsense for all I know, at least historically (in the 19th century) and probably still today (wherever the influence of the standard languages has not been too strong, at least). Dutch (i. e., Low Franconian as opposed to Low Saxon, which is also spoken in the territory of Netherlands with Dutch as Dachsprache) is clearly part of the continuum, while Frisian is not, having been surrounded by language boundaries on all sides for a long time. --Florian Blaschke (talk) 15:05, 30 October 2011 (UTC)
 * I also question the research concerning Dutch/German border dialects cited there; it seems to be misleading. At least historically, there was a true continuum, without a noticeable break: this is the accepted result of 19th century dialect research. The isoglosses running between Low Franconian and Low Saxon (more precisely, taken as defining that distinction) have never corresponded to the state borders in the least: As mentioned, there are Low Saxon dialects spoken in a large part of the Netherlands, and analogously there are Low Franconian dialects spoken in a part of Germany.
 * Contemporary dialects, however, are a quite different beast: They are heavily influenced by the standard languages, which does create new boundaries along the state borders, but the entire notion of dialect continuum is probably mostly not applicable anymore anywhere in the world in the modern age (as opposed to the 19th century), with radically increased education and mobility, as strongly localised rural dialects are disappearing everywhere in favour of colloquial "regiolects" spanning larger areas, as well as standard languages. Except perhaps parts of India or China, and a few developping countries (Spanish and Portuguese in Latin America?). --Florian Blaschke (talk) 15:47, 30 October 2011 (UTC)

'Indo-Aryan '
Why not somebody add a chapter on the continuum spanning form Sindhi and Kashmiri in the west all the way to Assamese and Oriya/Odia in the east. This may well be one of the largest areas of dialect continua within the Indo-European language family. GB —Preceding unsigned comment added by 77.12.59.102 (talk) 14:28, 6 April 2010 (UTC)

Should add something on evolutionary linguistics
This would be very important to language evolution.--Ollyoxenfree (talk) 14:29, 28 August 2010 (UTC)

 * Indeed. The present article seems to be written mainly from a synchronic perspective; and some contributors seem to take a conceptual tree-like hierarchy of languages and dialects for granted, and thereby miss a major part of the point. JoergenB (talk) 22:26, 23 March 2024 (UTC)
 * There is a link to wave model, but maybe that ought to be developed more? —Tamfang (talk) 19:14, 25 March 2024 (UTC)

kashmir
Kashmiris generally speak Kashmiri at home. It's just that Muslims and some Hindus use the Perso-Arabic script while other Hindus use the devanagiri script. And all Sikhs are originally from Punjab, so they speak Punjabi at home. Those who have settled for many years in Kashmir also speak Kasmiri or Hindi/Urdu (to communicate with others)  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 124.124.247.56 (talk) 11:36, 25 October 2010 (UTC)

Mutual intelligibility
The definition attributed to Bloomfield, viz.: "A dialect continuum, or dialect area, was defined by Leonard Bloomfield as a range of dialects spoken across some geographical area that differ only slightly between neighboring areas, but as one travels in any direction, these differences accumulate such that speakers from opposite ends of the continuum are no longer mutually intelligible" has, I think, a problem.

There may be "a range of dialects spoken across some geographical area" that exhibit cumulative differences, without the extremes necessarily being mutually unintelligible. For example, take the Western Desert Language (WDL) or "Wangka Yuti" ("clear speech") of the central and western Australian deserts. According to the Wikipedia article: "For native speakers this language is mutually intelligible across its entire range".

Importantly, the notion of a dialect continuum presents the idea that language may change gradually and progressively over a wide geographic area. This is the core of the phenomenon that Bloomfield pointed out. Only in extreme cases are the geographically extreme variants no longer mutually intelligible.

It's generally more informative to measure the degree of mutual intelligibility, e.g. by comparing the lexicons of two variants.

yoyo (talk) 14:54, 29 January 2011 (UTC)

 * Although your reasoning sounds basicly correct, in practice I think that dialect continuum is typically used for an area where there is no intelligibility for some of the linguistic varieties. Most of the examples in the article are like that. Otherwise, you wouldn't typically speak about a dialect continuum, but about a language with dialects. Anyway, if you have a source where the expression is used for an area with intelligibility, just add a clarification in the heading. --Jotamar (talk) 17:27, 1 February 2011 (UTC)

Unclear on concept.
If you have enough borrowing of words between languages, it becomes fairly simple for a listener to understand across. Nevertheless a speaker may have to choose the syntax of one language or the other. For example English is fundamentally Germanic, with a huge admixture of French vocabulary. By choosing French vocabulary over German, I suppose I could make it much easier for a French speaker to follow what I'm saying, but I still have to choose between English and French pronouns, word order and conjugation schemes so to me it seems that a continuum doesn't quite exist.

Perhaps nobody is claiming a continuum between French and English, but in Wikipedia I am seeing claims of a continuum in Indic languages, yet from personal experience I know that Hindi and Nepali have different pronouns and different conjugation systems. Although Nepali borrows a lot of words from Hindi, and Hindi words not found in a Nepali dictionary are nevertheless readily understood, ultimately a speaker has to choose a Hindi or Nepali framework for each sentence. To me, this also suggests a continuum doesn't quite exist. LADave (talk) 13:18, 13 July 2011 (UTC)
 * A dialect continuum is not about standard languages, but rather about rural vernaculars, often including varieties on the brink of disappearing. Jotamar (talk) 16:31, 19 July 2011 (UTC)

Language cluster
Why does Language cluster redirect here? If it is a related concept or a synonym, it should be mentioned in the article, right?--90.182.150.54 (talk) 16:46, 10 July 2013 (UTC)

The same should be said about Transitional dialect which redirects here (arguably very rightly) but is never defined or explained in the article (though a couple of mentions to some dialect being transional are made. Wenceslao Grillo 10:59, 5 June 2022 (UTC) — Preceding unsigned comment added by WenceslaoGrillo (talk • contribs)

Italian language varieties -- edit war
There has been a recent cycle of reverts regarding Lombardi and other northern forms of speech. I suspect that that Jotamar is right, but the claims need sources cited. Pete unseth (talk) 13:37, 26 February 2014 (UTC)
 * Hi. That sentence is a POV linked to political purposes. The attitude of the first Italian governament was similar to the French one in the way it helped the diffusion of the Italian language but on the contrary there has never been a plan of suppression of the regional languages of Italy. Moreover all the Italian states before the unification had already adopted Italian as official language. It is not my will to start an edit war but it would be better to tell the truth. If you need sources for what I wrote, I will be able to provide them.--93.32.182.72 (talk) 14:07, 26 February 2014 (UTC)
 * Two sources have been provided for the language policy in Italy since 1861: 1.Italy/ 5.1 General legislation. Language laws (today)., 2.Languages of Italy: History. Treccani.it. Moreover, it's also a matter of fact that the regional languages of Italy have never been fought by the Italian government; today about half of the Italian population is able to speek also its regional language while in France less than one quarter is able to speak the local language. This difference is due to the fact that French government stopped with hard measures the regional languages; this didn't happen in Italy. Greetings.--93.32.182.72 (talk) 14:54, 26 February 2014 (UTC)

 * I may be wrong, as English is not my mother tongue and I am not particularly good at reading Italian, but you claim that in the 19th century Italian language policy was more or less the same as in France (the above attitude of the French government was reflected in Rome by the Italian government). I do not find that the sources support the claim, i.e. that the sources show that there was a repressive language policy in Italy. Unoffensive text or character (talk) 17:15, 26 February 2014 (UTC)
 * You are right. the above attitude of the French government was reflected in Rome by the Italian government means that Italy helped the spread of the Italian language (national language) by using similar measures with one big difference that in Italy the regional languages were allowed to be spoken while in France there was also a repressive policy against its regional languages.--93.32.182.72 (talk) 18:30, 26 February 2014 (UTC)
 * So at the moment we have a sentence and two footnotes that seem to support it but really contradict it. We should delete the claim and replace it by something that makes sense and is well sourced. Unoffensive text or character (talk) 08:03, 27 February 2014 (UTC)
 * My reasons to revert the IP were just that the shortened text was kind of ambiguous and less understandable than the original one. Anyway, the question of language policy in Italy is only marginally relevant to the page. On the other hand, I'm not sure of the meaning of A less arguable example .... Does it refer to the La Spezia-Rimini isogloss, breaking the continuum? This should be clarified. --Jotamar (talk) 17:35, 4 March 2014 (UTC)

Map of Europe
The map shows Carpathian Ruthenia as excluded from North Slavic, and presumably Hungarian-speaking. In reality, Slavic languages predominate in the region: listed by population, the most spoken languages there are Ukrainian (including the Rusyn dialects), Hungarian, Romanian, Russian, Slovak, German and Romani. At least since the late 19th century, and probably much longer, Ukrainian/Rusyn has been the most widespread language in Transcarpathia, while Hungarian-speakers have never formed more than a quarter of the population, and stand at 12% now. Rusyn, the native Slavic dialect group of Transcarpathia, is clearly part of the North Slavic dialect continuum, bridging East Slavic Ukrainian and West Slavic Slovak (in fact, the Zemplín dialects of Eastern Slovak are transitional to Rusyn). Does the source really exclude Transcarpathia from North Slavic? --Florian Blaschke (talk) 00:25, 22 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Yes, it does. It doesn't identify it as anything – there's just an unmarked area between North and South Slavic.  Kanguole 01:51, 22 January 2017 (UTC)
 * That's completely weird, and in fact a grave blunder, in light of what I've said above. Transcarpathia is, in fact, a vital part of the North Slavic dialect continuum, as it forms part of the West–East Slavic transition, and as such a key example for what dialect continuum means. It's a monumental screwup roughly on the order of drawing a map of the languages of Europe and leaving Basque out. --Florian Blaschke (talk) 12:19, 22 January 2017 (UTC)
 * The original can be seen in the "Marketing sample" (under the Contents tab) on the publisher's page. Kanguole 13:15, 22 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Thank you. Still very strange, and a clear (it's evident that Transcarpathia is intentionally left out, and there is no ambiguity about the way the map is drawn at this point) and serious mistake, next to Budjak not marked as (North-)Slavic-speaking. Interestingly, the way you've drawn the map implies that Budjak is neither Eastern-Romance- nor (North-)Slavic-speaking, but could be interpreted as implying that it is Bulgarian- or Turkic-speaking in the main, which is not the case (see Budjak). --Florian Blaschke (talk) 01:55, 23 January 2017 (UTC)
 * Again, following the source, which clearly excludes this area from the North Slavic continuum. Kanguole 10:05, 23 January 2017 (UTC)

Diagram from Chambers and Trudgill
What do you believe is wrong about this diagram? — Preceding unsigned comment added by Kanguole (talk • contribs) 23:34, 21 July 2017 (UTC)
 * What is incorrect about it, is that it makes it seem as if there is one big pool of random Germanic dialects, which can either be Dutch by falling having Standard Dutch as its standard form; or or German when having German as its standard language. This isn't the case, which is why I removed it. AKAKIOS (talk) 21:05, 25 July 2017 (UTC)
 * Perhaps the caption is unclear, but the accompanying text in that section ought to explain the matter. The diagram comes from page 10 of Chambers and Trudgill's Dialectology.  It depicts a continuum of dialects, with those in the Netherlands treating Standard Dutch as their standard form, and thus considered dialects of Dutch, and those in Germany similarly oriented towards Standard German, even those that are almost identical with dialects spoken just across the border.  As Chambers and Trudgill's text is a reliable source on this subject, unless there are equally reliable sources contradicting them the diagram should be re-instated.  Kanguole 22:45, 25 July 2017 (UTC)
 * First of all the primary subject of this article is not the influence of standard languages on dialects, but dialect continua. Secondly, I always hold my breath when a general book on dialectology goes into specific dialects; it's almost always inadequate and overly simplified. The book by Chambers and Trudgill (which, mind you, is an introductory book to dialectology) is from 1980 and I would consider it outdated, as it's 37 years old discounting a minor revision in 1998.

 * If it states that is the standard language which defines whether a dialect is Dutch or German, then it is most definitely mistaken. In any case, the diagram makes it look as if the dialects themselves are completely random with regard to the standard form, which is of course not true. An Austrian German dialect might be very different from Standard German, but it is still lightyears closer to Standard German than it is to Standard Dutch. I propose to replace the diagram with the on to the left. Not only is it anonymous with regard to the languages involved (which better suits this article) it also makes the intended point (that it can be hard to tell to which language a dialect 'belongs' within a true dialect continuum) more clear visually. AKAKIOS (talk) 18:36, 28 July 2017 (UTC)
 * I have been following this discussion and by and large agree with you. I am happy to go along with your diagram, with the proviso that I was uncomfortable with the caption, and so I have altered it slightly in the article. In particular, the word transitory is inappropriate – transitional is better. LynwoodF (talk) 20:42, 28 July 2017 (UTC)
 * The article as a whole is about dialect continua, but the section we are discussing is about the relationship between standard varieties and dialect continua.
 * You have not provided any sources, but merely repeatedly asserted that C&T are wrong. As you say, the assignment of dialects to "languages" is often determined by non-linguistic social factors.  C&T are pointing out that the deciding factor is often a political border.  For example, speakers in the Netherlands attend schools that teach Standard Dutch, read newspapers and books, consume media and transact official business, all in Standard Dutch.  For this reason they view their speech as a form of Dutch, and consult Dutch dictionaries, etc.  Across the border, the corresponding thing happens with German.  That is what C&T are depicting with this diagram.
 * The diagram does not depict any random arrangement. Indeed it suggests that Standard Dutch is closest to certain dialects spoken in the Netherlands, and Standard German to some dialects spoken in Germany.  Kanguole 00:12, 29 July 2017 (UTC)

 * I would add that illustrating general ideas with specific examples is reasonable, and indeed sound practice.
 * Your diagram suggests that there are areas of fairly homogeneous speech, which you call standard languages, with gradation between these. But that's not how it works.  By definition, dialect continua consist of rural varieties varying continuously across a geographic range.  Urban varieties and standard varieties are derived from these, but separate from them.  That is what C&T are depicting.
 * If you find colour more modern, perhaps the above shaded version of C&T's diagram might suit. Kanguole 12:28, 29 July 2017 (UTC)

 * Again, the diagram is too simple to portray actual language relations between Dutch and German. Not only does it use "Germany" and "the Netherlands" when German and Dutch are spoken well beyond these two countries (thereby automatically disproving the decisiveness of political borders), it also portrays the German dialects as larger. Why, though? Numerical superiority doesn't automatically equal more diversity. It also shows Standard German being 'in the middle' of its respective dialects, which it doesn't linguistically. It is a mix between Central German and High German dialects. In short, the diagram or an updated version works when speaking generally, but does not when going into specifics. Which is to be expected of a general introductory book on dialectology. AKAKIOS (talk) 14:00, 29 July 2017 (UTC)
 * C&T's diagram uses the Netherlands-Germany border to illustrate the general point, and that representation is correct. (I assume you now accept the validity of this example, as you have created a similar diagram depicting it.)  They do not claim that all borders are linguistic borders, and are well aware of Belgium, Switzerland and Austria, but have omitted them to focus on their point.  The diagram is not intended as a complete representation of the West Germanic dialect continuum, but rather to illustrate how borders sometimes determine which standard a local variety is oriented towards, using an actual example.  Presumably German dialects were assigned a larger shape because they also include Middle and High German dialects.  You persist in replacing a sourced diagram with your own invention.  What does the flat bit in the middle mean?  Are you asserting that there are dialects that are oriented toward neither standard?  Kanguole 18:42, 29 July 2017 (UTC)
 * I have already explained to you that the representation of the diagram from the 1980 book it not accurate when it comes in representing the situation between Dutch and German and why a general image describing the phenomenon of heteronomy is better suited to this article. You claim to know a lot about what's intended with the diagram from the 1980 book, such as that Belgium, Austria and Switzerland are willfully omitted, but the authors themselves do not state this anywhere on p9 of their book. Where do you base this on? In any case, the choice here is between a diagramwhich depicts heteronomy between Dutch and German much too coarsely or a generalized diagram which shows the phenomenon in the same but non-specific way leaving room for the text itself to go into specifics if it wants. I wonder what your objection to this could objectively be? AKAKIOS (talk) 20:04, 29 July 2017 (UTC)
 * You have conceded that the diagram is an accurate schematic representation of the situation by producing and using your own version of it. An actual example is better than an abstraction that is often false.  It is true that varieties spoken on one side of the Netherlands-Germany border are oriented towards Standard Dutch, while those on the other side are oriented towards Standard German.  Similar things cannot be said of all borders.  As for C&T's awareness of other countries, this is clear from the map on page 6.
 * I also object to you replacing a cited diagram with your own creation. Again, what does the flat bit in the middle mean?  Are you asserting that there are dialects that are oriented toward neither standard?  Kanguole 21:02, 29 July 2017 (UTC)
 * First of all, your point of it being unsourced is nonsensical as the diagram comes from the same source (in which it is also used as a base for the North Germanic languages) it is merely abstracted to illustrate heteronomy in a generalized sense befitting the generalized content of the section in which it is placed. Once again (3rd time) I tell you that the diagram you propose to use is inaccurate with respect the actual linguistic relation between Dutch-German; which is much more complicated that this diagram would suggest. For one thing, many speakers of Low Saxon do not consider their dialect to be a form of German or Dutch even though they use Dutch or German as their standard language. I could go on and on about the overly simplistic representation, instead it would be very much easier if you could list any objective objections to the generalized version to illustrate the article; you seem to avoid this. You also seem to ignore my questions about how you supposedly knew the intentions of the authors with respect to national borders (as they do not mention this at all). AKAKIOS (talk) 21:50, 29 July 2017 (UTC)
 * Perhaps instead of going on and on you could supply some citations that support your assertions. I have given objections, which you have ignored.  I have also addressed the point about other countries.  Kanguole 22:12, 29 July 2017 (UTC)
 * To be frank, I'm done with this. Your main 'objection' seems to be about "the flat bit in the middle" which to me (and I suppose many more) is just plain insignificant. If you truly think it makes a huge difference to to the diagram, then by all means: change it. If already said to you that the new diagram is just as sourced as the old, only it abstracts the languages involved. It does this for two reasons, which I have told you many times now, namely to avoid the oversimplification of intricate and complicated real language relations and to better fit the section in question which generalizes and hence should use broad strokes to explain its subject matter, not go into specifics. Now, for the 3rd time: what are your objective objections to this? AKAKIOS (talk) 10:43, 30 July 2017 (UTC)
 * An example of an actual situation is a more useful illustration than an invalid generalization. The diagram in C&T depicts varieties spoken on one side of the Netherlands-Germany border being oriented towards Standard Dutch while those on the other are oriented towards Standard German.  C&T is a reliable source, but if you have any source that says these varieties are not so oriented, please produce it.  So this border is a valid example of the nonlinguistic factors that determine such orientation, but of course the same does not hold for all state borders.  Kanguole 23:03, 30 July 2017 (UTC)
 * I will not repeat this anymore, as I've now explained numerous times why this is so, but the diagram from the 1980s book shows a simplified version of the Dutch-German dialect border as it seeks to explain their model with real existing languages. Therefore an abstraction of the model (omitting existing languages, as none will ever completely fit the diagram) is better. I fail to see entirely how omitting the languages makes the illustration invalid. Care to explain how an illustration meant to visualize a general hypothesis becomes invalid after making its visualization conform more to this general hypothesis ?  AKAKIOS (talk) 14:51, 31 July 2017 (UTC)
 * Your earliest objections appear to be based on a misunderstanding of the diagram. Of the later ones, there's the complaint that the German part is bigger (which I've responded to), and a general complaint that it doesn't reflect all aspects of a complex continuum.  The latter is true, but the diagram doesn't pretend to – it's a schematic diagram focussed on one aspect.  That is that the West Germanic dialect continuum crosses the border between the Netherlands and Germany, and that varieties spoken on one side of the Netherlands-Germany border are oriented towards Standard Dutch while those on the other are oriented towards Standard German.  I'm not sure whether you're disputing the latter, but it is reliably sourced, and no sources have been produced that cast doubt on it. The diagram is thus a valid illustration of this example situation.
 * There is no general hypothesis. This border exhibits such a division, while others do not.  This division occurs on a border, but others do not.  Kanguole 16:19, 31 July 2017 (UTC)
 * The general complaint is indeed that this diagram does not represent the intricacies of a former/dying continuum. It is indeed a schematic diagram focused on one aspect, and hence that's why it has been replaced by the same diagram, focusing on the same aspect only without representing any real dialect continuum inaccurately in the process of doing so.AKAKIOS (talk) 18:04, 31 July 2017 (UTC)
 * It is entirely reasonable that a schematic diagram focused on one aspect should omits details of other aspects. However, the diagram does accurately reflect that aspect, and is a valid example.  (If not, sources, please.)  The generalized statement, on the other hand, is invalid.  Kanguole 19:08, 31 July 2017 (UTC)
 * Do explain how that is.AKAKIOS (talk) 13:40, 1 August 2017 (UTC)
 * To repeat: the Netherlands-Germany border exhibits such a division, but not all do. The Dutch-German division occurs on a state border, but not all do. Kanguole 23:27, 1 August 2017 (UTC)
 * Where does the generalized diagram claim that it speaks for all borders everywhere? AKAKIOS (talk) 09:19, 2 August 2017 (UTC)

Dialect cluster
It is common for textbooks and linguistic encyclopedias to call the topic of this article a (geographical) dialect continuum or a dialect chain, but not a "dialect cluster". I have seen two definitions for the latter term: Neither of these is the topic of this article. Indeed the SIL definition is presented as a method for subdividing a dialect continuum. In any case, per MOS:BOLDSYN, only the most significant names for the topic should be included in the opening sentence, and in this case those are "dialect continuum" and "dialect chain". Kanguole 09:25, 12 July 2021 (UTC)
 * In the Handbook of African languages, it is used as a basic unit of classification at the level of a language but consisting of "a number of dialects no one of which appears to dominate", contrasted with a "language", in which there is a dominant dialect. This usage seems common in descriptions of African languages.
 * In the SIL literature, it refers to a collection of dialects whose speakers can understand a selected reference dialect at a specified threshold level.

title: Talk:Dialect continuum


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Black Dawg

 This page is an archive of the discussion about the proposed deletion of the article below. This page is no longer live. Further comments should be made on the article's talk page rather than here so that this page is preserved as an historic record. The result of the debate was delete. — Xezbeth 06:38, Jun 18, 2005 (UTC)

Black Dawg
Hoax, probably speediable as vandalism but what the heck. --W(t) 12:05, 2005 Jun 6 (UTC)
 * Strong Keep Not a hoax. -BrowardBulldawg 12:10, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Note that White Dawg was created by User:BrowardPlaya. Wannabet the two posters are the same person?  Delete.  RickK 20:53, Jun 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete Either a hoax, or a rapper so minor google even doesn't know he exists. no Usenet discussion...no AMG article...no nothing.  --Jamieli 12:15, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete if not for hoax (it doesn't seem to be a hoax), then for either vanity or non-notability. Aecis 12:17, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete Likely hoax. Highly unlikely that a musician would choose the name "Black Dawg" when there's already a real group called Black Dog, who do remixes and such. Andrew Lenahan - St ar bli nd  12:25, Jun 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * DELETE May be significant in the near future as the author claims, but certainly isn't now.  WTF is up with listing a linked Wikipedia user name in the article as a member of a music group?  That spells VANITY in ALL CAPS.  -- Un  focused  15:05, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete It's crap. --Xcali 16:38, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete vanity at the very least. Since Google and numerous other sources haven't heard of this, I would like BrowardBulldawg explain to us why this is noteworthy enough for an encyclopedia entry and whether he can source it. (And no, you don't have to be the subject of the article yourself for it to be vanity.) Mgm|(talk) 19:27, Jun 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete nn rapper vanity. --Etacar11 20:16, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Yo, this is T.L. aka THUGlife. Real funny article here, bitches. I ain't never heard of Black Dawg, but I'll ask White Dawg personally about this. But this article claims that I belong to a rap group called "Tha Four Blingaz," and y'all know that just ain't true. This is a joke, probably meant to smear White Dawg on tha wikipedia. Let's delete.T.L. 23:32, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * This aint THUGlife. Trust me, I know THUGlife in real life and this aint him. Hes just trying to use reverse psychology to hate on WHITE DAWG!!!!!!! HATERS! -BrowardBulldawg 01:31, 7 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * Commentz: Black Dawg is a new rapper signed under Dawgman Spencer, White Dawg's 50/50 partner in da muzik biz. -BrowardBulldawg 01:49, 7 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete Bad dawg.  no!  Tobycat 05:20, 7 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete. --Scimitar 22:22, 7 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as non-notable, probable hoax. I couldn't find anything relevant on Google.  "Black Dawg & White Dawg" gets no results, and "Black Dawg" "White Dawg" gets 1 result.  Further, about the CD called Grille...  see the Black Dawg Bar and Grille.  Their supposed album is still speculation (Google doesn't even say it's hit rap news sites yet).  I'd say that Black Dawg can even be sent to BJAODN... I thought that "Black Dawg & White Dawg: An Interracial Thang" album title was pretty funny.  But unless this album actually comes out and sells decently well, we don't need an article on this artist. --Idont Havaname 07:38, 8 Jun 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete, I could care less whether it was notable or not, or how many albums released, or number of fans, but the original creator of this article, through his language, clearly disproves any worth of the article to Wikipedia. -- Natalinasmpf 21:01, 11 Jun 2005 (UTC)

 * This page is now preserved as an archive of the debate and, like some other VfD subpages, is no longer 'live'. Subsequent comments on the issue, the deletion, or the decision-making process should be placed on the relevant 'live' pages.  Please do not edit this page .


text:
Talk:Inferiority complex

What the inferiority and superiority complex really is
Feelings of inferiority

Adler said “To be human is to feel inferior”. Everyone from the moment of birth experiences feelings of inferiority. Adler defines feelings of inferiority as more than just feeling inferior to another person or a group, but any feeling of inadequacy, inability, or insecurity the person may experience.

Superiority

Just as inferiority is more than feeling inferior to other, superiority is more than just feeling superior to others, but encompasses wide range of both good and bad feelings and states. Superiority may mean dominance over others but may also mean mastery of a task, such as learn to read.

Striving towards superiority

When a person has feelings of inferiority or negative feelings, they naturally envision a state of superiority or a positive state. This positive state is the final solution to the problem. Any action the person takes is, from their perspective, a movement from a negative to a positive.

For example, a person is thirsty (negative state), they drink water (the action) and are no longer thirsty (positive state).

Inferiority complex

An inferiority complex is a pathological state caused by intense feelings of inferiority. The feelings of inferiority can be exaggerated for many reasons. The path to superiority may be blocked. A thirsty person may have no access to water, such as a desert situation. The person with an inferiority complex will avoid any action in which there is a chance of failure. The person will avoid new situations and remain only in familiar situations. In extreme cases the person may become a shut in. In this restricted environment, the person acts normally. It is only when faced with a threat of failure that the feelings of inferiority reemerge and defensive behaviors appear. A person suffering from an inferiority complex is still striving towards superiority in the form of safety, or control.

Superiority Complex

In the case of the superiority complex, the person also has a intense feeling of inferiority, but the person hides it, and instead takes on the image of a person with high self esteem. The person is often overly confident in his abilities, and will become defensive when confronted with tasks they unable to do. They always have an excuse ready to save their self esteem when defeated, blame the other person of cheating, or call for a redo. Their striving for superiority takes the form of appearing to be the best, of appearing perfect. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 162.58.82.136 (talk) 17:41, 27 August 2013 (UTC)

Can Someone PLEASE change that photo!!??
Hello Users, If your going to claim that the man is "overcompensating" for being only 5 feet 3 inches tall, PLEASE put up a photo of his WHOLE body.

I believe that the term originally preferred by was "inferiority feeling". This should be put either here in the wikipedia article on Alfred Adler. A. Carl 11:21, 13 January 2006 (UTC)

Inferiority feelings are common to everyone. To have an inferiority complex, these feeling must be exaggerated, or extreme in nature. It's a pathological condition. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 162.58.82.135 (talk) 12:35, 27 August 2013 (UTC)

The "immigration" section
This section just seems a little bit weird. Should not it belong to the socio-economic causes? I agree that it should be treated separately but perhaps it could be improved in any way ?

Stub
Going to make this article a stub it's to short. Whispering 04:00, 24 November 2005 (UTC) sdasdfs

Big Bird has a complex?
Big Bird is a fictional character and cannot have an inferiority complex. In fact, the entire "famous people" line seems to be vandalism. I'm going to remove it. If there is any truth to this please cite your sources and revert my changes.

HarrisX 19:04, 26 November 2005 (UTC)

Just because Big Bird is a fictional character, doesn't mean that (s)he doesn't have a personality. This website seems to count fictional characters in with the real ones: http://www.mypersonality.info/personality-types/entp/

Randolf+slayer, 1:53, 11 February 2009 (GMT)

Abnormal feeling
Intro says, "An inferiority complex ... is a feeling that one is inferior to others in some way. .... Unlike a normal feeling of inferiority ...". This is inconsistent. Shouldn't the first sentence specify that the feeling must be abnormal? Nurg 08:42, 14 October 2006 (UTC)

 * The first sentence does. The word "complex" implies that abnormality. 67.42.14.57 21:39, 3 December 2007 (UTC)

Causes and Treatment?
How info on how the complex is developed and/or treated? ESachs 23:48, 16 February 2007 (UTC) Social problems — Preceding unsigned comment added by 182.186.101.41 (talk) 15:48, 8 May 2016 (UTC)

Causes
Cite them or remove them.  Stardust Dragon  14:14, 23 July 2008 (UTC)

Origin of the phrase?
Did Adler coin the phrase? If so, please say so. --1000Faces (talk) 16:21, 11 June 2010 (UTC) The phrase which Adler actually used was "Gemeinschaftsgefuhle" which translates as "inferiority feeling" - however, this phrase got mis-translated in the translations of Adler into English. Personally, I think this article would be improved if it pointed this information out. Vorbee (talk) 18:58, 19 October 2017 (UTC)

unconscious or subconscious?
Paragraph 1: "It is often unconscious, and is thought to drive afflicted individuals to overcompensate..." —Preceding unsigned comment added by 99.228.219.48 (talk) 06:03, 11 December 2010 (UTC)

Current lead sentence needs work
Current: An inferiority complex, in the fields of psychology and psychoanalysis, is a feeling that one is inferior to others in some way. Describing an inferiority complex as simply a "feeling" is too fuzzy. We need a description that clearly distinguishes a complex from normal feelings of inferiority. Joja lozzo  19:33, 15 July 2011 (UTC)

Another issue is that the first citation in the article is just a quotation directly from the Wikipedia page, so the first citation doesn't really cite any source at all -- aside from itself. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2601:9:5700:1266:601B:D092:E58F:5E8B (talk) 11:36, 15 February 2015 (UTC)

What if you actually are inferior to others?
76.120.17.197 (talk) 15:18, 14 May 2013 (UTC)
 * Hi 76.120.17.197! This problem arises when you compare yourself to others in order to get a feeling of self-worth. However, this feeling should come from within - "I am who I am and I am okay". If this is your basic feeling about yourself, you won't have an inferiority complex, even if you don't achieve as well as others do.  Lova Falk     talk   11:09, 29 May 2013 (UTC)

Potential discrimination issue under "Causes"
People of color and women are prone to inferiority complex.

Are inferiority complexes only prevalant in other races and women? Will change it in a week if no-one has any objections against the change.

Little green buddha (talk) 09:25, 3 October 2013 (UTC)

title: Talk:Inferiority complex


text:
Talk:Spanish Constitution of 1812

Page move
This article has been renamed as the result of a move request.

Currently it's impossible without reading the article to tell what it governed. Thanx 68.39.174.150 12:06, 6 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Origin of nickname
I think the explanation for its nickname "La Pepa" is incorrect. The Constitution was nicknamed Pepa, because it was born on St. Joseph's day, March 19th. Pepa is just a feminine familiar form of Joseph. The date given as March 12th, I don't know what it means. The Constitution itself was made by people who did not recognize Joseph as King and it was meant to be the constitution of Ferdinand VII himself, who is named in its preamble. He later failed to live up the expectations, to put it mildly. --193.111.122.62 10:26, 6 September 2005 (UTC)
 * Sounds more likely to me. Do you have a citation for this? Meanwhile, until we have citation, I'm just taking out the probably wrong, also uncited explanation. -- Jmabel | Talk 23:13, September 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * I cut "after Joseph Bonaparte, brother of Emperor Napoleon I of France. Napoleon had installed his brother as King of Spain 1808–1813; the Spaniards nicknamed him Pepe Botella, roughly "Joe Bottle", for his reputed heavy drinking." -- Jmabel | Talk 23:15, September 6, 2005 (UTC)
 * I do not have a source handy, but I have linked to the Spanish wikipedia entry. BTW, it is true that Joseph Bonaparte was known as Pepe Botella or el Rey de Copas (copas being one of the suits in the Spanish card deck).  It seems, however, that he was not a drinker and that, in fact, he was a good king, especially when compared to the legitimate kings of Spain at the time. --193.111.122.62 11:03, 8 September 2005 (UTC)

I do have a source. It's in spanish, though: http://www.constitucion.es/otras_constituciones/espana/index.html

It's the official web site of the spanish constitution. You can see the first link explanation there, which explains that the Constitution was promulgated on March the 19th, St. Joseph day on the catholic calendar. Therefore, the people nicknamed the Constitution as "La Pepa", which is indeed a nickname for Josephine (feminine for "Pepe", nickname for Joseph).

On those days, tradition dictated that children should be named after the saint whose day they were born (maybe in addition to any other names the child should bear).

Please, add that reference for me, since I don't trust my english fluency. Thanks

--80.38.95.13 13:27, 11 April 2006 (UTC)

Wellington's forces
This edit changes it from "Allies" to "British". Was it just the British? Or one of the many coalitions (I suspect Sixth Coalition)? Or what? - Jmabel | Talk 05:39, 7 February 2007 (UTC)

"Cortes Generales"
Is "Cortes Generales" in the article correct for this time? Or is it an anachronism, and should it simply be "Cortes"? - Jmabel | Talk 04:54, 7 March 2010 (UTC)

The term used by the Junta Suprema Central, the Regency and Cadiz Cortes of 1810-1812 themselves was "Cortes Generales y Extraordinarias," because it was both a reinstitution of the Cortes Generales and it was charged with writing a constitution. The various Cortes that meet after Constitution was put in place (and elected according to its regulations) were referred to as "Cortes Generales."TriniMuñoz (talk) 22:25, 5 April 2010 (UTC)

Regency and continuity
I'm putting this here for the moment for lack seeing of a smooth way to work it in.

The regency council at the time of the drafting of the constitution was distinct from the one appointed by Ferdinand VII before he went to Bayonne to meet Napoleon (and was effectively taken captive). - citable from Charles J. Esdaile, Spain in the Liberal Age, Blackwell, 2000. ISBN 0631149880. p. 14, 25.

-- Jmabel | Talk 00:34, 10 March 2010 (UTC)

Ferdinand's rule
The phrase "Ferdinand's harsh rule" in the article seems a bit strong. From what I've read, it wasn't so much "harsh" as arbitrary and erratic. Cabinets were short-lived, finances were dire, and he was a rather uninspired leader. - Jmabel | Talk 02:25, 13 March 2010 (UTC)

Changing name of section
Currently as "The problem of the Americas", it reflects neither the "problem" nor its scope, which includes territories in Asia and Africa --RafaelMinuesa (talk) 01:28, 9 May 2011 (UTC)

 * The original title refers to the fact that only the Americas represented a problem. The residents of the Philippines did not challenge the constitutional process, therefore there was no "Philippine" problem. The African territories in this period are small. Large territories of the Americas not only questioned the legitimacy of  the constitutional process but they established their own governments to rule in the absence of Fernando VII. This is a problem! Do note that many of the representatives you list from the signed Constitution itself were suplentes, that is, people elected from among a very small group of Americans, mostly merchants, in the presser-cooker environment that existed in Cadiz in 1810.  They were hardly representative, and were not seen so by the Americans (the New Granadan and Venezuelan representatives receive communications from the juntas back home that the juntas did not recognize them and I see no evidence that the ones of the Río de la Plata recognized them either), nor were they seen by the organizers of the Cortes a permanent solution.  Rather their role should have been temporary, but in the absence of elections in the Americas, their job became permanent.  The debate over the creation of Spanish citizenship has to be seen in this context.TriniMuñoz (talk) 06:30, 10 May 2011 (UTC)

Art 22
Art 22 refers to how African natives can become Spanish citizens.

"Art. 22. A los españoles que por cualquier línea son habidos y reputados por originarios del Africa, les queda abierta la puerta de la virtud y del merecimiento para ser ciudadanos: en su consecuencia las Cortes concederán carta de ciudadano a los que hicieren servicios calificados a la Patria, o a los que se distingan por su talento, aplicación y conducta, con la condición de que sean hijos de legítimo matrimonio de padres ingenuos; de que estén casados con mujer ingenua, y avecindados en los dominios de las Españas, y de que ejerzan alguna profesión, oficio o industria útil con un capital propio."

The Article is assuming that they were not born in Spanish jurisdiction, because Spain did not have colonies in Africa, except for tiny Guinea Ecuatorial and the scarcely populated Sahara, whose population was automatically recognized as Spanish all the way up to their independence/transfer. Natives of Canary Islands, Ceuta and Melilla were already considered as Spanish. --RafaelMinuesa (talk) 02:01, 9 May 2011 (UTC)

 * A quick reading of the article might lead to this conclusion, but no, Article 22 does not refer to African émigrés. The article is specifically referring to Black or "Mulatto" people in the Spanish territories whether born there or not. "Through whatever line [of descent] are or are reputed to be of African origin" refers to people who's families have been in Spanish territories for generations. I wrote the original text regarding this consulting the literature that exists out there, such as Rodríguez O. and Rieu-Millan's books.TriniMuñoz (talk) 06:15, 10 May 2011 (UTC)

Universal Male Suffrage
We should make sure that we are not being ethnocentric when interpreting the documents of another culture and language. Title II, Chapter IV addresses matters concerning "los Ciudadanos españoles"; however, in Spanish, the masculine form is the general. When the word "hombre" is used it means "mankind," although I understand where this may not be clear. If they were to be referring to males, they would use the word "varón." Here's the definition from the Dictionary of the Royal Academy of Spain: http://buscon.rae.es/draeI/SrvltConsulta?TIPO_BUS=3&LEMA=hombre. Note that definition one, the most commonly used, is the one that makes no gender distinction. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 140.147.236.195 (talk) 13:16, 16 March 2012 (UTC)

 * Of course, we shouldn't be ethnocentric when interpreting the documents of other cultures, but neither should we idealize them either. Rather, we should look at what actually occurred historically.  That's why the discussion about male suffrage was included (by myself actually in May 2011).  The discussion above on how grammatical gender works in Spanish in general and in the particular case of hombre is correct. (Although the word does not appear in the articles in question.)  But it should be noticed that you chose to focus only on the first definition given by the DREA.  All the others are very much gender-specific, and it is precisely this reality that has allowed words like hombre and ciudadano to be interpreted in various ways, unfortunately often to the detriment of women.  A similar thing occurs with the English word man, which is universal ("all Men are created equal…"), and not ("3/4th persons…," the need for the 19th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, etc.), all when convenient .  But if one needs an example of how a supposedly-gender neutral masculine noun is used and abused in Spanish, one can look at the case of the 1917 Mexican Constitution.  In the debates surrounding its drafting, it was clear that an attempt would be made to make all Mexicans equal before the law, but because the final version came out using only the masculine ciudadano, male politicians quickly took the chance to limit the vote to men.

 * Nevertheless, none of this might not apply to the 1812 case, so again, I emphasize the need to look at the specific historical experience. Here historians have uncovered precisely what I am describing here.  Just looking at one that I grabbed off my shelf, Rodríguez O. found that grammatical gender question was actually asked by contemporaries and it was answered by the government that Constitutional citizenship, indeed, only applied to men/varones: "Questions were also raised about the political status of women, bastards, illiterates, and clerics.  Since women had possessed the right to vote in traditional elections when they were family heads, vecinos, some wondered if they could also vote in the new popular elections.  The higher authorities replied that under the Constitution of 1812, men voted as individuals and not as heads of families. Women heads of family, therefore, were not entitled to vote." (The Independence of Spanish America, 98.) TriniMuñoz (talk) 20:34, 17 March 2012 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

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Influence of French Revolution
In the section Deliberations and Reforms it says, "It came to be called the "sacred code" of the branch of liberalism that rejected the French Revolution..." Can someone expand on how it rejected the French Revolution? In the article Cortes of Cádiz it says, "The liberals carried on the reformist philosophy of Carlos III and added to it many of the ideas of the French Revolution. They wanted equality before the law, a centralized government, an efficient civil service, a reform of the tax system, the replacement of feudal privileges by freedom of contract and the recognition of property rights."  Is there a name for a branch of liberalism that rejected the French Revolution? Did some of the ideas of the French Revolution influence the Cortes and the constitution? This is confusing to me, perhaps an expert could explain it better. Checkn8 (talk) 04:24, 29 June 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Spanish Constitution of 1812


text:
Live (X Cert)

Live (X Cert) is the first live album by the Stranglers, released in February 1979 by United Artists. It contains tracks recorded at The Roundhouse in June and November 1977 and at Battersea Park in September 1978.

It captures the raw punk sound of the band prior to the more experimental music of their fourth album, 1979's The Raven. It also contains some amusing between-song audience baiting and provides a fairly accurate picture of the Stranglers' live sound during this period.

CD reissues were augmented with extra live tracks recorded at The Nashville, West Kensington in 1976, and The Hope and Anchor, Islington in 1977.

The album spent ten weeks on the UK Albums Chart, peaking at No. 7. It was the band's fourth album release, and their fourth consecutive UK top ten album.

Critical reception
The album received a mixed reception at the time of release. Nick Kent of the NME remarked that those who have the band's first three studio albums "don't need inferior versions of the same," while Ronnie Gurr, reviewing the album for the same magazine, said, "Played alongside the studio tracks, the quality, power and gut ... shines through and leaves Rattus Norvegicus, No More Heroes and Black and White as mere cut-outs in the deletion bin of life."

Retrospectively, Ira Robbins of Trouser Press wrote that the "high-tension ambience" and Hugh Cornwell's audience banter "make it an effective dual-function live/greatest hits album." John Dougan, writing for AllMusic, wrote, "Live (X Cert) is worthy if only to hear Hugh Cornwell bait and insult the audience (very punk!). Plus the band sounds pretty good, loads of aggression and volume add to the fun. Not essential but a very interesting snapshot of an era."

Track listing

 * Track 12 from The Nashville, London, 10 December 1976. Originally included on a free 7" with the Rattus Norvegicus album.
 * Track 13 from Hope and Anchor, London, 22 November 1977. Originally included on the "Don't Bring Harry" EP in 1979.
 * Tracks 14-18 are taken from the same era as the original source tapes.

 * 2018 CD reissue bonus tracks (Parlophone)

 * Tracks 12-19 are from the shows used for Live (X-Cert) and are previously unreleased.

Personnel
Credits adapted from the album liner notes.

 * The Stranglers
 * Hugh Cornwell – guitar, vocals
 * Jean-Jacques Burnel – bass, vocals
 * Dave Greenfield – keyboards, vocals
 * Jet Black – drums
 * Technical
 * Martin Rushent – producer, mixing
 * Alan Winstanley – engineer
 * Doug Bennett – engineer
 * Laurence Diana – engineer
 * Mick McKenna – engineer
 * George Peckham – mastering
 * John Pasche – art direction, design
 * Kevin Sparrow – logo
 * Terry Kemble – model making
 * Phil Jude – outer sleeve photography
 * Trevor Rogers – inner sleeve photography
 * Hiro Ohno – inner sleeve photography

title: Live (X Cert)


text:
Agadez Region

Agadez Region  is one of the seven regions of Niger. At 667,799 km2, it covers more than half of Niger's land area, and is the largest region in the country, as well as the largest African state subdivision. The capital of the department is Agadez.

History
The region is a centre for palaeontology, with numerous dinosaur skeletons being found here, including the Ouranosaurus nigeriensis. Cave painting and the remains of ancient human settlements are also located here. Tuareg peoples began migrating to the region from the mid-8th century. From the mid-15th century to the early 20th, much of the region was under the control of the Sultanate of Agadez, except for a period when the area came under the rule of the Songhai Empire in the 1500s.

The region suffered with the advent of French colonialism as power shifted away to the southwest; Tuareg disaffection with French rule resulted in the Kaocen revolt in 1916–17. This process continued following Niger's independence in 1960; local Tuareg saw little recompense from the uranium mining boom in Arlit in the 1970s, and Agadez Region was struck by repeated droughts and famines. Since then there have been two Tuareg rebellions: from 1990–95 and 2007–09. In recent years the region has also been affected by an insurgency in the Maghreb by Islamist groups.

Geography
The Agadez Region borders Algeria (Tamanrasset Province and Illizi Province) and Libya (Murzuq District) to the north, Chad (Tibesti Region) to the east, Diffa Region, Zinder Region, Tahoua Region and Maradi Region to the south, and Mali (Kidal Region) to the west. It is by far the largest region of the country, representing 52% of the total area of Niger. The region is dominated by the Sahara desert, and includes the vast Ténéré portion of that desert, as well as dune seas such as the Erg of Bilma. The Aïr Mountains, the tallest peaks in Niger, are also located here. The Djado Plateau is located in the far north.

Settlements
Agadez is the regional capital; other major settlements include Aderbissinat, Arlit, Assamakka, Bilma, Dirkou, Iferouane, In-Gall, Madama, Séguedine, Tchirozerine, Tegguiada In Tessoum and Timia.

Administrative subdivisions
Agadez is subdivided into six departments

Demographics
Agadez has a large area but is sparsely populated. Its 487,620 inhabitants (as per the 2012 census) account for only 2.8% of the total population of Niger, with a population density of 1.9 PD/sqmi. Much of its population comprises nomadic or semi-nomadic peoples, including Arabs, Fulani, Kanuri, Dazaga Toubou and various Tuareg groups. The Tagdal language and Tasawaq language, thought to be mixed Songhai-Tuareg languages, are also spoken.

Economy

Traversed for centuries by the Trans-Saharan trade routes, the oasis towns of the Aïr and the eastern Kaouar Cliffs are known for their gardens, salt manufacture, and date cultivation. Arlit is the centre of Niger's uranium industry, a prominent economic sector in the region with uranium pits and mines operated by foreign companies providing substantial revenue for the country. The French discovered Niger's first uranium deposits in the Tim Mersoi Basin of the Agadez Region in 1958 and since then French companies such as Areva have maintained a large footprint in the region, employing a large quantity of locals. Depressed uranium prices since the 1980s have hit the region hard, though uranium remains one of the main foreign exchange earners for the country and a main export. The region is less poor than other regions of the country. It has the second-highest Human Development Index and the second-lowest incidence of extreme poverty according to World Bank data from 2018.

Agadez had historically been one of the main centres of tourism in Niger, with visitors attracted by the desert scenery, archaeological sites and the Air Mountains. However Tuareg rebellions and activities of Islamist militants in Agadez region have severely reduced the numbers of tourists, with most third party governments advising against travel to the region.

title: Agadez Region


text:
Antoni Cieszyński

Antoni Cieszyński (31 May 1882 in Oels (Oleśnica), Silesia, Germany – 4 July 1941 in Lwów, Poland) was a Polish physician, dentist and surgeon.

Cieszyński was a professor and head of the Institute of Stomatology at Lviv University. He became the editor and publisher of Polska Dentystyka in 1930; the journal was renamed Polska Stomatologia (Polish Stomatology) and Słowiańska Stomatologia (Slavic Stomatology). Among his contributions to dentistry are the rules of isometry that allow for the bisecting angle to accurately reproduce dimensions in x-radiology, and extraoral anæsthetising techniques.

During the WW2 in 1941 Cieszyński with a number of other Polish university professors was summarily executed by the invading German forces in Lviv during the massacre of Lviv professors.

title: Antoni Cieszyński


text:
Champaklal

Champaklal Purani (February 2, 1903 – May 9, 1992) was an Indian man who served as the personal attendant to Sri Aurobindo and Mirra Alfassa for over fifty years.

Life
Champaklal arrived at Pondicherry in 1921. From 1926 until 1938, he was the only other person apart from the Alfassa to see Sri Aurobindo on a daily basis.

Camppaklal helped devotees seeking the Alfassa's blessings and other tasks. He painted also, encouraged by Alfassa.

title: Champaklal