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Talk:Greek letters used in mathematics, science, and engineering

Edits to upper and lower case letters
A few edits ago the lower and upper case Greek letters were the combined under one heading. In many cases the indication of which one is meant was lost. This needs some cleaning.

Additionally, the explanations in the bullets start at random with a small or capital letter. Usage in wikipedia seems to be small letters in lists. −Woodstone 11:43, 2005 Jun 4 (UTC)

 * The small/capital letters in the lists are not random. Concepts listed under a small letter are designated specifically by the small letter, and those listed under a capital, by the capital - in fact, if you look at some of the letters, for instance delta, there are two sub-lists of things small delta stands for, and things capital delta stands for. CarrieVS (talk) 21:46, 12 March 2012 (UTC)

 * You are reacting to a 7-year old comment. Just before it, someone had merged small and capital letter sections. The "random" remark was addressed at the bulleted explanations, not the symbols. −Woodstone (talk) 05:40, 14 March 2012 (UTC)

Greek letters in science and engineering
A lot of Greek letters are also used in science and engineering. What do you think, should we add them here (perhaps after appropriate rename) or start a new article? −Woodstone 20:33, 2005 Jun 17 (UTC)
 * I'd say add them here. A comprehensive single list beats multiple lists – this can always be renamed to, say, Greek letters used in mathematics, science, and engineering. A и D я 01D  TALK  EMAIL  20:45, Jun 17, 2005 (UTC)

I've moved the page to Greek letters used in mathematics, science, and engineering and merged it with Greek letters used in physics. There were some concepts that I couldn't find a proper link for. Also I believe it would be better if the concepts under each letter were arranged from general to esoteric, because I think this list is of most use to students. Yardleydobon 02:53, 3 May 2007 (UTC)

Chemistry symbols
I know this list is never going to be exhaustive – and as a chemist myself I am biased – but chemistry, both physical and general, does seem woefully underrepresented here! 89.168.81.58 (talk) 22:49, 8 August 2016 (UTC)

Wow
I had no idea this subject would be so popular. Nor did I think the other topic I made would be that popular as well. Thanks to all who contributed to both of them. --Admiral Roo 17:17, August 5, 2005 (UTC)

Greek pronunciation
Would it be more appropriate to mention inside the brackets the correct pronunciation of some of the letters in the actual greek language? Some of them are correctly pronounced but for the following here is the correct pronunciation: 3.141 *π (pe as in 'peek') 1.618*φ (phe as in 'feel') I know they're commonly referred to with the current pronunciation. As a native greek I would like to point out the correct one as a suggestion for an addition -not substitution- to the current. −Arheos 00:15, 8 March 2006 (UTC)
 * μ (Me as in 'me')
 * ν (Ne as in 'need')
 * ξ (kse as in 'anxious')
 * τ (taf as in 'tough')
 * υ (is eepsilon)
 * χ (che as in 'he', strong 'h')
 * ψ (pse as in 'autopsy')

 * These letters are borrowed from the "classical" Greek alphabet. How they are pronounced in modern Greek is not that relevant to this subject. There is an article Greek alphabet that contains that information.−Woodstone 10:10, 8 March 2006 (UTC)
 * Since these letters have to be pronounced when used in context I think it is useful for people to know how to properly pronounce them. I have seen the discussion over at Greek alphabet but the interest here is that this article will be more often referred to when people look up a certain letter used in mathematics. The greek language is the only one that still uses these letters actively together with their pronunciation and it seems strange that a whole nation has a certain way of pronouncing them be it mathematics or not, whereas the rest of the world completely ignores that, a large portion of it at least, for one reason or another and uses something completely different for some of them. Well it's just my opinion after all.−Arheos 16:31, 8 March 2006 (UTC)
 * it's true that modern Greeks don't pronounce these letters in the same way that (non-Greek) mathematicians and scientists do. However, if you pronounced, say, τ as "taf", no English-speaking mathematician (and I think English-speaking mathematicians are probably the right sample to take here, as this is the English-language wikipedia) would understand you.  Since this page is presumably meant to aid mathematical communication, it should reflect the pronunciations used by mathematicians.
 * However, it's probably worth mentioning in the article that there is this difference of pronunciation. I'll add something to that effect. Izzycat 21:27, 8 March 2006 (UTC)

I'd like to provide this page as a link to students in my lower-division college math courses such as Trigonometry; I think an elementary pronunciation guide would be very useful for them. I'd want the pronunciations in use by mathematicians. Midnight Creek 06:20, 26 January 2007 (UTC)

Html code for non-varphi?
Is there html code for a character that looks like $$\phi$$ but not $$\varphi$$? Also the table listing tex code does not mention $$\varphi$$. Instead it seems to put $$\phi$$ and φ together. Thenub314 (talk) 11:00, 12 September 2008 (UTC)

$$\epsilon$$ as an ordinal
I've never seen an unadorned $$\epsilon$$ used to refer to that ordinal, only $$\epsilon_0$$. Does it still belong? If we're including decorated uses, then the use of $$\Sigma$$, $$\Pi$$ and $$\Delta$$ in the arithmetical hierarchy also belongs. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 202.89.137.149 (talk) 10:14, 21 August 2009 (UTC)

Concepts represented by a Greek letter
Somebody has recently removed GAMMA from this part of the page. May I ask why ??

--Andre anckaert (talk) 13:49, 17 February 2010 (UTC)

Other HTML Greek letter variants such as ß
A variant of β that should also be considered is ß also known as "sharp s" or "s z ligature" at code point U+00DF. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 198.96.80.15 (talk) 18:50, 7 July 2011 (UTC)
 * The ß|Eszett is an unrelated ligature of ſ and z and not a variant of beta. 86.130.188.210 (talk) 00:39, 12 March 2012 (UTC)

Chi - algebraic variable
One of the listed uses of Chi is as 'a variable in algebraic equations'. I don't know of, and can't find any other reference to any such use. The only thing I can think of is that this is referring to the common use of 'x' as an unknown in equations, but not only is this not really a convention or understood meaning - x is only a commonly used letter, and any symbol can be (and often are) used with equal validity - more importantly, it's the Latin letter x, not Chi.

Does anyone know if this is what was meant (or know of such a use of Chi)?CarrieVS (talk) 19:28, 13 March 2012 (UTC)

 * I agree, any Greek or Latin letter could be used as a "variable in algebraic equations", and the entry contains no blue links, so I have been bold and deleted it. --  Dr Greg   talk  19:54, 13 March 2012 (UTC)

Greek Letter ∂ (curly small delta)
The Greek letter ∂ (curly small delta) plays an important role in mathematics and physics, one notable place is calculus, where it is used to denote partial derivative, such as $$\frac{\partial^2}{\ \partial x\ \partial y\ }$$. However, this letter is missing from the table of Greek letters in this article. Therefore, I suggest that it be inserted there as follows (showing only the part of the table for letter delta):

I suggest that one of the more-frequent editors of this page or this topic should make this change in order to avoid controversy, as I am relatively unknown. Alternatively, I would be happy to make the change myself, provided that no one objected.

Regards,

Plamen Grozdanov (talk) 22:35, 26 September 2012 (UTC)

Hmm, any comments at all? Agreement or disagreement, any objections? Should I make this proposed change? Plamen Grozdanov (talk) 00:10, 12 March 2013 (UTC)

Well, it's been now a couple of years and no one has objected or disagreed with the above-proposed change, so I presume that I have now the mandate to make the change (unless anyone objects right now, although whoever that would be clearly had a few years of a notice to make their mind and object earlier). Plamen Grozdanov (talk) 00:58, 7 October 2014 (UTC)

 * I'm not convinced that character is a "Greek delta" at all. The Wikipedia article ∂ makes no mention of "Greek" or "delta"; it calls it a "curly dee", not "curly delta"; in Unicode it is called "partial differential"; in LATEX it's called "\partial"; and in HTML it's called "&part;" --  Dr Greg   talk  01:21, 7 October 2014 (UTC)

Upsilon as frequency?
I've never seen anybody use small upsilon as frequency. The article vaguely cites "textbooks", but I think whoever added that was thinking of small nu. 138.16.104.236 (talk) 16:40, 1 October 2014 (UTC)

β coefficients in regression
β represents the coefficients in (multiple) regression. Should this be added to the list or is it implied by an existing item?

Earcanal (talk) 17:03, 1 January 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
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Suggestions regarding moving this article
Hi, everyone! Won't the title name better if it was List of Greek letters used in mathematics, science, and engineering, rather than Greek letters used in mathematics, science, and engineering. Thanks! Justlookingforthemoment (talk) 14:01, 6 April 2019 (UTC)
 * I don't think so. A list is a list, we don't need to name it as such.--عبد المؤمن (talk) 10:45, 16 August 2020 (UTC)

Delta
isn't one of the most common uses in physics that Delta represents change in velocity? 2600:1000:B153:2780:CDF7:12B2:D1EA:AEDD (talk) 03:15, 21 December 2022 (UTC)


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Pyotr Sviatopolk-Mirsky

Prince Pyotr Dmitrievich Svyatopolk-Mirsky (Пётр Дми́триевич Святопо́лк-Ми́рский, tr. Pyotr Dmítriyevich Svyatopolk-Mírskiy; 30 August 1857, in Vladikavkaz – 29 May 1914, in Saint Petersburg, Russian Empire) was a Russian general, politician, and police official.

Family
Svyatopolk-Mirsky was born in Vladikavkaz into the prominent Svyatopolk-Mirsky family. He was the only son of the general Dmitry Ivanovich Svyatopolk-Mirsky and Georgian Princess Sofia Orbeliani. Pyotr was educated at Page Corps, graduating in 1874 with first-class honours, and was appointed Page of the Chamber. In 1875, he became a cornet at Her Empress Leib-Guards Hussars. He was the father to literary historian D. S. Mirsky.

Military career
Svyatopolk-Mirsky took part in the Russo-Turkish War, 1877–78 and was decorated for valour in the Battle of Kars. Then he studied at the General Staff Academy and graduated in 1881.

In 1884, he was made the acting commander of the staff of 31st Infantry division, and in 1887, he was appointed to commander of staff of 3d Grenadier division.

Political career
In 1895, he was appointed the governor of Penza, and in 1897 the governor of Yekaterinoslav.

In 1900, Dmitry Sipyagin appointed Svyatopolk-Mirsky assistant Minister of the Interior and commander of the Imperial Corps of Gendarmes. After Sipyagin's assassination in 1902, Svyatopolk-Mirsky resigned as assistant minister but was persuaded to accept the position of Governor-General of Vilna (modern-day Lithuania and Belarus). As the Governor-General, Svyatopolk-Mirsky was credited with successful liberal reforms, defusing national tensions in the province by allowing more rights to the national minorities and stopping pogroms against the Jews.

In August 1904, he succeeded to the position of Minister of the Interior after Plehve's assassination. His appointment was seen as a victory of Liberals over the Conservatives and in the Court term as a victory of the party of widow Empress Maria Fyodorovna (who supported the liberal reforms and was a patroness of Pyotr's sister Olga) over the party of Empress consort Alexandra Fyodorovna.

The Conservative Ministers Witte and Sipiagin credited Svyatopolk-Mirsky with being an honourable, intelligent man of the highest moral principles, which is notable due to his attempts at liberal reform in Imperial Russia while minister. The reforms began with permitting members of the local zemstvos to gather to discuss broader policy issues and coordination of zemstvo programs, something that had not been permitted in Russia regularly. The remaining reforms were embodied in a decree that called for the inclusion of elected members to the State Council, removal of the restrictions on the Old Believers, measures to strengthen legality, extend freedom of the press and religion, broaden the authority of local self-government, eliminate unnecessary restrictions on non-Russians, and do away with exceptional laws in general. Svyatopolk-Mirsky not only allowed the congress but also participated in its work and personally delivered its decision to Tsar Nicholas II along with his own plan for constitutional reforms.

Svyatopolk-Mirsky's plan included transferring more power to the State Council of Imperial Russia. The plan was much less radical than the reforms implemented by the October Manifesto 1905, but in December 1904, it was considered ultra-radical and was dismissed.

The massacre of a peaceful demonstration in Saint Petersburg, known as Bloody Sunday, occurred on 22 January 1905. According to Svyatopolk-Mirsky, he never had authorised the shooting of the demonstrators but still fulfilled his final duty to the tsar and became the scapegoat for the massacre. According to Svyatopolk-Mirsky's opponents, he not only authorised the shooting but also actively encouraged the demonstration to push his own political agenda.

Svyatopolk-Mirsky was replaced as minister of the Interior by Alexander Bulygin in February 1905 and retired from government service. As a retired Minister of Interior, he was expected to be appointed a member of the State Council of Imperial Russia, but it was not the case. He retired from the political life until his death on 16 May 1914.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Pyotr Sviatopolk-Mirsky


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EMD GP59

The EMD GP59 is a 4-axle diesel locomotive model built by General Motors Electro-Motive Division between 1985 and 1989. Power was provided by a 12-cylinder EMD 710G3A diesel engine, which could produce 3000 hp. This locomotive shared the same common frame with the EMD GP60, giving it an overall length of 59 ft. It featured a 3700 USgal fuel tank. 36 examples of this locomotive were built including three demonstrators. Norfolk Southern placed the only order for the GP59 and also acquired the three demonstrators which featured an aerodynamic cab.

By adding a comfort cab, a full cowl body, and an HEP generator, the GP59 became the EMD F59PH.

In 2011 Norfolk Southern began a program to upgrade their fleet of GP59s, the only GP59s operating anywhere. The first one was not released until March 2013 as NS 4650 GP59E. The GP59E features a new EM2000 microprocessor, an all-new electrical cabinet with SmartStart auto start/stop, rebuilt 12-710G3C-BC prime-mover with EMDEC EUI system, NS-designed split cooling, the NS Admiral cab with cab signals, LSL, and CCB26 electronic brake valve. The GP59E is set up to operate with NS class RP-M4C road slugs.

In 2016, Norfolk Southern began a program to upgrade GP50 and GP59 units to GP59ECO's. These will be similar to the GP33ECO locomotives, but these units will be paid for by Norfolk Southern, not government funding. In June 2016, the first unit, 4662, was completed, rebuilt from GP50 7073.

title: EMD GP59


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Svyatopolk-Mirsky

The House of Sviatopolk-Mirsky (Святаполк-Мірскі, Святополк-Мирский, Światopełk-Mirski, also transliterated using Swiatopolk or Mirskii) is a family of Russian and Lithuanian nobility that originated from present-day northwestern Belarus.

They first appeared in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the late 15th century as "Mirski" – the name probably derived from the town of Miory in the former Kievan Rus' principate of Polotsk, although it is possible that the family had been local rulers for some centuries beforehand. The memoirs of Prince Pyotr Vladimirovich Dolgorukov assert that the Svyatopolk-Mirsky family were nobility descending from Rurik who submitted to Gediminas (Grand Duke of Lithuania from 1316 to 1341) and became magnates. The Genealogical Handbook of the Nobility (de:Genealogisches Handbuch des Adels) states that the Svyatopolk-Mirsky family descends from a younger branch of the Princes of Turov. Two members of the family – Bogusław and Stanisław – were representatives at the Great Sejm in 1791.

Tomasz Bogumił Jan Światopełk-Mirski (1788–1868) fought in the Polish 1830 November Uprising near Suwałki and fled into exile in Paris, where he both represented the interests of the exiled Poles in France and attempted to seek pardon from the tsar. He became an active participant in the French colonization of Algiers, where he received a large grant of land and allegedly suggested the formation of the French Foreign Legion in order to reduce the burden of Polish exiles on the French state. He converted to Orthodoxy from Roman Catholicism, and his fellow-Polish rebels regarded him as a traitor for his outspoken support of Pan-Slavism. Eventually allowed to return to Russia, he remained under house arrest there until his death. His sons, Dmitry (1825—1899) and Nikolai (1833–1898), were educated as members of the Russian nobility and had distinguished military careers.

Tomasz Bogumił claimed a Rurikid descent: according to his claim the Mirskis descended from Sviatopolk I of Kiev (died 1019), but leading genealogists of Poland and Russia in the 19th century rejected these claims. Despite this, his pro-Russian attitudes and allegiance to the Tsars earned his branch of the family the confirmation of their dubious princely title by Emperor Alexander II of Russia in 1861 (the Senate of the Polish Kingdom had previously confirmed it in 1821). Nikolai bought the historic castle of Mir in 1895 due to its name, the family having no historic connection with it.

Other branches of the family remained in Poland by choice and retained estates near Braslaw and Miory until 1940. Adam Napoleon Mirski of Zawierz and his sister, Maria, were painted by Jan Rustem in 1808. The painting, "Portrait of Maria Mirska, Adam Napoleon Mirski and Barbara Szumska" is on display at the National Museum in Warsaw.

Tomasz (died 1852) was an officer in Napoleon's Grand Duchy of Warsaw cavalry. Father Eugeniusz Światopełk-Mirski, a Catholic priest, was murdered by the Bolsheviks in Mogilev in 1918. Father Antoni Swiatopelk-Mirski (1907–1942) was martyred at Auschwitz by the Nazis and has recently been advanced by the Vatican as a candidate for beatification. Two teenage members of the family, Krzysztof and Michał Światopełk-Mirski, were killed in the 1944 Warsaw Uprising.

The most notable Svyatopolk-Mirsky members are in the Russian branch:
 * Tomasz Bogumił Jan Światopełk-Mirski (1788–1868) — ambassador of the Polish Diet to Russia.
 * Dmitry Ivanovich Svyatopolk-Mirsky (1825–1899), son of Tomasz — Russian Infantry General and politician, hero of the Caucasus and Russo-Turkish wars, member of the State Council of Imperial Russia; Short biography
 * Pyotr Dmitrievich Svyatopolk-Mirsky (1857–1914), son of Dmitry Ivanovich — the governor of Penza and Vilna gubernias, Minister of the Interior of Russia. mini-profile
 * Dmitry Pyotrovich Mirsky (1890–1939, pen name D. S. Mirsky), son of Pyotr Dmitrievich — Russian writer, historian and essayist
 * Nikolai Svyatopolk-Mirsky (1833–1898), a younger brother of Dmitry Ivanovich — hero of the Caucasus and Russo-Turkish wars, ataman of the Don Cossack Voisko, member of the State Council of Imperial Russia.

title: Svyatopolk-Mirsky


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Talk:Holmsund

User Yogb21 has some humorous ideas about what is notable

--Fred-Chess 11:47, 4 Jun 2005 (UTC)

Sjöstaden...
Holmsund will have thousends of more inhabitants in the coming years, according to the current plans. See the Swedish article, "Sjöstaden"...

--Mats33 (diskussion) 26 december 2020 kl. 21.12 (CET)

title: Talk:Holmsund


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Frank Castle (rugby league)

Frank Castle (second ¼ 1924 – 15 August 1999) was an English Olympic Games sprint trialist, rugby union, and professional rugby league footballer who played in the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s. He played representative level rugby union (RU) for Warwickshire, and at club level for Coventry R.F.C., and representative level rugby league (RL) for Great Britain and England, and at club level for Leigh and Barrow, as a. Castle was inducted in to the Barrow Hall of Fame in 2019.

International honours
Castle won caps for England while at Barrow in 1951 against France, in 1952 against Other Nationalities (2 matches), and Wales, in 1953 against Other Nationalities, and won caps for Great Britain while at Barrow in 1952 against Australia (3 matches), and in 1954 against Australia.

Castle also represented Great Britain while at Barrow between 1952 and 1956 against France (2 non-test matches).

Challenge Cup Final appearances
Castle played on the in Barrow's 0-10 defeat by Wigan in the 1950–51 Challenge Cup Final during the 1950–51 season at Wembley Stadium, London on Saturday 5 May 1951, played on the  and scored a try in the 21-12 victory over Workington Town in the 1954–55 Challenge Cup Final during the 1954–55 season at Wembley Stadium, London on Saturday 30 April 1955, in front of a crowd of 66,513, and played on the  in the 7-9 defeat by Leeds in the 1956–57 Challenge Cup Final during the 1956–57 season at Wembley Stadium, London on Saturday 11 May 1957, in front of a crowd of 76,318.

County Cup Final appearances
Castle played on the in Barrow's 12-2 victory over Oldham in the 1954 Lancashire Cup Final during the 1954–55 season at Station Road, Swinton on Saturday 23 October 1954.

Career records
Castle is second in Barrow's all time try scorers list with 281-tries.

title: Frank Castle (rugby league)


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User:David Haberlah

I am a German/Australian geoscientist and Adjunct Research Fellow at the Griffith University Brisbane in Australia. Recent research includes a Postdoctoral Research Fellowship at the Australian School of Petroleum/ CO2CRC in the field of Carbon Capture and Storage see http://www.adelaide.edu.au/directory/david.haberlah. Previous work over the past years include PhD research for CRCLEME at the University of Adelaide, the H.U.N.E. at the Humboldt University in Berlin, and ACACIA at the University of Cologne.

I initiated most Wikipedia entries on the the Arab Manasir tribe at the Fourth Cataract of the River Nile in Sudan, including one on the Manasir, their homeland Dar al-Manasir now submerged by the Merowe Dam hydropower project, the Material Culture of the Manasir, the Date Cultivation in Dar al-Manasir, and the Mansuri poet Ibrahim 'Ali Salman.

At present, I am interested in automated mineralogy and petrography solutions such as QEMSCAN and Mineral Liberation Analyzer and their numerous applications in O&G, mineral exploration, and Environmental Mineralogy such as in dust provenancing studies.

In 2011 I presented my research at the following conferences: - "Recent advances in the textural quantification of commercially important clay minerals in subsurface applications" at the European Clay Conference – EUROCLAY 2011 Turkey, 26 June – 01 July 2011, Antalya, Turkey. - "Loess and floods: late Pleistocene fine-grained valley-fill deposits in the Flinders Ranges, South Australia" - XVIII INQUA-Congress 21-27 July 2011 in Bern, Switzerland. - "SEM-EDS based particle-by-particle characterisation of a large Australian dust storm" - XVIII INQUA-Congress 21-27 July 2011 in Bern, Switzerland. - "Petrological reconstruction of the subsurface based on PDC drill cuttings: an advanced rock typing approach" - 10th International Congress for Applied Mineralogy (ICAM), Trondheim, Norway, see proceedings for conference paper p.275-283 - "SEM-EDS based protocol for subsurface drilling mineral identification and petrological classification" - 10th International Congress for Applied Mineralogy (ICAM), Trondheim, Norway, see proceedings for conference paper p.265-273 - "Assessing and monitoring geological storage of CO2 using automated petrography analysis" - DOE's Carbon Storage Program Infrastructure Annual Review Meeting, Pittsburgh, PA, November 15-17, 2011

title: User:David Haberlah


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Lucas Industries

Lucas Industries plc was a Birmingham-based British manufacturer of motor industry and aerospace industry components. Once prominent, it was listed on the London Stock Exchange and was formerly a constituent of the FTSE 100 Index. In August 1996, Lucas merged with the American Varity Corporation to form LucasVarity.

After LucasVarity was sold to TRW the Lucas brand name was licensed for its brand equity to Elta Lighting for aftermarket auto parts in the United Kingdom. The Lucas trademark is currently owned by ZF Friedrichshafen, which retained the Elta arrangement.

Foundation
In the 1850s, Joseph Lucas, a jobless father of six, sold paraffin oil from a barrow cart around the streets of Hockley. In 1860, he founded the firm that would become Lucas Industries. His 17-year-old son Harry joined the firm around 1872. At first it made general pressed metal merchandise, including plant pot holders, scoops and buckets, and later in 1875 lamps for ships. Joseph Lucas & Son was based in Little King Street from 1882 and later Great King Street, Birmingham.

1902 to World War I
In 1902, what had by then become Joseph Lucas Ltd, incorporated in 1898, started making automotive electrical components such as magnetos, alternators, windscreen wipers, horns, lighting, wiring and starter motors. The company started its main growth in 1914 with a contract to supply Morris Motors Limited with electrical equipment. During World War I Lucas made shells and fuses, as well as electrical equipment for military vehicles. Up until the early 1970s, Lucas was the principal supplier to British manufacturers (such as BSA, Norton and Triumph) of magnetos, dynamos, alternators, switches and other electrical components.

UK General Strike 1926
Thousands of workers belonging to Birmingham's Lucas electrical factory walked out and joined the 1926 United Kingdom general strike. Birmingham communist activist and trade union leader Jessie Eden, who was a volunteer union steward for the only section of unionised women in the factory, convinced the women to join the strike. The strike was depicted in the British crime drama Peaky Blinders.

1931 Women's strike
Jessie Eden again organised another strike of Lucas factory workers in 1931, this time leading 10,000 non-unionised women on a week-long strike, during which she joined the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). Before the strike, Eden had noticed that Lucas factory supervisors had been closely observing her work, and that the supervisors were monitoring her because she was a fast worker and that they planned to use her work speed as a standard for all the other workers in the factory. Eden approached the Amalgamated Engineering Union; however, they did not allow women to join their membership so she instead approached the Transport & General Workers' Union (T&G). In protest to the factory's plans, Eden organised a mass walkout of 10,000 Lucas factory worker women, who refused to work for a week. The strike was successful and the Lucas Electrics factory management was forced to back down. After the victory, the overjoyed factory workers were so ecstatic that the factory could not function during normal hours and had to be closed early. One of the communist activists who had encouraged Eden was raised up upon the shoulders of factory workers at a dinner hour in celebration. This strike was described by the Trades Union Congress as "unprecedented at the time", and led to the T&G's leader (then Ernest Bevin) to award Jessie Eden with the union's Gold Medal. Eden's leadership and organisation of the Lucas Electronics factory strike prompted a massive increase in the number of women in the midlands joining British trade unions.

Post-World War I expansion
After World War I, the firm expanded rapidly, branching out into products such as braking systems and diesel systems for the automotive industry and hydraulic actuators and electronic engine control systems for the aerospace industry. In 1926 they gained an exclusive contract with Austin. Around 1930, Lucas and Smiths established a trading agreement to avoid competition in each other's markets. During the 1920s and 1930s Lucas grew rapidly by taking over a number of their competitors such as Rotax and C.A.Vandervell (CAV). During WW2 Lucas was engaged by Rover to work on the combustion and fuel systems for the Whittle jet engine project making the burners. This came about because of their experience of sheet metal manufacture and CAV for the pumps and injectors. In about 1957 they started a semiconductor manufacturing plant to make rectifiers and transistors.

Lucas Plan (1976)
In 1976, the militant workforce within Lucas Aerospace were facing significant layoffs. Under the leadership of Mike Cooley, they developed the Lucas Plan to convert the company from arms to the manufacture of socially useful products, and save jobs. The plan was described at the time by the Financial Times as "one of the most radical alternative plans ever drawn up by workers for their company", and by Tony Benn as "one of the most remarkable exercises that have ever occurred in British industrial history". The Plan took a year to put together, consisted of six volumes of around 200 pages each, and included designs for 150 proposed items for manufacture, market analysis and proposals for employee training and restructuring the firm's work organisation.

The plan was not put into place but it is claimed that the associated industrial action saved some jobs. In addition, the Plan had an impact outside of Lucas Aerospace: according to a 1977 article in New Statesman, "the philosophical and technical implications of the plan (were) now being discussed on average of twenty-five times a week in international media". Workers in other companies subsequently undertook similar initiatives elsewhere in the UK, continental Europe, Australia and the United States, and the Plan was also supported by and influenced the work of radical scientists such as the British Society for Social Responsibility in Science and community, peace and environmental activists through spreading the idea of encouraging socially useful production. The Plan's proposals also had an influence on the economic development strategies of a number of Labour councils, for example, the West Midlands, Sheffield, Cleveland and the Greater London Council, where Cooley was appointed Technology Director of the Greater London Enterprise Board after being sacked by Lucas in 1981.

LucasVarity (1996)
In August 1996, Lucas Industries plc merged with the North American Varity Corporation to form LucasVarity plc. Its specific history is covered on the LucasVarity page but for the sake of continuity key aspects of the old Lucas business histories to date, particularly that referring to CAV and Lucas Diesel Systems are still included here.

King of the Road

Harry Lucas designed a hub lamp for use in a high bicycle in 1879 and named the oil lamp "King of the Road". This name would come to be associated with the manufactured products of Lucas Companies, into the present day. However, Lucas did not use the "King of the Road" epithet for every lamp manufactured. They used this name on only their most prestigious and usually highest priced lamps and goods. This naming format would last until the 1920s when the "King of the Road" wording was pressed into the outer edge of the small "lion and torch" button motifs that frequently decorated the tops of both bicycles and motor-car lamps. The public was encouraged by Lucas to refer to every Lucas lamp as a "King of the Road", but strictly speaking, this is quite wrong, as most lamps throughout the 20th century possessed either a name, a number or both. Joseph and Harry Lucas formed a joint-stock corporation with the New Departure Bell Co., of America in 1896, so that Lucas designed bicycle lamps that could be manufactured in America to avoid import duties.

The King of the Road name returned in 2013 as Lucas Electrical reintroduced a range of bicycle lighting to the UK. The name was reserved for the Lucas Electrical's premium LED bike lights.

Acquisitions and agreements
Lucas also acquired many of its British competitors:

CAV
CAV Ltd was headquartered in Acton, London making diesel fuel injection equipment for diesel engine manufacturers worldwide and electrical equipment for commercial and military vehicles.

The company was formed by Charles Anthony Vandervell (1870–1955), making accumulators, electric carriage lamps, and switchboards in Willesden.

In 1904, the firm moved to Warple Way, Acton. The firm pioneered the dynamo-charged battery principle and in 1911 it produced the world's first lighting system used on a double-decker bus. By 1918 1,000 employees were making vehicle electrics and aircraft magnetos. Wireless components were also made from 1923.

In 1926 CAV was bought by Lucas. In 1931, CAV in partnership with Robert Bosch, became CAV-Bosch Ltd and began making fuel injection pumps for the diesel industry and later fuel systems for aircraft. Lucas bought Bosch's interest out in 1937 and it became CAV Ltd in 1939. In 1978 the company's name became Lucas CAV. In 1980 the Acton factory employed around 3,000 people making heavy-duty electric equipment for commercial vehicles, by this time high volume diesel fuel injection manufacturing had been relocated to larger modern factories in Kent, Suffolk, Gloucestershire, and many countries throughout the world. Acton continued to make low volume specialist pumps for the military and for Gardner engines.

The electrical business was sold to US company Prestolite Electric in 1998 and remained at Acton until relocating to nearby Greenford in 2005.

The diesel fuel injection equipment research, engineering, and manufacturing business known in later years as Lucas Diesel Systems Ltd continue at all of the worldwide sites (with the exception of those in Japan and South Carolina, US, which had closed by this time) and since 2000 has been owned by Delphi, a US-domiciled automotive parts and systems manufacturer. The name has been changed to Delphi, and the business is a major part of the Delphi Powertrain Division.

Worldwide diesel fuel injection business sites: England - Gillingham, Kent; Park Royal, London; Stonehouse, Gloucestershire. France - Blois and La Rochelle. Brazil - São Paulo. Mexico - Saltillo. Spain - Sant Cugat, Barcelona. Turkey - İzmir. India - Mannure, Chennai. Korea - Changwon, Busan.

Butlers Limited
Butlers Limited formed as a family business of brassfounders at Small Heath, Birmingham, and developed as an important manufacturer and supplier of motor vehicle lamps. In 1948, at the time of its acquisition by Lucas, 60 per cent of Butler's production was represented by its sales of lamps of various types to Ford Motor Company and Vauxhall Motors and to Simms (who resold the lamps to heavy vehicle manufacturers) for use as initial equipment.

At this time, Butlers was supplying the whole of Ford's requirements of lamps for initial equipment. Butlers also had a substantial business in the supply to wholesalers of accessory lamps, mainly foglamps and spare tail-lamps of various sizes. Lucas reported that it knew that Ford, Vauxhall and Simms would not like the purchase and that it did not want to upset them or disturb Butlers' wholesale customers or its own wholesalers at home or abroad; nevertheless it decided to accept the offer it had received from Butlers on the general ground that it would be a mistake to refuse the additional capacity, particularly for short orders and obsolete types of lamps.

In 1952,the purchase of the share capital of Butlers was effected through nominees, and ownership by Lucas was not made public until 1952 when the company was listed as a subsidiary in Lucas's Annual Report. Also Lucas did not want to bring the spares side of Butlers' business into the Lucas distribution and service network but wished to study it and find out how it worked. Lucas also said that it did not want to add to current press criticism of itself as a monopolistic giant which absorbed competitors.

Girling
The company started as a car brake manufacturer after, in 1925, Albert H. Girling (also co-founder of Franks-Girling Universal Postage) patented a wedge-actuated braking system. In 1929 he sold the patent rights to the New Hudson company. Girling later developed disc brakes, which were successful on racing cars from the early 1950s to the 1970s. Girling brakes had the quirk of using natural rubber (later nitrile) seals, which caused difficulties for some American owners of British cars because of incompatibility with US brake fluids.

Girling brake manufacture was taken over by Lucas in 1938, but the patent remained held by New Hudson until this in turn was purchased by Lucas in 1943. Lucas then moved its Bendix brake and Luvax shock absorber interests into a new division which became Girling Ltd. Girling products included:
 * Brake systems
 * Clutch systems
 * Shock absorbers
 * Hydraulic dampers - a short-lived Luvax/Girling cooperation that moderated up and down leaf spring movement by turning that motion into a horizontal back and forth motion from the center. The damper hydraulically moderates, equally, both upward and downward motion of the wheels.  In this sense, they are quite different from telescopic shock absorbers, which mainly moderate upward movement of the wheel.  Such dampers were used for a few years on light-weight British post-war cars, such as MG and Austin.

Rotax
Rotax went through several name changes and manufacturing locations, the last of these being the former premises of the Edison Phonograph Company in Willesden, west London in 1913. Initially a motorcycle accessory business, Rotax began to specialise in aircraft components after the World War I. After an initial proposal for Lucas and Rotax to jointly take over CAV, Lucas decided in 1926 to take over both companies.

In 1956 Lucas Rotax opened a new plant in the new town of Hemel Hempstead to the north of London. Lucas Rotax was later renamed Lucas Aerospace. By the 1970s the company had 15 plants at various locations.

Aerospace
Originally Called Lucas GTE (Gas Turbine Equipment) Based in Birmingham from its link with the early Rover Jet engine development. Lucas during the late 1960 and early 70s purchased (given help/encouragement by the British government) various aerospace related companies to create a British world class aerospace equipment supplier to complement Rolls-Royce Jet engine manufacturer in a failed attempt to become a major player in the expanding world aviation market. Hobson's, Rotax, the Smiths Industries aerospace related companies were all consumed to create this expanded company.

One of the many factories was based in the Park Royal Industrial Estate, London, opposite Lucas Rotax. This facility provided components for BAE Systems, principally for the Stingray Torpedo Project.

Simms
In 1913 Frederick Richard Simms started Simms Motor Units Ltd, which in World War I became the principal supplier of magnetos to the armed forces. In 1920 the company took over a former piano factory in East Finchley, North London. During the 1930s the factory developed a range of Diesel fuel injectors. In the World War II the company again became the principal supplier of magnetos for aircraft and tanks, also supplying dynamos, starter motors, lights, pumps, nozzles, spark plugs and coils.

The East Finchley factory continued to expand after the war, eventually reaching 300000 sqft. In 1955, the company acquired seven other British light engineering companies: R.F. Landon Partners, Horstman, Mono-Cam, Hadrill and Horstmann, Industrial Fan and Heater, Clearex Products and Simplus Products. At the end of 1957, the company formally changed its name to Simms Motor and Electronics Corporation Ltd., informally known as the Simms Group. The Simms Group was taken over by Lucas in 1968 and integrated within the CAV division. Manufacturing in East Finchley was steadily run down and the factory closed in 1991 to be redeveloped for housing. It is commemorated by Simms Gardens and Lucas Gardens.

Cross-licensing agreements
In the 1920s Lucas signed a number of cross-licensing agreements with Bosch, Delco, and most of the other automotive electrical equipment manufacturers in Europe and North America. In addition, these agreements included a non-competitive clause agreeing that Lucas would not sell any electrical equipment in their countries and they would not sell electrical equipment in Great Britain. By the mid-1930s Lucas had a virtual monopoly of automotive electrical equipment in Great Britain.

Reception and reputation
With a monopoly in place, Lucas proceeded to supply electrical equipment that was commonly cited as the best reason not to buy a British car. The poor reliability of Lucas auto-electrics earned it the nickname "Prince of Darkness". Incidentally, heavy metal musician Ozzy Osbourne, who adopted the nickname as part of his stage image and was also from Birmingham, was a former Lucas Industries employee as was his mother.

UK sites

 * Acton (Diesel Systems)
 * Antrim (Electrical)
 * Atlantic Works, Grange Rd, Small Heath, Birmingham (Butlers Ltd)
 * Bradford (Aerospace)
 * Broadgreen, Liverpool (Aerospace)
 * Bromborough ( - Industrial Braking)
 * Burnley (Aerospace (4 sites) and Automotive (3 sites))
 * Cannock, Staffordshire (Automotive Lighting)
 * Cirencester (Automotive)
 * College Road, Perry Barr (Automotive Electronics)
 * Cranmore Boulevard (Starter Motor Drives)
 * Cwmbran (Automotive Brakes)
 * Dog Kennel Lane, Shirley (Aerospace, Automotive, Consulting and Research)
 * Fazakerley, Liverpool (Automotive, Diesel Systems)
 * Fen End, Birmingham (Test Track)
 * Finchley
 * Fordhouses, Wolverhampton (Aerospace)
 * Formans Road, Birmingham (Batteries)
 * Fradley, Woodend Lane, Staffordshire (Distribution)
 * Fradley, Gorse Lane, Staffordshire (B90 Remanufacturing, Automotive)
 * Gillingham, Kent (Diesel Systems)
 * Great King Street, Birmingham (HQ + Automotive)
 * Great Hampton Street, Birmingham (Automotive)
 * Hemel Hempstead (Aerospace)
 * Honiley (Aerospace)
 * Huyton, Liverpool (Aerospace)
 * Kings Road, Tyseley, Birmingham (Automotive Brakes)
 * Luton (Aerospace)
 * Marshall Lake Road, Birmingham (Aerospace)
 * Marston Green, Birmingham (Aerospace)
 * Mere Green (Automotive Electrical)
 * Netherton Liverpool (Aerospace)
 * Newcastle-under-Lyme (Wiring Harnesses)
 * Oakenshaw Road, Shirley (Electronics)
 * Park Royal London (Diesel Systems)
 * Pontypool (Automotive Brakes)
 * Read Street, Coventry (Aerospace)
 * Shaftmoor Lane (Aerospace and Alternators)
 * Shipley (Aerospace)
 * Shirley, Solihull (HQ, Aftermarket, Group Research)
 * Spring Road, Hall Green (Aerospace)
 * Stonehouse, Gloucestershire (Diesel Systems)
 * Sudbury (Diesel Systems)
 * Telford, Halesfield (Automotive Lighting)
 * Telford, Stafford Park (Flexible Machining Services)
 * Telford, Stafford Park (Rists, Wiring Harnesses)
 * Witney Oxfordshire (Instrument clusters)
 * York Road, Birmingham (Aircraft Engine Management)
 * Ystradgynlais, South Wales (Wiring Harnesses)

title: Lucas Industries


text:
Talk:Pasłęka

Untitled
AFAIK the name Persantė promoted by anon versions of User:Zivinbudas refers to a completely different river, namely Parsęta... Halibutt 11:56, Jun 4, 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Pasłęka


text:
Civil Aviation Administration of China

The Civil Aviation Administration of China (CAAC; ) is the Chinese civil aviation authority under the Ministry of Transport. It oversees civil aviation and investigates aviation accidents and incidents.

As the aviation authority responsible for China, it concludes civil aviation agreements with other aviation authorities, including those of the Special administrative regions of China which are categorized as "special domestic." It directly operated its own airline, China's aviation monopoly, until 1988. The agency is headquartered in Dongcheng, Beijing.

History
On 2 November 1949, shortly after the founding of the People's Republic of China, the CCP Central Committee decided to found the Civil Aviation Agency under the name of the People's Revolutionary Military Commission, and under the command of the People's Liberation Army Air Force, to manage all non-military aviation in the country, as well as provide general and commercial flight services. The Civil Aviation Agency was created in December of the same year, and set offices in Chongqing, Guangzhou, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Wuhan. On 10 March 1950, the Guangzhou Office began to work, managing civil flight services in Guangdong, Guangxi, and Hunan. Later, it was merged with Wuhan Office to form the Civil Aviation Office of Central and Southern China on 21 January 1951, in Guangzhou, and was renamed Central and Southern Civil Aviation Office, working for civil flight administrations in Guangdong, Guangxi, Hubei, and Hunan.

On 7 May 1952, the People's Revolutionary Military Commission and the State Council issued the Decision for Reorganizing Civil Aviation and the Civil Aviation Agency of the People's Revolutionary Military Commission was transferred to the military system and was under the direct control of the PLA Air Force, then split the civil aviation administration division and airline division to form the separate Civil Aviation Agency and civil airline. Under this decision, from July to November 1951, the Civil Aviation Agency had four administration offices in Shanghai (Eastern China), Guangzhou (Central-Southern), Chongqing (Southwestern China), and Tianjin (Northern China). The Southern China branch was briefly renamed the Civil Aviation Administration Office of Southern China. On 17 July 1952, the People's Aviation Company of China was created, headquartered in Tianjin.

On 9 June 1953, following Aeroflot in the Soviet Union, the People's Aviation Company of China was merged with the Civil Aviation Agency of the Central Revolutionary Military Commission. Later, the SKOGA was merged with the Beijing administration office on 1 January 1955.

In November 1954, the Civil Aviation Agency of the People's Revolutionary Military Commission was renamed Civil Aviation Agency of China. It was transferred to the State Council and came under the leadership of both State Council and PLA Air Force. The PLA Air Force was also responsible for technical, flight, aircrew, communicating, human resources, and political works.

On 27 February 1958, the Civil Aviation Agency was transferred to the Ministry of Transport. Later, the Agency ratified the Report for the Opinions of System Devolving from the party branch of the Ministry of Transport in 17 June. Both national and local authorities have responsibilities of civil aviation. International and main domestic flights were mainly under the leadership of the national authority while local and agricultural flights were mainly under the leadership of local authority. Thus, most provinces and autonomous regions established their own civil aviation administration offices. Five administration offices in Beijing, Chengdu, Guangzhou, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Ürümqi were changed to be regional administration agencies in 13 December. The Agency was renamed the General Administration of Civil Aviation of the Ministry of Transport on 17 November 1960.

In April 1962, the Presidium of the 2nd National People's Congress decided to rename the General Administration of Civil Aviation of the Ministry of Transport to the General Administration of Civil Aviation of China on the 53rd meeting. It was transferred to the State Council and was managed by the PLA Air Force. The General Administration of Civil Aviation was transferred to the PLA Air Force on 20 November 1969. In 1963, China purchased six Vickers Viscount aircraft from Great Britain, followed in 1971 by the purchase of four Hawker Siddeley Trident aircraft from Pakistan International Airlines. In August 1971, the airline purchased six Trident 2Es directly from Hawker Siddeley. The country also placed provisional orders for three Concorde aircraft. With the 1972 Nixon visit to China, the country ordered 10 Boeing 707 jets. In December 1973, it took the unprecedented step of borrowing £40 million from Western banks to fund the purchase of 15 additional Trident jets. Soviet-built Ilyushin Il-62 aircraft were used on long range routes during the 1970s and 1980s.

On 5 March 1980, the General Administration of Civil Aviation was no longer managed by the PLA Air Force, and was transferred to the State Council. Some administrative works were still under the People's Liberation Army and the air controlling was managed by PLA General Stuff Department and Air Force Command.

On 30 January 1987, the State Council ratified the Report for the Reform Solution and Executive Steps of the Civil Aviation System Administration System. Since then, CAAC acted solely as a government agency and reorganized six regional administration agencies, and no longer provided commercial flight services. In 1988, the airline CAAC was divided into a number of individual air carriers, many of them named after the region of China where it had its hub.

On 19 April 1993, the General Administration of Civil Aviation became the ministry-level agency of the State Council.

In March 2008, CAAC was made a subsidiary of the newly-created Ministry of Transport, and its official Chinese name was slightly adjusted to reflect its being no longer a ministry-level agency. Its official English name has remained Civil Aviation Administration of China.

On 11 March 2019, the CAAC was the first civil aviation authority to ground the Boeing 737 MAX. After so doing, most of the world's aviation authorities grounded the MAX, including the European Union Aviation Safety Agency the next day. It took the US Federal Aviation Administration until 13 March to ground the MAX. Aviation commentators saw this as having bolstered the global reputation of the CAAC at the expense of the FAA. After the MAX was cleared to return by the FAA in November 2020, the CAAC reiterated that there "is no set timetable" to lifting the MAX grounding in China. In early August 2021, a MAX made a test flight in Shanghai for validation. Later, the CAAC issued an airworthiness directive on 2 December to allow the type return to service if the MCAS is corrected following Boeing's instructions.

Current role
Currently, CAAC is an administrative department mostly intended to supervise the aviation market. CAAC releases route applications every week and for routes that do not fly to an open-sky country/region, there will be monthly scoring releases that determine the score for each of them. CAAC subsequently grants permission to start on those who score highest on the list.

CAAC also issues frequent operation data and notices.

CAAC administers China's no-fly list.

List of directors
List of Directors of the Civil Aviation Administration of China:

Affiliate subsidiaries

 * Air Traffic Administration Bureau (ATMB) in Beijing
 * Civil Aviation University of China (CAUC) in Tianjin
 * Civil Aviation Flight University of China (CAFUC) in Guanghan
 * Civil Aviation Management Institute of China (CAMIC) in Beijing
 * China Academy of Civil Aviation Science and Technology — Center of Aviation Safety Technology, CAAC in Beijing
 * CAAC Second Research Institute in Chengdu
 * China Civil Aviation Publishing Press in Beijing
 * Civil Aviation Medical Center — Civil Aviation General Hospital in Beijing
 * CAAC Settlement Center in Beijing
 * CAAC Information Center in Beijing
 * CAAC Audition Center in Beijing
 * Capital Airports Holdings Limited (CAH) in Beijing
 * CAAC International Cooperation and Service Center in Beijing
 * China Airport Construction Corporation (CACC) in Beijing
 * China Civil Aviation Engine Airworthiness Audition Center
 * Flight Inspection Center of CAAC in Beijing
 * CAAC Museum

title: Civil Aviation Administration of China


text:
Caciquism

Caciquism is a network of political power wielded by local leaders called "caciques", aimed at influencing electoral outcomes. It is a feature of some modern-day societies with incomplete democratization.

In historiography, journalism, and intellectual circles of the era, the term describes the political system of the Bourbon Restoration in Spain (1874-1923). Joaquín Costa's influential essay Oligarchie et Caciquisme ("Oligarchy and Caciquism") in 1901 popularized the term. Nonetheless, caciquism was also prevalent in earlier periods in the country, particularly during the reign of Isabella II. It was also utilized in other systems, such as in Portugal during the Constitutional Monarchy (1820-1910) as well as in Argentina and Mexico during a similar time period.

Concept of "cacique"
The term "cacique" in Spanish, as well as other Western languages like French, stems from the Arawak term kassequa. It referred specifically to the individuals who had the highest ranking within the Taino tribes of the West Indies and thus held the title of chief. This linguistic borrowing highlights the historical and cultural connections between these various groups.

Brought back by Christopher Columbus upon his return from his first voyage to America in 1492, the conquistadors utilized the term and expanded its usage to include the Central American setting and other indigenous groups they encountered,  even up to the absolute rulers of the pre-Columbian empires.

The concept of "cacique" differs from "seigneur" or "señor," which originated from feudalism, in its hierarchical inferiority. Caciques serve as privileged intermediaries and main interlocutors between the authority of the "masters" or "seigneurs" (conquistadors) and the populations they aim to control. A distinction was drawn between the "good caciques" who cooperated obediently with colonial and ecclesiastical authorities - the encomenderos, and the "bad caciques" who needed to be subdued or dismissed. The term remained in use to "indicate the contrast between the conqueror's authority and the authorities of the defeated". Certainly, "the role of the cacique was to bridge the gap between the Indian population and colonial administration." At the same time, his power in the community was based on his positive relations with the central administration. This allowed him to provide service not only for himself but also for the local administration.

At least since the eighteenth century, the term has had a broader meaning of "a dominating individual who instills fear and holds influence in a locality," with a negative connotation within the peninsular context. The term "cacique" appears in the 1729 Diccionario de Autoridades, where it is defined as the "Lord of the vassals, or the Superior in the Province or Pueblos de Indios". Additionally, the definition explains that the term is used metaphorically to refer to the first leader of a Pueblo or Republic who wields more power and commands more respect by being feared and obeyed by those beneath them. As a result, the term came to be applied to individuals who have an overly influential and powerful role in a community.

In the 1884 edition of the Royal Spanish Academy's Diccionario de la lengua española, the term appears with its current meaning, which encompasses both:

 * The domination or influence of the cacique of a town or comarca.
 * The abusive interference of a person or authority in certain matters, using his power or influence.

The influence of the cacique extends beyond the political sphere and encompasses all human interactions. Consequently, the term "cacique" has evolved into a timeless and universal concept, applicable to any societal group and context in reference to power dynamics that involve patronage, clientelism, paternalism, dependence, favors, punishments, thanks, and curses among unequal individuals. The "good cacique" serves as a protective figure, dispensing favors, and contrasts with the "bad cacique" who represses, excludes, or deprives.

Related terms
During the time, the Spanish press utilized the term "caudillismo" (caudillismo or caudillaje) interchangeably with "caciquism" to describe the rule of the caciques, who were then referred to as "caudillos".

The term "cacicada", meaning "injustice, arbitrary action [by a cacique]", is also derived from "cacique".

Contemporary uses
In soccer circles, Argentine defender Iselín Santos Ovejero was nicknamed el cacique del área ("the cacique of the penalty area") in Spanish.

In Spain
"Caciquism" in Spain refers to the clientelist network that shaped the political regime of the Restoration, enabling fraud in all general elections. However, this system had also existed during Isabel II's liberal period and the democratic sexennium. They were able to "manufacture" elections at the central power's whim to ensure political alternation between the conservative and liberal parties, known as the "dynastic parties." This made them a crucial link during the era.

During the Bourbon Restoration, the term "cacique" referred to influential figures in specific areas. "Nothing was accomplished without his agreement, and never any actions against him. The power of the cacique was immense in spite of his unofficial role. In cases of conflict with the civil governor - the representative of central authority - the cacique held the final say." With the local population under his control and votes not taking place via secret ballot -a phenomenon not unique to Spain- the cacique could easily determine the outcome of elections.

In the boss/customer relationship, Manuel Suárez Cortina points out that an individual in a superior position (boss) provides protection or benefits to a person in an inferior position (customer) by leveraging their resources and influence. In exchange, the customer reciprocates by offering general support, assistance, and sometimes even personal services. On the other hand, clienteles generally remain indifferent to ideologies, programs, or political affiliations in regards to their collective projection. "And this tendency, of course, reduced the ideological aspects of politics," observes José Varela Ortega. Furthermore, clients anticipated receiving personal favors.

Alongside "oligarchy," the term "caciquism" commonly depicted the political regime during the Restoration era. José Varela Ortega positions the beginning of the caciquist system near 1845, prior to which the administration held less sway compared to after that time. Caciquism dominated the dispute between local and central administration, specifically local notables versus caciques and landowners versus civil servants. The Caciquist era of interference by administration and party officials against local notables began after 1845 due to centralization and single-member districts. In 1850, the Count of San Luis established the "Family Assemblies [Cortes]," which ushered in the era of administrative or royal elections. The government actively intervened in the elections. In other words, the government exerted "leadership" rather than "legitimate influence," as the 1930s notables were labeled.

With this in mind, Varela Ortega states that Cánovas did not invent caciquism. Rather, it was already present and was distributed more systematically during the Restoration. However, starting in 1850 and particularly in the 1860s and 1870s, the government interfered in elections, taking the place of a non-existent electorate. Similarly, party organizations exploited the administration for their own partisan goals, just as they did during the Restoration.

Some scholars argue that the political system during Isabella II's reign was an extreme example of oligarchy, as evidenced by censal suffrage laws that restricted the vote only to large and, occasionally, medium-sized landowners. The political system in Isabelline Spain was largely controlled by caciques, as evidenced by the fact that the party that called the majority of the twenty-two elections held during this period was consistently victorious. Furthermore, clientelist political relationships had become well-established in the mid-nineteenth century and persisted throughout the democratic sexennium without being eliminated, as no government during this time was voted out of power. "When the political system of the Restoration was established, clientelism had already been present in Spain for a significant period of time."

Caciquism and Restoration
Although the term "caciquism" was used early to refer to the political regime of the Restoration, and people were already criticizing the "disgusting scourge of caciquism" at the 1891 general elections, which were won by the government, it wasn't until the "disaster of [18]98" that the term became widely used. In that same year, liberal Santiago Alba was already attributing the disaster to "unbearable caciquism".

Caciquism played a significant role in rural areas, particularly until the end of the regime. Although the caciquist system was criticized by supporters of reformation and disapproved in the big cities and public opinion, such criticisms held minimal impact in most of the country. The local poor even tolerated the system, with few families in one small town that didn't have at least one member involved. In the end, caciquism was enabled by the apathy its actions aroused among the majority, as well as the ineffective mobilization of a significant portion of the voting population.

In 1901, the Ateneo de Madrid conducted a survey and debate focused on Spain's socio-political system, with the participation of around sixty politicians and intellectuals. Joaquín Costa, a regenerationist, summarized the discussion in his work titled Oligarchy and Caciquism as Representing the Current Form of Government in Spain. Urgency and potential solutions. To address this issue, urgent action is required. In his work, Costa argues that Spain's political landscape is dominated by an oligarchy, with no true representation or political parties. This minority's interests solely serve their own, creating an unjust ruling class. The oligarchy's top executives, or "primates", consist of professional politicians based in Madrid, the center of power. This group is supported by a vast network of "caciques" scattered throughout the country, who hold varying degrees of power and influence. The relationship between the dominant "primates" and the regional caciques was established by the civil governors. In his report, Costa maintained that oligarchy and caciquism were not anomalies in the system, but rather the norm and the governing structure itself. The majority of participants in the survey-debate concurred with this assertion, which remains a widely held perspective today. More than a century later, Carmelo Romero Salvador notes that Costa's two-word description, which has become the title of historical literature and manuals, remains the most commonly used term to depict the Restorationist period.

As an illustration, José María Jover, in a university textbook frequently used in the 1960s and 1970s, characterized the Restoration regime in the following manner:

Manuel Suárez Cortina notes that Costa and other critics of the Restoration system, like Gumersindo de Azcárate, viewed the political operations of the era as a new form of feudalism, wherein the political will of the citizens was hijacked for the profit of the elite: an oligarchy that abused the nation's true will through election fraud and corruption. The "interpretative line" was reinforced in Marxist and liberal Spanish historiography. A comparable interpretation of Costa's analysis is shared by Joaquín Romero Maura, cited by Feliciano Montero, who also agrees that it was the most commonly used explanation for the phenomenon of caciquism during the Restoration era in Spain. According to Romero Maura, Costa and those who share his interpretation view caciquismo as a political manifestation of the economic dominance of landed and financial elites. This phenomenon is facilitated by a disengaged electorate, which is a result of the low level of economic development and social integration in various regions of the country, including factors such as poor communication, a closed economy, and high illiteracy rates.

In the early 1970s, a new perspective on caciquism emerged among historians, including Joaquín Romero Maura, José Varela Ortega, and Javier Tusell. This perspective, which is now the dominant one, focuses exclusively on political factors and views caciquism as the outcome of patron-client relationships. According to Suárez Cortina, the interpretation's most distinctive components emphasize the non-economic aspect of the patron-client relationship, the electorate's widespread demobilization, the predominance of rural components vis-à-vis urban components, and the varied nature of relations and exchanges between patrons and clients across different times and places - altogether constituting the key features that characterize patronage relations.

Functioning
Caciques, like politicians of their time, are seldom personally corrupt. They typically do not seek personal gain through corruption. Rather, corruption resides in the structures of the system, where the state and its resources serve an oligarchy, of which the cacique is a vital component.

The central role of a cacique, who typically lacks an official position and may not be a powerful figure, is to act as an intermediary between the Administration and their extensive clientele from all social strata. They consistently pursue fulfilling the interests of their clients through illicit measures, as "caciquism feeds on illegality". The caciques serve as intermediaries, serving as the missing links between a deficient state and its constituents who are physically and symbolically distant. Within the individual beneficiaries or recipients of favors, there are those who obtain an exemption from military service and those who receive a lower assessment of taxable wealth. On the other hand, certain benefits are accrued either to the public at large (such as a highway, railroad crossing, or educational institutions) or to the well-being of a specific socio-economic group, with a cacique positioned at its helm to cement their position. To illustrate, Asturias boasted a truly deluxe network of roads during the early 20th century thanks to cacique Alejandro Pidal y Mon and his son Pedro. Similarly, Juan de la Cierva y Peñafiel established the University of Murcia in 1914.

Electoral fraud, such as ballot box stuffing, replacement, and the use of deceased individuals' votes, is typically orchestrated by the cacique (pucherazo).

The cacique's influence, derived from an array of resources including economic, administrative, fiscal, academic, and medical, is the foundation of their client base. The cacique operates through arrangements for those who serve him and coercion, including pressure, threats, and blackmail for others. He can create or eliminate jobs, open or close businesses, manipulate local justice and administration, obtain exemptions from military obligations, misappropriate taxes to benefit local politicians, allow discreet purchases of essential goods without payment of consumos, assist with administrative procedures, facilitate the creation of new infrastructure like roads or schools, and lend his own money. He provides loans without interest, either personally or on behalf of the State. He is not in a rush to be reimbursed as his benevolence gains him the appreciation of the common folk who seek his guidance and, naturally, follow his lead at the polls.

The local political leader, whether aligned with the liberal or conservative party, wields influence over administrative decisions. This influence extends to the use of illegal means to control the administration. The leader's immunity from government intervention is derived from their status as the head of their local political party: "the law is applied for the benefit of the leader's supporters and to the disadvantage of their opponents."

Feliciano Montero characterizes the cacique as the intermediary between the central administration and the citizens, indicating that the entity yields influence beyond the electoral period, despite this being the most scandalous time. Montero posits that the cacique's impact maintains consistency within the political life of the country. Caciquism primarily represents the manifestation and logical expression of a social and political structure that persistently displays in the daily interpersonal interactions through patron-client relationships and political-administrative connections. During the Restoration era, a judge described caciquism as "the personal regime exercised in the villages [pueblos] by twisting or corrupting the proper functions of the State through political influence, in order to subordinate them to the selfish interests of certain individuals or groups." Consequently, the administration controlled the core of the caciquil system. The liberal José Canalejas, in 1910, referred to a powerful cacique in Osuna, stating in a letter to the conservative Antonio Maura that the cacique had nothing aside from influence with various senior officials who disobeyed the government and gossiped abuses of all sorts. In other words, the cacique is the local party leader who manipulates the administrative apparatus for his own benefit and that of his clients. Under the Restoration, political and electoral practices deviated from the legal standards. Reports frequently surfaced regarding the preparation of elections, which included the "encasillado" process. This entailed the Ministry of the Interior filling in constituencies' "boxes" with the names of government-preferred candidates who would receive protection. These candidates could be from either the ruling party, which obtained the decree to dissolve the Cortes and organized the elections to win a majority, or from the opposition. The encasillado was not solely a government directive but rather the outcome of bitter negotiations between multiple political factions. Indeed, within the same political party that controlled the Council of Ministers, various factions routinely coexisted, each represented by leaders of different clienteles who claimed a certain number of parliamentary seats based on their influence. The dissolution of the two dynastic parties under the reign of Alfonso XIII further multiplied the number of power brokers, thereby complicating the practice of "encasillado."

The caciques were part of a large informal hierarchical network. The local cacique answered to the district cacique, who then received instructions from the civil governor of the province.

Following the encasillado event in Madrid, discussions continued on a local level through the designated representative of central power in each province, the civil governor. The governor aimed to reach an understanding with the caciques in their respective zones to enable the adjustment of results based on the ministry's wishes. The powerful local political figures, known as caciques, exerted significant influence over key positions such as town halls and courts. In many cases, they imposed their will on government representatives. Municipal councils and opposition judges frequently resigned in support of ministerial supporters, but those who refused to do so could have their functions suspended by the authorities. As carrying out these falsifications became more challenging, some political bosses went so far as to include deceased individuals from local cemeteries in their electoral rolls.

Occasionally, individuals nominated by established political parties would change parties between consecutive elections. In the late 19th century, the cacique of Motril (Granada) made a statement at the local casino after learning the election results. This anecdote depicts the workings of caciquism and the seizure of power by the two dynastic parties.

The implementation of universal suffrage in 1890 did not democratize the system, instead it significantly increased Caciquist practices.

The dynastic parties perpetuated this institutionalized corruption, refraining from comprehensive reform of the municipal system. Even though they criticized the system, they did not take action to amend it, despite the submission of 20 local government reform proposals between 1882 and 1923. The political groups excluded from the turno had the genuine political intention to stop the abuses of the networks of influence. Nevertheless, while they succeeded in some districts, the effect on a national scale was too marginal. The groups excluded from the turno were first the conservatives, republicans and socialists of Silvela, and then the Regionalist League of Catalonia.

The end of caciquism: the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera and the Second Republic
From the 20th century onward, the system became increasingly fragile and relied exclusively on economically underdeveloped rural regions. In such areas, voter turnout is exceptionally high, implying significant vote manipulation. In contrast, major urban centers usually experienced low turnout and saw a marked decline of dynastic parties. These parties disappeared from the political landscape in Barcelona early in the century and later in Valencia.

At times, there was a possibility that public opinion could shatter the oligarchic political circle, such as the instances when universal male suffrage was implemented in 1890, during the colonial crisis in 1898, or towards the end of the Restoration when the turno parties were disbanding. However, this did not come to fruition. The public's acceptance of Primo de Rivera's coup d'état in 1923 can be partially attributed to the sense of powerlessness felt by those seeking significant political change. The dictatorship's program emphasized the termination of "old politics" and the rejuvenation of the country as top priorities. The replacement of the "tiny politics" of the previous caciquil stage, which served only clientele, with "authentic politics" was among the declared aims of the regime. The dictator's actions were believed to be those of a messiah, expected to magically lift the state out of its lethargy. However, the measures taken against caciquism by the new regime were temporary. Municipal councils and deputations were suspended and given over to military authorities in each province, and later to government delegates appointed specifically for this purpose. In many cases, these delegates ended up replacing the caciques or facing opposition from them, making their regenerative efforts impossible.

The proclamation of the Republic in 1931 resulted in comprehensive participation of political currents previously excluded, including the Republican and Socialist parties. Additionally, fairer and more participatory electoral laws were introduced. In certain regions, the caciquist system faced an irreversible crisis. However, in other regions, this system remained resilient due to the enduring bonds of personal influence that underpinned its domination. Meanwhile, powerful traditional entities in the agrarian sphere started organizing themselves into political parties capable of competing under the new circumstances, in order to defend their interests. The emergence of new conservative political forces, exemplified by the agrarians, was a direct result of these changes. Other groups, such as radicalism, underwent significant processes of moderation. Additionally, the formation of important mass parties, such as the CEDA, marked a pivotal moment in political history.

Interpretations
According to British historian Raymond Carr, caciquism is a result of formally democratic institutions being imposed on an underdeveloped economy, an "anemic society" as described by José Ortega y Gasset. This was enabled by centralization of the Restoration system, where local administrations, municipal and provincial, were fully manipulated by the central power, as well as by politicization of the judiciary. To maintain the functionality of this system, electoral conflicts were typically preceded by significant turnovers in local mayors and judges.

As per the analysis by historian Pamela Radcliff, caciquism emerged as a modern mechanism of the liberal revolution that articulated the new state within the specific local/central dynamics of nineteenth-century Spain. Like pronunciamientos and military intervention, caciquism was another channel through which the liberal state functioned, not the main evidence of its failure.

Related articles

 * Clientelism
 * Turno
 * Paternalism
 * Power (social and political)
 * Symbolic power
 * Opinion leadership
 * Banana republic
 * Social network

title: Caciquism


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Summary
Cover of the 12" vinyl promotional single "The Big Picture" by Y Kant Tori Read

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This article lists anniversary events related to rail transport that occurred on.

title: Template:Day in rail transport


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East African shilling

The East African shilling was the sterling unit of account in British-controlled areas of East Africa from 1921 until 1969. It was issued by the East African Currency Board. It is also the proposed name for a common currency that the East African Community plans to introduce.

The shilling was divided into 100 cents, and twenty shillings were 1 pound.

First East African shilling
Unlike elsewhere in the possessions of the British Empire that used the sterling, in British East Africa the shilling instead of the pound was the primary unit of account, with the pound being a superunit mainly used for recording very large sums of money that would be inconvenient if quoted solely in shillings.

This anomalous state of affairs arose because the first currency used by the British colonial authorities in British East Africa was the rupee, not sterling. The East African shilling was introduced to Kenya, Tanganyika, and Uganda in 1921, replacing the short-lived East African florin at a rate of 2 shillings to 1 florin. The florin had been introduced because of increasing silver prices after World War I. At that time, the Indian rupee was the currency of the British East African states. The rupee, being a silver coin, rose in value against sterling. When it reached the value of two shillings, the authorities decided to replace it with the florin. From the florin thence came the East African shilling. The currency remained pegged to one shilling sterling and was subdivided into 100 cents. In 1936, Zanzibar joined the currency board, and the Zanzibari rupee was replaced at a rate of to 1 Zanzibari rupee. It was replaced by local currencies (Kenyan shilling, Ugandan shilling, and Tanzanian shilling) following the territories' independence.

In 1951, the East African shilling replaced the Indian rupee in the Aden colony and protectorate, which became the South Arabian Federation in 1963. In 1965, the East African Currency Board was breaking up, and the South Arabian dinar replaced the shilling in the South Arabian Federation at a rate of to 1 dinar.

The shilling was also used in parts of what is now Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea when they were under British control. Before 1941, these areas, then known as Italian East Africa, used the Italian East African lira. In 1941, as a result of World War II, Britain regained control and introduced the shilling, at a rate of to 24 Lire. Italian Somaliland was returned to Italy in 1949 as a UN Trusteeship and soon switched to the somalo, which was at par with the shilling. British Somaliland gained independence in 1960, and joined what had been Italian Somaliland to create Somalia. In that year, Somalia began using the Somali shilling (replacing the Somali somalo) at par with the East African shilling.

Ethiopia regained independence in 1941, with British support, and began using the East African shilling. Maria Theresa thalers, Indian rupees, and Egyptian pounds were also legal tender at the beginning of this time, and it is unclear exactly when this status ended. Full sovereignty was restored in late 1944, and the Ethiopian dollar was reintroduced in 1945 at a rate of $1 =. Eritrea was captured from the Italians in 1941, and began using the East African shilling, as well as the Egyptian pound. The lira was demonetised in 1942. When Eritrea formed a federation with Ethiopia in 1952, the dollar, which was already in use in Ethiopia, was also adopted in Eritrea.

Second East African shilling
It has been rumored that the East African Shilling will be revived by the East African Community, which consists of Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Somalia, as part of the community's monetary union. The monetary union's target date has been set to 2031 following delays caused in part due to the Covid-19 Pandemic and the admission of new member states, including the DRC and Somalia.

Banknotes
In 1921, notes were issued by the East African Currency Board in denominations of, , , , , and , with the notes of 20 shillings and above also having the denominations expressed in pounds (£1, £5, £10, £50 and £500). In 1943, notes were issued, the only occasion that such notes were produced. notes were only issued until 1933, with notes last issued in 1947. The remaining denominations were issued until 1964.

Shilling denominations were written on banknotes in English, Arabic, and Gujarati, while values in pounds were written in English only.

title: East African shilling


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Death of a Red Heroine

Death of a Red Heroine is a mystery novel written by Qiu Xiaolong and was published in English in 2000. It won the 2001 Anthony Award for best first novel. It is the first instalment in Xiaolong's Inspector Chen Cao series.

Plot Summary
This story is set in Shanghai in the early 1990s. One day, Guan Hongying is found dead. Chief inspector Chen Cao, along with his subordinate, Yu, start to investigate this murder case and find that this young woman lived a double life. On one side, Guan Hongying was a member of Communist Party and a popular public figure. On the other, she lived a “degenerate” lifestyle, away from the eyes of the public. This secret lifestyle brings the case into the public's attention, once this young woman dies. During the investigation, Chen and Yu discover that the number one suspect, Wu Xiaoming, is the son of Wu Bing, a high-ranking Party cadre. Wu and his father put the detectives under a huge pressure to avoid investigating, but with the help of Ling's father, Chen succeeds to save himself from the pressure and sends Wu to the court. Chen and Yu struggle to discover his motive to kill Guan. Eventually, Chen discovers his motive: Guan had been blackmailing Wu to make him leave his wife. Wu did not want Guan to jeopardize his political career. As a result, he murdered her. Chen brings these facts to the attention of his superiors.

Characters

 * Chief Inspector Chen Cao
 * The lead investigator of the murder case. Although Chen was originally on a career track to be a diplomat, his uncle is discovered to be a counter-revolutionary, which leads to him being assigned to the Shanghai Police Bureau.
 * Guan Hongying
 * The victim of the homicide. Hongying, literally meaning red heroine, is the inspiration for the book's title. Since her death is introduced in the beginning of the story, Guan can only be observed through the accounts of others.
 * Wu Xiaoming
 * Wu Xiaoming is the murderer of Guan Hongying. He seduces women and takes obscene photos to be used as blackmail. A son of a powerful Communist Party official, Wu consistently attempts to derail the investigation with his influence.
 * Detective Yu Guangming
 * A career police officer who partners with Chen in the investigation. Yu initially believes that Chief Inspector Chen Cao is unworthy of his high position. Despite this view, his relationship with Chen strengthens as the case progresses.
 * Ling
 * Chen's former girlfriend in university. A daughter of an even higher Communist Party official. Her influences save Chen and send Wu to trial.

Politics
In the novel, Qiu portrays the complex politics and economy of the People's Republic of China. The political tension during the early 1990s is represented through the novel's principle characters. Chen, a rising young cadre, symbolizes the new-capitalist force of Deng Xiaoping. Guan Hongying represents the old-socialist force. Wu Xiaoming, the murderer and son of a high cadre, represents the powerful old-guard cadres. Detective Yu, Chen's assistant, represents the ordinary citizens who welcome reform, yet have doubts.

Style
Qiu adapts the Classical Chinese storytelling style. In Classical Chinese novels, the insertion of poetry serves as a brief introduction and conclusion to a chapter. In addition to poetry, Qiu inserts popular Chinese idioms, historical allusions, philosophical aphorism and Maoist speeches. It has been criticized that these inclusions slow down the pace and intrude the suspense that is crucial for a detective story.

Background
In an interview, Qiu explains that he had not intended to write Death of a Red Heroine as a “detective story”. However, the genre provides him with a structure that meets his intention. His intention is to examine the old-socialist and new-capitalist tensions that occur during the early 1990s.

Reception
In 2001, Death of a Red Heroine received the Anthony Award for "Best First Novel" and has been nominated for the Edgar Awards for "Best First Novel."

The differences of Qiu's style from traditional Western detective story have won him acclaim for “[a]n impressive and welcome respite from the typical crime novel.”

Reviews
Scholar Liu Bai reviews the book from the perspective of trauma theory, which puts individuals' trauma on a social level to reveal the structure of power in society. In his opinion, there is a close relationship between the psychological trauma of main characters and their social power. This also reflects Qiu Xiaolong's expectation towards the society he lives in.

For example, Chen Cao is suffering from his breakup with Ling due to their differing social status. Guan Hongying's death, a form of physical trauma, is a representation of her political failure. This is an example of the many implicit power relationships found in this book.

Liu also found that the book reveals Qiu Xiaolong's awareness of fighting for his own freedom of speech. In the book, Liu found the characters face a lot of anxiety in regards to their self-identification. He argues that those anxieties reflect Qiu Xiaolong's expectation to obtain acknowledgment of his own social identity as a member of ethnic minority in America.

Chinese translation
The book was translated into Chinese by Yu Lei under the title Hóng yīng zhī sǐ. While sections of the text critical of the Cultural Revolution, the high cadre's children, and the Party were faithfully translated, some sexual scenes and descriptions were removed.

title: Death of a Red Heroine


text:
Portal:Association football/News

Sports current events | Wikinews Football

For previous archives of this page see the News archive.

authors: ಮಲ್ನಾಡಾಚ್ ಕೊಂಕ್ಣೊ

title: Portal:Association football/News


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Dan Bain

Donald Henderson Bain (February 14, 1874 – August 15, 1962) was a Canadian amateur athlete and merchant. Though he competed and excelled in numerous sports, Bain is most notable for his ice hockey career. While a member of the Winnipeg Victorias hockey team from 1894 until 1902, Bain helped the team win the Stanley Cup as champions of Canada three times. A skilled athlete, he won championships and medals in several other sports and was the Canadian trapshooting champion in 1903. In recognition of his play, Bain was inducted into a number of halls of fame, including the Hockey Hall of Fame in 1949. He was also voted Canada's top athlete of the last half of the 19th century.

In his professional life Bain was a prominent Winnipeg businessman and community leader. He became wealthy as a result of operating Donald H. Bain Limited, a grocery brokerage firm. Bain was an active member of numerous community associations, the president of the Winnipeg Winter Club and an avid outdoorsman. The Mallard Lodge, a building on the shores of Lake Manitoba built by Bain as a personal retreat, today serves as a research facility for the University of Manitoba.

Early life
The son of Scottish immigrants, Bain was born in Belleville, Ontario, and as a young child moved with his family to Winnipeg, Manitoba. His father, James Henderson Bain, was a horse buyer for the British government and upon his arrival in Canada lived in Montreal before moving west. His mother, Helen Miller, was a seamstress. Bain was the sixth of seven children, having four sisters and two brothers. Bain attended school in Winnipeg and earned a bachelor's degree from Manitoba College. He began working in 1888, aged 14, serving as a bookkeeper's apprentice for a grocery broker.

Sporting career
Bain's first championship came in 1887 when he captured the Manitoba roller skating title at the age of 13 by winning a three-mile race. At the age of 17, he won the Manitoba provincial gymnastics competition, and at 20 won the first of three consecutive Manitoba cycling championships. Bain was also a top lacrosse player in his home province.

In 1895 Bain first played competitive ice hockey when he answered a classified ad placed in a newspaper by the Winnipeg Victorias, who were looking for new players. Though he played with a broken stick held together by wire, Bain made the team only five minutes into the tryout. He quickly became a star centre and leader of the Victorias. This was proven during a February 14, 1896, game against the Montreal Victorias for the Stanley Cup, the trophy for the national hockey championship in Canada. Bain scored a goal in a 2–0 win for Winnipeg that gave them the Cup. This victory marked the first time a team outside of Quebec had won the Stanley Cup. A huge crowd greeted the team at the Canadian Pacific Railway station when their train, decorated with hockey sticks and the Union Jack, returned to Winnipeg. They were led in a parade of open sleighs to a feast in their honour, where fans gathered to celebrate the championship.

The Montreal Victorias played Winnipeg in a challenge to reclaim the Cup in December 1896, a game described by the local press as "the greatest sporting event in the history of Winnipeg". Though Bain scored two goals in the game, Montreal recaptured the Cup with a 6–5 victory. Winnipeg was involved in many other Stanley Cup challenges with Bain serving as the team's captain and manager. They lost again to their Montreal counterparts in 1898 before a record crowd of over 7,000 fans.

During a 1900 challenge series against the Montreal Shamrocks, Bain scored four goals in three games, but Winnipeg again lost the title. The Victorias next challenged the Shamrocks in 1901 in a best-of-three series. Winnipeg won the series in two games after Bain scored the clinching goal in overtime. It was the first time in Stanley Cup history that the winning goal was scored in extra time. Bain did so while playing with a broken nose that required him to wear a wooden face mask, earning him the nickname "the masked man" as a result. When the Victorias defended their title in a series against the Toronto Wellingtons in January 1902, Bain did not play in the series. The team lost their next challenge against the Montreal Hockey Club, in March of that year, which marked the end of Bain's hockey playing career. In 1911 and 1912 the Victorias, with Bain as honorary president, won the Allan Cup, which replaced the Stanley Cup as the top amateur hockey trophy in Canada in 1909. They were the first team from Western Canada to win the trophy.

Throughout his sporting career, Bain also earned medals in lacrosse and snowshoeing. He was the Canadian trapshooting champion in 1903. An avid figure skater throughout much of his life, Bain won over a dozen titles, the last of which came at the age of 56. He continued to skate until the age of 70, and he remained a competitive athlete until 1930. On his skill in a variety of sports, Bain once said, "I couldn't see any sense in participating in a game unless I was good. I kept at a sport just long enough to nab a championship, then I'd try something else."

In recognition of his sporting skill, Bain was inducted into several halls of fame. In 1945 when the Hockey Hall of Fame was founded, he was one of the initial 12 players selected. In 1949 he was elected a member of the International Hockey Hall of Fame. This was followed in 1971 by his induction into Canada's Sports Hall of Fame, the Manitoba Sports Hall of Fame and Museum in 1981 (as an individual; he would be inducted again in 2004 along with the 1911 and 1912 Winnipeg Victorias teams), and the Manitoba Hockey Hall of Fame. Bain was also voted Canada's top sportsman of the last half of the 19th century.

Personal life
Apart from sports, Bain was a well-known Winnipeg businessman. From his first job as a bookkeeper's apprentice at a grocery broker, he moved up to junior partner when the business was sold to one of his neighbours. By 1905 his name was added to the company's, creating Nicholson and Bain; the firm prospered, with offices across Western Canada. This partnership ended in 1917 due to differences in lifestyle between the two men. Bain renamed the firm after himself, Donald H. Bain Limited, and served as president. It was through his firm that he amassed a large fortune, and purchased several properties in and around Winnipeg. Though reserved in his personal life, Bain was known as a community leader. He helped found the Winnipeg Winter Club on land that is now the home of the HMCS Chippawa naval reserve division. After the Second World War, he organized the current Winter Club. Bain also belonged to many community groups, including the Freemasons, and was the life governor of the Winnipeg General Hospital. He was also one of Western Canada's first automobile enthusiasts and owned many British vehicles. He served for a time as president of the Winnipeg Automobile Club.

As a trap-shooter, Bain developed an appreciation for nature. He bought an ownership share in the Portage Country Club, on the Delta Marsh near the south shore of Lake Manitoba, and later donated the land to Ducks Unlimited. Bain built the Mallard Lodge as a personal retreat on land adjacent to the club. He strictly enforced his privacy, even building a road to his lodge that he allowed no one else to use; members of the Portage Country Club were required to take a different route. Bain intended to donate his lodge to the government of Manitoba for preservation, though he died before he could do so. The lodge passed into the control of the government regardless, and in 1966 was donated to the University of Manitoba as a research facility that remains active today. Bain was also a member of the Manitoba Game and Fish Association and the Winnipeg Humane Society.

Bain never married and had no children. A quiet and reserved individual after his playing career, Bain earned a reputation as a workaholic, and was described by a friend as "salty in speech and strongly opinionated." Bain upheld a strong moral code, including abstaining from alcohol, and led a frugal lifestyle. He was fond of his pets, in particular his Curly Coated Retriever dogs that he was said to value above human company. On August 15, 1962, Bain died in Winnipeg, aged 88. He left an estate in excess of C$1 million, ($ in dollars), the majority of which he donated to charity and former employees. He was buried in the cemetery of St. John's Cathedral in Winnipeg.

title: Dan Bain